During recent decades China has been visited by various "heats": the "Culture Heat" in the mid-1980s, the "Cultural Criticism Heat" in the late 1980s, the "Mao Zedong Heat" in the early 1990s, the "Chinese Traditional Studies Heat" in the late 1990s, and the "Old Three Classes Culture Heat" also in this decade, to name only the most prevalent. It is not always clear when and how a hot topic turns into a "heat," precisely what is burning, and how to handle (...) it. "Heats" are cultural movements, difficult to grasp and controversial among intellectuals: To some they are a hearth to turn to, to others a disaster to flee. (shrink)

Critical reflections on the work of Angus Charles Graham, renowned Western scholar of Chinese philosophy and sinology.

The question of whether or not there is such a thing as "Chinese philosophy" is seldom explicitly raised, but the implicit answers to this question--although different in China and the West--dominate institutional and academic decisions. This article not only constructs a typology to recognize, differentiate, and evaluate various answers to this question, but it also takes the sensitivity of this matter seriously by comparing it with one's attachment to something as sensitive, arbitrary, and meaningless as a family name.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Is "Chinese Philosophy" a Proper Name?A Response to Rein RaudCarine DefoortIn the preface to his Outline of the History of Chinese Philosophy, Hu Shi wrote: "Today, the two main branches of philosophy meet and influence each other. Whether or not in fifty years or one hundred a sort of world philosophy will finally arise cannot yet be ascertained."1 Although uncertain, Hu was still hopeful, since he believed that the (...) two major traditions of modern world philosophy, founded in Europe and China, had finally met. That was in 1919. Now, almost a century later, we can respond to Hu's speculation with relative certainty: a world philosophy has not arisen and is not on the rise. In fact, the situation is much worse: Chinese ancient thought is not even considered "philosophy" by most Western specialists in the field.For Feng Youlan, Hu's contemporary, this lack of recognition had become a major frustration by the end of his life. Feng earnestly felt that "parts of classical Chinese philosophy have a contribution to make to the elevating of man's spiritual sphere and in solving universal problems in human life."2 But on the last page of the last volume of his New Edition of the History of Chinese Philosophy, completed a few weeks before his death in November 1990, Feng concluded that Western philosophers had not even begun to consider ancient Chinese thought to be worthy of their attention: "Chinese traditional philosophy has always been regarded as a part of sinological studies and is considered as having no relation to philosophy."3 Feng's sentiment is still widely shared today; for instance, in the Yearbook of Chinese Philosophy for 2001, Zheng Jiadong remarks that "in the West, especially in Europe, the legitimacy of 'Chinese philosophy' has always been questioned; 'Chinese philosophy' [End Page 625] has to a large extent been considered a strange thing of questionable antecedents."4 Others confirm that "Chinese thinking has been all but excluded from the discipline of philosophy in Western seats of learning."5Indeed, various eminent European philosophers, such as Kant, Hegel, Husserl, Heidegger, and, more recently, Jacques Derrida on his visit to Shanghai in 2001,6 have proclaimed that ancient Chinese thought is not really philosophy. Kant, for example, stated that "Philosophy is not to be found in the whole Orient.... Their teacher Confucius teaches in his writings nothing outside a moral doctrine designed for the princes."7 Even sinology scholars sometimes wonder whether ancient Chinese thought ought to be labeled "philosophy."8 But more powerful than such explicit rejections of the legitimacy of "Chinese philosophy," which are nowadays relatively rare, is the dominant and implicit Western (especially European) view, embedded in the organization of academic conferences, journals, university curricula (as Feng Youlan remarked), and bookstores, that ancient China did not have philosophy. The average European bookstore, for instance, does not display the Laozi or Yijing on the "philosophy" shelf, but rather among various types of wisdom or practical knowledge, between Celtic myths, herbal medicine, and the art of astrology. However unobtrusive, this organizational given reveals more clearly and influentially than any contemporary scholar explicitly states, that the name "Chinese philosophy" for the Chinese masters and some Classics is not proper—or, to put it in ancient Chinese terms: this ming 名 is not zheng 正.9The twenty-first century, however, has seen strong indications of change, not in the sense that "Chinese philosophy" is now being generally accepted as one of the two main branches of world philosophy, as Hu Shi had hoped, but in the sense that the debate has been reopened, both in China and in the West. In China, the appropriateness of the label "Chinese philosophy" for ancient Chinese thought was questioned by some leading scholars in the first part of the twentieth century. But in the last decade the matter has been experienced as a crisis and challenge, and has been discussed much more broadly and vividly by Chinese academia: conferences are being dedicated to the question of the "legitimacy of 'Chinese philosophy"' (Zhongguo zhexue hefaxing 中国哲学的合法性), newspapers report on it, and some journals devote whole forums to it.10 About one hundred articles or chapters related... (shrink)

This issue features translations of the preface, introduction, and six selected chapters from Li Ling's The Real Confucius Is Only Revealed by Stripping Away His Sagehood: Cross-Reading the Analects, a follow-up to his controversial 2007 book A Homeless Dog: My Reading of the Analects.

