The article addresses the ‘messianic turn’ in contemporary continental philosophy, focusing on the concept of the katechon as the restraining force that delays the advent of the Antichrist in the Second Letter to the Thessalonians. While Carl Schmitt held the passage on the katechon to ground the Christian doctrine of state power, Giorgio Agamben’s reading of Pauline messianism rather posits the ‘removal’ of the katechon as the pathway for messianic redemption. In our argument, the significance of this (...) text goes beyond the persistence of a vestige of the theological in modern politics. On the contrary, the logic of the katechon only comes into its own under modern nihilism as the resolution of the problem of social order in the absence of the eschatological dimension. The article focuses on the lethal paradox of the logic of the katechon, whereby the function of protection and restraint is converted into violence and anomie, and global political order becomes indistinguishable from global civil war. We conclude by outlining the conditions for suspending the katechonic function in a critical engagement with Agamben’s messianic politics. (shrink)

El presente trabajo articula, desde el libro Avicena y la izquierda aristotélica de Ernst Bloch, una crítica a la estructura espacio-temporal de la teología política schmittiana. En lugar de pensar el espacio-tiempo sustentado en la figura del katéchon, donde adquieren sentido conceptos como el de estado de excepción y enemistad como sustento de lo político, en el Avicena de Bloch el flujo de la materia es fuente de toda relación, donde la propia soberanía no es más que un recurso posible, (...) pero desbordado por el movimiento del ser al que pertenece. (shrink)

For the theorists of crisis, the revolutionary state comes into existence through violence, and due to its inability to provide an authoritative katechon (restrainer) against internal and external violence, it perpetuates violence until it self-destructs. Writing during extreme economic depression and growing social and political violence, the crisis theorists––Joseph de Maistre, Juan Donoso Cortés, and Carl Schmitt––each sought to blame the chaos of their time upon the Janus-faced postrevolutionary ideals of liberalism and socialism by urging a return to pre-revolutionary (...) moral and religious values. They are united by three counterrevolutionary principles, all of which are purported to remedy revolutionary violence: traditional constitutional fidelity, the philosophy of the decision, and opposition to bourgeois liberalism. This essay is followed by the first complete English translation and publication of Donoso’s letter of October 24, 1851, which contains Donoso’s only reference to the “discussing class,” a political entity later popularized by Schmitt in his 1922 work Political Theology. (shrink)

Reflection on “the contemporary crisis” must take into account that, beyond financial problems in global capitalist administration, the crisis works over a fall of the human in relation to which every postulation of an affirmative biopolitics seems insufficient. The biopolitical condition responds to a process of nomic self-consecration of technical structures that dramatically increase the capacity to oppress without doing much for the capacity to tolerate it. This essay engages with Heidegger, Keynes, Weber and Schmitt, as thinkers of the “crisis,” (...) in order to understand their apotropaic modulations in the face of the biopolitical fall that they had themselves detected, and for which today we find ourselves without the conceptual apparatus we need to confront it. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Hobbes and the Katéchon: The Secularization of Sacrificial Christianity Wolfgang Palaver Universität Innsbruck Hobbes and equality: his knowledge of mimetic desire When reading Thomas Hobbes we immediately recognize that he was writing in the early years of our modem age. Hobbes's world is very different from ancient cultures. This is most clearly demonstrated by the importance in his political philosophy of equality and individualism, concepts which cannot be found (...) in ancient political discourse. Hobbes fully rejected Aristotle's view that nature made some human beings commanders and others slaves (1984, 211). According to Hobbes, all human beings are equal. The same applies to individualism. Whereas Aristotle's main concern was the polis, not the individual, Hobbes takes the individual as the starting point of his political philosophy.1 The difference between the two views can be seen as a result of the biblical transformation of the world: the biblical message slowly transformed the ancient world as it increasingly replaced ancient concepts of human nature and social life with those of equality and individualism. The biblical impulse did not, however, result in the creation of a peaceful Kingdom of God on earth. Hobbes 's quite doubtful reputation does not stem from his rejection of Aristotle's philosophy but rather from his insight into the deadly consequences ofequality. According to Hobbes, the natural equality of human beings means that all have the ability to kill one another: On Hobbes and individualism, see Louis Dumont 95-9. 58Wolfgang Palaver Nature hath made men so equall, in the faculties of body, and mind; as t. (shrink)

