W listopadzie 1922 roku w odrodzonej Rzeczpospolitej odbyły się wybory do Sejmu i Senatu I kadencji. Główną prawicową opcją polityczną, która podjęła walkę o głosy wyborców, była Narodowa Demokracja. Do wyborów przystąpiła w szerszej koalicji, pod nazwą Chrześcijańskiego Związku Jedności Narodowej. Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą opisu i analizy udziału tej siły politycznej na terenie jednego z okręgów wyborczych w województwie kieleckim, który obejmował trzy powiaty: kielecki, jędrzejowski i włoszczowski. Opierając się na źródłach archiwalnych oraz publikacjach prasowych, przyjrzałem się (...) bliżej dwóm podstawowym formom prowadzenia przez endecję kampanii wyborczej. Pierwszą z nich było organizowanie otwartych spotkań z wyborcami, a drugą – oddziaływanie poprzez słowo drukowane. Na omawianym terenie silnymi wpływami cieszyła się lewicowa partia PSL „Wyzwolenie”, która odwoływała się do najliczniejszego elektoratu, jakim byli chłopi. Narodowa Demokracja w celu uzyskania satysfakcjonującego wyniku wyborczego musiała zatem podjąć walkę przede wszystkim o głosy tej warstwy społecznej. (shrink)

[Anna Krzynówek, Rozum a porządek polityczny. Wokół sporu o demokrację deliberatywną].

Stanisław Głąbiński (1862-1941), professor of Lviv University and the author of the two-volume ‘National Economics (‘Ekonomika narodowa’), was one of the main representatives of the historical-national approach in Polish economics. The study of national economics which he created was divided into general economics, i.e. economic theory, and practical economics, referred to as economic and social policies. Głąbiński emphasizes that there is a close relationship between the latter and ethics. Before the development of economic theory, economic thought was normative, because (...) of its close relationship to ethics. However, it was not the history of economic theory, but the history of the notion of economic politics and of its practical application. Due to the social nature of ethics, there are also specific relations between it and theoretical economics. In modern countries finding a solution to the so-called social question has become a common task of economics and ethics. Ethical topics are also contained in the content of the category ‘social resources’, in which the social determinants of human economic activity find their fullest reflection. This applies in particular to the category of moral resources, which illustrates the functioning of state bodies and public institutions, the state of education, the prevailing habits and the customs and the character of the nation. (shrink)

When young, Claude Lefort, was a committed Trotskyist. However, in the mid 50’s he lost his faith in the communist and truly proletarian revolution, which was presumed to lead to a truly socialist society. By claiming Marxism was not a political philosophy, he proposed a new view on politics. The foundation of this new philosophy was the opposition of totalitarianism and democracy. What kind of society it is, totalitarian or democratic, is decided by looking at the authority. In totalitarianism the (...) place of the authority is occupied by one particular person, or a particular group. In democracy, that place is empty. Nobody, or no group may take this place permanently. However, at the same time everyone has the right to it. So democracy as such has no solid foundations; its foundations are undefined and unstable. For Lefort, it is democracy that constitutes revolution, which makes members of the society constantly involved in politics, so as not to allow one person to take that empty place. A question then arises, does permanent revolution really determine a democratic society and protects against totalitarianism? (shrink)

Автор обсуждает и анализирует основные парадоксы политической доктрины ж. Ш. Руссо, свидетельствующие о том, что его мысли наследуют проблематику старой эпохи и одновременно предсказывают новую историческую эпоху. Пессимистический взгляд на проблемы общественной жизни, а в оссобенности убеждение, что политическим учреждениям угрожает, растущий в ходе истории, эгоизм, способствует тому, что Руссо задумывается чад средствами противодействующими распаду общественного тела. Видя в народе суверена, который только может антом своей воли сформировать легальное политическбе сообщество, Руссо одновременно полон неверия в возможность политических действий народа. И, (...) поэтому, по существу, ограничивает политическую роль народа не только в сфере исполнительного органа — постулируя власть избираемой аристократии - но и в сфере законодательства, доверяя функцию создания законов на народу, а учреждению "мудреца". Желая упрочить политические учреждения, которые сохранили бы постоянность, вопреки проявляющейся в игтории тенденции их распада, Руссо допжен выйти за сферы истории и политики, обратиться к заключённой а человеке вечной натуре, а также счастливому случаю, каким является появление среди народа, создающего государство, мудреца, подобного богам. Республика Руссо не могла бы быть народной республикой или же республииой демократической, утверждает в заключении автор. (shrink)

In this article, I try to consider whether national treason can be morally permissible. If there are values higher than the nation and homeland and there is - in some case - conflict between them, to stand on the side of these higher values seems to be ethically and logically justified. I am considering various cases, taking into account the values from the highest Hegelian triad: art, religions, philosophy. I stress the questions, I do not give definitive answers, because I (...) touch the real "moral dilemmas" connected with fidelity to the homeland and the national community. In the case of real moral dilemmas, there are no simple answers. (shrink)

The article has two purposes: the argumentative one, which is to present the problem of the authority of judges in democracy, and the argumentative and historical one, which is to outline Bogusław Wolniewicz’s philosophy of politics. The theoretical approach to the title issue has become a necessity after the Polish constitutional crisis, which questioned the so-called myth of the non-political character of judicature in 2015. In the on-going discussion, opposite positions have been formulated. They can be referred to as relativism (...) and objectivism. Advocating the legal relativism, I aim to bring out the roots of objectivism that lead us to the Roussonian democratism. (shrink)

In the following paper the author presents and analyses J. Maritain’s social theory. The French Thomist attempted to associate the principle of common good (that plays the main role in the Christian social thought) with democracy. Maritain claims that only democracy can be regarded as an acceptable form of government, i.e. the one that satisfies rational and moral requirements (which, according to the Thomists, are the same). Such a statement put forward by the Thomist philosopher emphasises the necessity of asking (...) a number of questions of the human nature, human dignity and human autonomy; it also demonstrate how to introduce the ethical values into the realm of democratic politics, which in its turn is described as axiologically neutral by contemporary political theories. J. Maritain’s views on those issues were taken into consideration by Catholic intellectuals and were announced before the Second Vatican Council. Regarding the time they were widely opened to the contemporary ideas. Consequently, they contributed to the significant development of the current attitude of the Catholic Church to the present political and social problems. (shrink)