Patricia De Martelaere was a Belgian author, philosopher, and practitioner of shadowboxing. She wrote an inspiring little book on Taoism that stresses the physical, energetic, and martial aspects of its practice. This paper elaborates upon three central ideas from her work, turns them into a direction that she did not envision, and applies them to a critical-historical interpretation of the Taoist texts that she elaborates upon: an active way of non-knowing, the awareness of a shared ground, and the intellectual fertility (...) resulting from this approach. By occasionally putting aside certain assumptions from contemporary research on early Chinese Taoist philosophers - with respect to books, authors, philosophical consistency, schools, etc. - we can offer alternative accounts to the now dominant forms of interpretation. This approach does not take a position in favor of or against the existence or importance of such entities as “books‘, “philosophers‘, or “schools‘ in pre-imperial China. Nor does it promote an alternative for the dominant narratives. It simply allows for a degree of openness with respect to these narratives, thereby allowing for greater nuance that is at risk of being suffocated in the current context of academic philosophy. (shrink)

The problem of whether "Chinese philosophy" exists and deserves a place in Philosophy departments has not only remained unsolved but has even hardly led to any meaningful debate. The fact that repeated appeals to universality and fairness have largely remained unanswered indicates the limits of rationality in this matter. I have argued in the past that the futility of rational arguments is related to our emotional attachment to entities that fall beyond our control, such as the institutions where we are (...) trained, and that, like a family, shape our views on a subconscious level.1 This essay is not yet another argument in favor of Chinese philosophy, but turns to the institutional level, more specifically the European... (shrink)

There is a tendency in academia to read early Chinese masters as consistent philosophers. This is to some extent caused by the specific form in which these masters have been studied and taught for more than a century. Convinced of the influence that the form of transmission has on the content, this article studies the more fragmented parts of the book Zhuangzi—instruction scenes or dialogues—and more specifically their formal traits rather than the philosophical content conveyed in them. The focus is (...) on one fragment in Chapter 7 which portrays Liezi, a shaman and Master Calabash. The persons and stages of the instructions scenes in the Zhuangzi seem to promote a non-teaching, in which the learner learns while the teacher does not teach. The non-availability of the teacher and his unwillingness to teach are, paradoxically, at the core of the teaching, although not presented as a valuable alternative. (shrink)

The legitimacy of Chinese philosophy is a thorny topic that has returned in waves during the last decades. The high tides were 2003 and 2016.1 While the topic can and has been discussed from a wide variety of points of view, most debates focus on the Chinese side: either on the nature and quality of early Chinese master texts or on current research at Chinese philosophy departments. Such reflections are important and deserve to be continued. However, one side of the (...) issue usually remains out of view: the Western philosophers themselves, who lay the burden of proof... (shrink)

The book Mozi , named after master Mo, was compiled in the course of the fifth-third centuries BCE. The seven studies included in the The Mozi as an Evolving Text analyse the Core Chapters, Dialogues, and Opening Chapters of the Mozi as an evolving text.

The common approach to discussing Confucius’ advocacy of “correction of names” is to join the current academic debate about its meaning, usually in philosophical terms. Rather than joining in, however, this article describes the debate itself as a historically situated discourse largely dating from the early Republican era. I argue that Hu Shi 胡適 played a crucial but largely forgotten role in the creation of this discourse. While the core of the current discourse on zhengming consists of views that can (...) be traced to him, this discourse is nowadays often regarded as fact rather than a specific interpretation. By forgetting the historicity of this interpretation, academic reflection risks ossification and the loss of its critical spirit. The mere repetition of Hu Shi’s discourse is also contrary to his own spirit, which sought to call into question established views. (shrink)

Today is probably the first time that so many people with such a wide variety of backgrounds are together at the Higher Institute of Philosphy of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven to hear Chinese scholars talk about their own intellectual tradition. And for the Chinese scholars from Beijing University, it is probably the first time that they speak before such a large audience of non-Chinese people and even non-China scholars. This is a challenge for both sides, but we do not come (...) unprepared. (shrink)