The digital revolution invites a reconsideration of the very essence of politics. How can we think about decision, control, and will at a time when technologies of automation are transforming every dimension of human life, from military combat to mental attention, from financial systems to the intimate lives of individuals? This article looks back to a moment in the 20th century when the concept of the political as an independent logic was developed, in a time when the boundaries and operations (...) of the classic state were in question. At the same moment, a whole new technological era was opened up with the emergence of intelligent machines and computers in the postwar cybernetic age. Technology, and cybernetics in particular, loomed large in Carl Schmitt’s articulation of the concept of the political, while the problem of radical open decision was at the heart of influential cybernetic approaches to politics. Linking these was the idea of entropic decay. Schmitt’s invocation of the theological concept of the Katechon, who restrains chaos in the time before Christ’s return, in fact exemplifies the new understandings of order in a cybernetic age facing new challenges of technology in a globalized condition. (shrink)

Abstract: Giorgio Agamben's recent works have been preoccupied with a certain obscure passage from St. Paul's 'Second Epistle to the Thessalonians,' which describes the portentous events that must occur before the Second Coming of Jesus Christ can take place---specifically, the appearance of a 'man of lawlessness' (the Antichrist?) and the exposure of who or what is currently restraining the 'man of lawlessness' from being exposed as the Antichrist: a mysterious agency called the 'katechon.' In 'The Mystery of Evil: Benedict (...) XVI and the End of Days,' this obscure passage is connected with the abdication of Pope Benedict XVI through certain equally obscure references to the fourth century theologian, Tyconius, although the precise connection between these apocalyptic events and their mysterious agents remains obscure. This review attempts to shed some critical light upon this cryptic subject, both by considering the world-historical context of St. Paul's epistle, and by asking what role these apocalyptic figures play in Agamben's political theology. But, to begin with, the review also asks: Who, really, is the Antichrist? a scarcely rhetorical question that demands a sardonic answer. Although various candidates from contemporary politics are proposed, the review finally argues that the Antichrist and the katechon are not specific individuals or worldly institutions, but rather refer to world-historical trends within Western European Christian civilization itself that have resulted in what Friedrich Nietzsche called 'the devaluation of all higher values' and 'the desecration of the Christian moral world-view': an apocalyptic turn of events which Nietzsche equally sardonically referred to in 'The Antichrist.'. (shrink)

It is a commonly held belief that the law is unable to keep up with the fierce technological development and innovation that denote our times. The current essay attempts to show that this characteristic of the law should not necessarily be considered a disadvantage. Using the Biblical concept of the katechon, we argue that the law fulfills a katechontic function vis-a-vis technological progress. That is to say, its retarding effect might create positive spillovers that open spaces for debate, discussion, (...) contestation, resistance, and reconstruction. (shrink)

Despite the problematic political positions he adopted during his life span, the work of Carl Schmitt contains a fascinating argument in favour of `the political', which is understood as a plural symbolic space composed of friends and enemies who reciprocally recognise each other. Schmitt's struggle for the political is a struggle for a public spirit which accounts for this plurality. One of the terrains on which Schmitt wages this struggle is that of historical meaning. The image of history is crucial (...) for the political, as it is one level on which the relation between enemies is symbolised. In this paper, Schmitt's polemic for a political conception of history, which gives the enemy and the defeated their due place as political subjects, will be reconstructed. Central to Schmitt's endeavour is the attempt to think historical singularity, against the notion of repetition in history, against the understanding of history as a reservoir of `lessons' and against ideologies of progress. Through his polemic, a profane and sober image of history appears which stresses singularity, relative contingency and openness, and the pluralisation of social temporalities. The enigmatic notion of the katechon will play a crucial role in providing a very minimal but crucial form of historical meaning for such a political conception of history. (shrink)

La théologie politique de Schmitt est celle d’un juriste et non celle d’un théologien. Par sa théorie du droit, il n’entend pas développer une pensée du messianisme chrétien ayant un impact politique. Il s’agit au contraire de réinscrire le christianisme dans l’histoire par une théorie juridico-politique institutionnaliste, décisionniste puis de l’ordre concret. Ce faisant, il lui faut reléguer l’eschatologie au-delà de l’histoire. C’est par cette relégation qu’il est permis d’accréditer un contre-messianisme. Ce contre-messianisme vient conforter le refus schmittien de la (...) neutralisation de l’histoire. À cette fin, Schmitt articule l’eschatologie à l’Incarnation et au katechon. Par cette articulation, il peut réconcilier le christianisme avec une conscience historique qui lui permet de légitimer sa pensée du politique dont le critère décisif est celui de l’ami/ennemi. Toutefois, ces trois « images chrétiennes de l’histoire » ne sont pas sans impliquer le risque d’absorber le christianisme dans l’histoire. En lieu et place d’une théologie politique, ne vaudrait-il pas mieux orienter la réflexion du côté d’une théologie « du » politique? (shrink)

A review of Giorgio Agamben's The Mystery of Evil: Bendict XVI and the End of Days, which attempts to place Agamben's peculiar argument regarding Pope Benedict's abdication in the context of his reading of St. Paul's 2 Thessalonians 2:1-12, and, more generally, in terms of his political-theology in the Homo Sacer series. The questions, 'Who is the Antichrist?' and 'Who (or what) is the katechon?' are also explored, in the attempt to translate Agamben's obscure theology into contemporary political terms.