The traditional reading of ancient Chinese texts focuses on their content rather than their modes of expression: truth is considered a given, of which language is merely the expression. This approach misses out on a predominant way of arguing in Chinese texts, namely to evaluate the situation by (re) naming it. A discussion of four textual fragments (up to the 2nd century BC) concerning the topic of regicide illustrates different degrees of this type of argumentation. Among philosophers discussion occurs in (...) a subtle play of specifying terms such as 'regicide' or 'reign', rather than in an explicit defence of regicide by appeal to higher principles. (shrink)

A cause has traditionally been thought of as that which produces an effect, and in terms of which this effect can be explained or accounted for. However spontaneously we turn to the idea of a cause in daily life, and however inevitable in jurisprudence, in modern science it is generally considered a relic of the past, and in philosophy it remains a topic of inexhaustible controversy. For almost twenty‐five centuries philosophers have been debating the nature of a cause, claiming that (...) it is an object producing an effect by virtue of its power, or arguing that it is an explanation accounting for some effect. Which of all the conditions contributing to an event is to be selected as its cause? Do causes exist in reality or are they read into our experience with the force of our expectations, or produced by the a priori categories of our minds as they structure reality in causal relations? To widen the horizon of this discussion and trace the concept of causation in non‐Western philosophical traditions – such as the ancient Chinese – might enrich this ongoing controversy and allow unfamiliar authors to contribute their views. (shrink)

Imagine: the Western world falls apart under political, financial, and social pressure. One result is that all funding for philosophy is suspended and diverted to STEM courses. Politicians in the U.S. and Europe, along with their voters, declare the whole tradition of philosophy a total fiasco for its inability to prevent the crisis or to show a way out. Because of this lack of funding and respect, philosophy no longer exists as an academic discipline in the mid-twenty-first century, but only (...) as a private hobby of maladjusted, wealthy eccentrics.At the same time, China has become so confident and rich that ample funding for research on the "masters" is provided. A... (shrink)

In the last century, Western jargon and methodologies have overwhelmed the study of early Chinese texts. In an attempt to somewhat redress the balance, this paper retrieves a core notion from the Zhuangzi, “disputation” (bian 辯) or “distinctions” (bian 辨), to reflect upon a contemporary Western debate, namely about the exclusion of non-Western sources at philosophy departments. The detailed analysis of one anecdote about two states fighting each other on the horns of a snail leads to a view on disputation (...) and its limits. By applying these insights to the “legitimacy of Chinese philosophy” debate, the Zhuangzi can inspire insights and attitudes that tend to be overlooked. (shrink)

Confucian Concord: Reform, Utopia and Global Teleology in Kang Youwei's Datong Shu analyses the thought of the late Qing reformer Kang Youwei 康有為. His well-known Datongshu 大同書, conceived in 1884 and finally published in 1935, functions as a prism. The research interest of Federico Brusadelli, Lecturer in Chinese History at the University of Naples L'Orientale, reaches beyond Kang’s thought to the production of histories and their political relevance in the two last centuries. The author presents the Great Concord as an (...) early “global history” in which Kang developed his vision of the whole world’s past, present and future. That future would ultimately lead to the Age of Great Concord... (shrink)

Standard narratives on the relation between Mozi and Mencius portray them as early Chinese masters with consistent philosophies in opposition to each other. However valuable, these narratives tend to rely on the same interpretative choices that have become solidified into hardly questioned facts. Inspired by a “hermeneutic of informed ignorance,” this paper tries to unravel a number of alternative interpretations from the same texts. The focus is a limited set of passages: the four Mencius statements explicitly mentioning Mozi and the (...) Mozi sections that may have inspired them. The resulting picture on for instance the presumed tension between Mo and Ru or on their presumed core values is more varied, tentative, and nuanced than in the standard narratives, even though it does not necessarily invalidate them. (shrink)

This issue presents the research on early Chinese texts by Cao Feng, a philosophy professor at Tsinghua University. He is an expert in early Chinese political philosophy and philosophy of language found in transmitted and excavated texts. His extensive education in Japan has left him well versed in Japanese sinology. Although a critical researcher in the field of early Chinese thought and a very prolific writer in both Chinese and Japanese, Cao Feng is little known in the West. This issue (...) introduces three papers selected in consultation with the author: a reflection on the study of excavated texts, the "Huang" component of so-called Huang-Lao thought, and views on language in the Laozi. (shrink)