Wie kann die italienische Philosophie dazu beitragen, die gegenwärtige Krise der modernen politischen Theorie zu lösen? Der vorliegende Text berücksichtigt die Werke einiger zeitgenössischer italienischer Hauptdenker und betont trotz der verschiedenen Standpunkte die unterschwelligen Verbindungen. Insbesondere lässt sich der Konflikt, oft im Sinne des griechischen Begriffs stasis, als Schlüssel zur Krise des modernen Staates bestimmen. Das Thema Konflikt durchquert alle besprochenen Werke und wirft ein Licht auf die Spannung zwischen der Fortdauer eines politisch-theologischen Rahmens und dem ständigen Verweis auf die (...) Biopolitik. Wie von Esposito vorgeschlagen, ist diese Anpassung von fremden Begriffen seitens einer Philosophie, die konstitutiv entterritorialisiert ist, die beste Möglichkeit, eine wirksame Herangehensweise zu erarbeiten, um aus der gegenwärtigen Lage herauszufinden. -/- Giorgio Agamben: Stasis. La guerra civile come paradigma politico. Torino 2015. Bollati Boringhieri. 84 S.; Massimo Cacciari: Il potere che frena. Mailand 2013. Adelphi. 217 S.; Paolo Virno: Saggio sulla negazione. Per una antropologia linguistica. Torino 2013. Bollati Boringhieri. 204 S.; Roberto Esposito: Da fuori. Una filosofia per l'Europa. Torino 2016. Einaudi. 256 S. (shrink)

In 2013, Benedict XVI became only the second pope in the history of the Catholic Church to resign from office. In this brief but illuminating study, Giorgio Agamben argues that Benedict's gesture, far from being solely a matter of internal ecclesiastical politics, is exemplary in an age when the question of legitimacy has been virtually left aside in favor of a narrow focus on legality. This reflection on the recent history of the Church opens out into an analysis of one (...) of the earliest documents of Christianity: the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians, which stages a dramatic confrontation between the "man of lawlessness" and the enigmatic katechon, the power that holds back the end of days. In Agamben's hands, this infamously obscure passage reveals the theological dynamics of history that continue to inform Western culture to this day. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Figures of Antichrist:The Apocalypse and Its Restraints in Contemporary Political ThoughtGiuseppe Fornari (bio)1. The Antichrist and the Katéchon in Early ChristianityThe history of the Antichrist follows the history of Christ like a shadow.1 This statement is far from banal, not only because of its consequences but also because Christianity as currently presented typically denies that a figure like the Antichrist could be a cause for concern. When confronted with (...) the Antichrist, with Satan in person, the current reaction of many Christians is one of "dialogue." That this may be interpreted, in terms of the doctrine of the Antichrist, as a sign of his proximity passes unnoticed among Christians of goodwill in this day and age. But the devil is never so near as when he is denied or when, following the dictates of what is "politically correct," we start negotiating with him under names that change to suit the occasion. It is a different matter with regard to the historical phenomena that are only indirectly related to Satan, phenomena that help to hold him as far off as possible, but this eventuality can be appreciated only by those who know the devil, not by those who deny him.Some initial comments of a semantic nature are indispensable and, in virtue of the very pregnancy of the term "antichrist," they lead straight to [End Page 53] theological considerations. Antichrist is a synonym of Satan, with the difference that the functional noun "anti-christ" contains a direct indication of the relationship of Satan to Christ; it is the inevitable consequence of the conflict between Satan and Christ. That consequence can only be negation or opposition. The devil, as soon as he encounters Christ, automatically becomes "anti-," which does not imply a personal antipathy—the devil is not a person so much as the principle that parasitically destroys the person—but expresses the consequence of the demystification brought about by Christ: his mask once removed, the devil reveals his true face as Adversary, as "anti-," and the first figure against whom he directs this being "anti-" is necessarily the one who has unmasked him, that is, the Christ. The Greek prefix "anti-" in itself indicated the desire to take someone's place and, consequently, to go against that person; and it is this latter meaning that prevails in the modern prefix. Satan's intention becomes clear when we perceive the perfect convergence between the two nuances of meaning: taking Christ's place in order to go against him and going against Christ in order to take his place. Initially Satan tries out on Christ his old ploy of temptation, and this marks the start of the Son of God's public mission. The conflict is first and foremost a conflict between two functions, between two opposing logics. If Christ were to yield, he would at once fail in his mission from the Father, becoming the antichrist of himself, canceling out his own function and making the very notion of antichrist pointless. Christ does not yield, but this does not mean that his victory has been secured once and for all. He has confirmed his mission, but once this has got under way, all are called to enter into his figure, into his saving function, to become "Christ," which implies that the devil will repeat his temptation with everyone called by Christ. And as Christ is present this time, yielding to temptation marks out the person who yields as antichrist; and, since it is hard to resist temptation, there will be a growing number, not to say a multitude, of antichrists. From the start the word is revealingly characterized, structurally, by its plural form. While we do not have numerous "christs," because to follow Christ means to be as he is and to enter in to be part of him, by which act all the faithful become part of the body of Christ, which is the Church, anyone who becomes the "anti-" of Christ introduces the germ of plurality and discord, because from that moment on he is the "anti-" of the others. The antichrist introduces the poison of the "anti-" into the world, not that it was... (shrink)

Le travail mené par Jonathan Israel dans sa trilogie sur les Lumières aurait fourni des éléments pour une critique de la théologie comme fondement de la politique moderne et, de ce fait, il nous aurait offert une critique indirecte à l’œuvre de Carl Schmitt. Schmitt et Israel souscrivent à l’analyse des idées majeures que Spinoza hérite de la modernité. En revanche, ils ne s’entendent pas sur l’appréciation de cette contribution ni sur le sens qu’il faut donner à cet héritage. Tandis (...) que Spinoza s’avère être l’ennemi par excellence pour Schmitt – juif, libéral et paradigmatique −, il représente pour Israel le pilier du républicanisme démocratique; alors que pour le premier le pêché originel implique l’acceptation d’une anthropologie modérément pessimiste qui fondait la nécessité de l’État, le second assure que le perfectionnement humain et l’idée de progrès sont possibles ; tandis que Schmitt justifie l’existence de la guerre et du concept de katechon en tant que piliers politiques, pour Israel la tolérance universelle d’origine baylienne se pose comme alternative ; si Schmitt considère que le dialogue et le débat constituent de simples distractions bourgeoises qui empêchent de distinguer la véritable nature de la souveraineté – la décision dans un état d’urgence –, Israel estime quant à lui que la dialogue rationnel et philosophique qui suppose la revendication de la liberté de philosopher est la seule forme acceptable pour concevoir des normes morales et politiques ; si le juriste allemand attribue à la théologie catholique l’origine de tout concept politique – au sens historique et systématique –, pour l’historien anglais c’est plutôt dans la philosophie rationnelle matérialiste énoncée par les acteurs des Lumières radicales qu’il faudrait chercher les fondements de la doctrine politique occidentale républicaine et démocratique. (shrink)

A heavily documented case for Carl Schmitt's theological preoccupations can be found in a recent work by the Italian philosopher Massimo Maraviglia, La penultima guerra: Il katechon nella dottrina dell'ordine politico di Carl Schmitt. Maraviglia, an eminent bibliographer of philosophical writings and the editor of the scholarly website Ekpyresis, sets out to disprove that Schmitt was an amoral positivist who seized on religious thinking as a fig leaf for his fixation on power. According to some interpreters, Schmitt lost interest (...) over time in fitting his political theory into a religious framework, despite his longtime identification with the Catholic Zentrumspartei. Maraviglia…. (shrink)

In recent times, there has been a debate about the Schmitt’s notion of political theology, by which the notions of messianism and katéchon have been rediscovered. Both the questions are connected with the one of apocalypse and apocalypse nowadays is linked to the western perception of the crisis of capitalism. Thus a question is: how does this complex of conceptions relate with Far-East Culture? Is that apocalyptic imagination valid also for these countries or do they have a different conception that (...) involves also a different way of perceiving political power and capitalism? In order to answer this question we have investigated the origins of apocalyptic thought, found by us in ancient Iranian tradition. Thus we have considered an alternative myth for Asian cultures: the one of phoenix and its related context of the fire-bird. We examined its relationships with political power and recently with free market ideology. So the final question is: is it not possible that the symbol of phoenix can be the Oriental alternative to the Western apocalyptic destinal imagination? (shrink)

This book proposes a new theoretical framework to move beyond the traditional tenets of modern international relations theory to investigate European integration and shed light on current events. -/- Based on contemporary analyses, Hegel’s political philosophy, and the fundamental role of historical interpretation, this book addresses the institutional dynamics as well as the discursive practices behind both the Eastern enlargement and the current critical situation. Looking back in particular at European integration in one of its most significant events, namely the (...) enlargement of the European Union to include former Socialist countries, it offers a unique conceptualisation of the nature and limits of European integration and for understanding the current crisis between Brussels and the Visegrád countries, 30 years since the revolutions of 1989. -/- This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European integration, European politics and history, and political theory and philosophy. (shrink)