This issue presents the research on early Chinese texts by Cao Feng, a philosophy professor at Tsinghua University. He is an expert in early Chinese political philosophy and philosophy of language found in transmitted and excavated texts. His extensive education in Japan has left him well versed in Japanese sinology. Although a critical researcher in the field of early Chinese thought and a very prolific writer in both Chinese and Japanese, Cao Feng is little known in the West. This issue (...) introduces three papers selected in consultation with the author: a reflection on the study of excavated texts, the "Huang" component of so-called Huang-Lao thought, and views on language in the Laozi. (shrink)

In October of last year, the Sinology Department of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven organized a one-week seminar on the topic "Contemporary Chinese Scholars on Chinese Philosophy" , together with the philosophy departments of Beijing University and the K.U. Leuven. Each of the five morning sessions consisted of a lecture by a Beijing University scholar, followed by the response of a K.U. Leuven scholar and discussion with the audience. The lectures covered the fields of Song-Ming thought , pre-Qin daoism , comparative (...) philosophy , early twentieth-century thought and post-1949 thought . This issue contains the five lectures as well as the brief responses, preceded by an introduction that sets out the major topics and central questions of the conference. (shrink)

Allow me first to congratulate the speaker for his most interesting talk. His strategy is well taken and convincing: Look at a Zhuangzi chapter that has been largely neglected by philosophers, identify its concerns, and read other Zhuangzi chapters through these concerns, rather than as mere variants of Western "philosophy." The concerns of the chapter "The Human World" lie, first of all, with staying alive when giving political advice or being sent on a diplomatic mission. The art of staying alive (...) in such circumstances is identified as shu "techniques," and confirms the political framework in which the writings of Masters originated. But the speaker avoids reducing the Chinese Masters to mere politics—a branch that did not exist separately in China—by stressing the importance of a more fundamental value, namely dao: a "way of life" that can be trained as a firm background for the "art of survival." That way of life entails a calmness, alertness, broad vision, and an open mind. The expression "daoshu," which combines this fundamental attitude with concrete strategies, might be a good candidate to replace the expression "Chinese philosophy." Most of my reflections concern this suggestion in light of the central topic of the whole conference: What is "Chinese philosophy?" I conclude with a question on the chapter "The Human World.". (shrink)

This issue presents the research on early Chinese texts by Cao Feng, a philosophy professor at Tsinghua University. He is an expert in early Chinese political philosophy and philosophy of language found in transmitted and excavated texts. His extensive education in Japan has left him well versed in Japanese sinology. Although a critical researcher in the field of early Chinese thought and a very prolific writer in both Chinese and Japanese, Cao Feng is little known in the West. This issue (...) introduces three papers selected in consultation with the author: a reflection on the study of excavated texts, the "Huang" component of so-called Huang-Lao thought, and views on language in the Laozi. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThe Book of Lord Shang attributed to Shang Yang is one of the most controversial products of ideological debates in pre-imperial China. Forty years ago, Li Yu-ning summarized previous rounds of debates that peaked with the Shang Yang fervor of the early 1970s. The present article takes over where she ended, further exploring trends in studies of the Book of Lord Shang since the Open-up-and-Reform Era. The paper shows that despite a clear tendency of depoliticization of these studies, scholars are (...) still deeply influenced by the tradition of using the figure of Shang Yang as a foil in contemporary political debates. In their evaluation of Shang Yang’s legacy, many contemporary Chinese scholars continue to use traditional views, but also modern ideas such as the “rule of law,” “progress,” “evolution,” “dialectic,” or the Marxist theory of distinct social stages. They all contribute to the ongoing relevance of Lord Shang to current China. (shrink)

The last winter issue of Contemporary Chinese Thought about Li Ling's controversial understanding of Confucius as a "homeless dog" ended with a remark that he himself is in many ways homeless in the academic world. Not only does his own love for Chinese culture clash with the pious proponents of the traditional cultural heritage, but in many other ways, he also lingers in the unhomely gray zones of academia. Simultaneously very much at home—but always on the frontier—in a variety of (...) different disciplines such as archeology, paleography, history of thought, philology, philosophy, religion, medicine, and anthropology, he also moves between various niches of learning such as sinology, China studies, and national studies. The articles translated in this double issue highlight Li Ling's view of how the realities of China fit into these academic niches. (shrink)

This first book-length study in English explores the long neglected ancient Chinese treatise: the Pheasant Cap Master or He guan zi (3rd century B.C.).