The Chronicle of Jerome states that Gaius Lucilius was born in 148 B.C. and died in 103 B.C. in his forty-sixth year. The Oxford Classical Dictionary says that Gaius Lucilius was probably born in 180 B.C. and died in 102/1 B.C.

The best-known fact about the interaction of the Republican Roman poet Gaius Lucilius (c.180–103/102b.c.e.), the inventor of the genre of Roman verse satire, with the doctrine of Scepticism is probably a statement of Cicero: that Clitomachus the Academician dedicated a treatise to the poet (Cic.Luc. 102). Diogenes Laertius makes much of that writer's, Clitomachus’, industry (τὸ φιλόπονον, 4.67), with the comment: ‘to such lengths did his diligence (ἐπιμελείας) go that he composed more than four hundred treatises’. This phraseology surely (...) reminds those interested in Lucilius’ influence on later Latin poetry of Horace's disparaging comment,in hora saepe ducentos, | ut magnum, uersus dictabat(‘as a bravura display, he would often dictate two hundred verses in an hour’,Sat.1.4.9–10); moreover, Horace shortly afterwards calls his predecessorgarrulus atque piger scribendi ferre laborem(‘talkative and too lazy to bear the work of writing’, 1.4.12). Yet, a sceptical view of Horace's critique might have to think of Lucilius as hard-working, like his putative friend the Academic philosopher, Clitomachus. (shrink)

Ever since Mommsen’s magisterial 1863 edition, the extortion law of the Tabula Bembina has been seen as a law of Gaius Gracchus. Since Mommsen’s intervention, only Carcopino and myself have seriously challenged the consensus. However, the sources imply that Gaius proposed a lex iudiciaria, not an extortion law, and, further, the role of the iudices editicii and the probability that chapters from the Lex Repetundarum on the reward for successful prosecutors were repeated in the Lex Tarentina of 104/3 (...) BC together suggest that Klenze was right after all in identifying the law as the law of C. Servilius Glaucia. Lucilius’ apparent connection of the fierce Lex Calpurnia with Q. Scaevola’s trial in 119 or 118 BC seems to be the clinching evidence. (shrink)

Emery, Lucilius A. Concerning Justice. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1914. vii, 170 pp. Reprinted 2002 by The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. ISBN 1-58477-234-4. Cloth. $60. * This volume reprints the Storrs lectures delivered by Emery [1840-1920] at Yale University in 1914. Emery's profound knowledge of constitutional law and keen interest in philosophy and history are clearly evident here. Beginning with conceptions of justice in Antiquity and in the Judeo-Christian tradition, Emery develops a general theory of rights, and uses it as (...) a basis for his definition of justice. His other lectures deal with the securing of justice. Influenced perhaps by the outbreak of hostilities in Europe, Emery asserts that the United States has created the finest system yet for its preservation. "It is most emphatically a book which, once read, is kept on hand for a re-reading." H.W.C. Yale L.J. 24: 263 as cited in Marke, A Catalogue of the Law Collection at New York University (1953) 191. Dictionary of American Biography 144-145. (shrink)

Stone Age. They held father and mother together to meet the needs of that long human infancy which more than any other single thing has been the binding ...

Die Briefe des jüngeren Plinius gehören zu den berühmtesten Briefsammlungen der Antike. Die ersten neun Bücher geben ein vielseitiges Bild des Lebens und Treibens der vornehmen Welt unter der Regierung von Kaiser Trajan. Das 10. Buch enthält den Briefwechsel zwischen Plinius als Statthalter von Bithynien und dem Kaiser.

Proceeding from the premise that Lucilius’ hexameter Aetheris et terrae genitabile quaerere tempus (fr. 1 Marx - I 1 Charpin) was inspired by Euripides fr. 182a Kannicht (Αἰθέρα καὶ Γαῖαν πάντων γενέτειραν ἀείδω), sung by Amphion the musician in Antiope, the author advances two further propositions about the fragment: first, that Lucilius, influenced by the famous debate in that play between Amphion and his brother, associated satire with the active life and the genres of didactic poetry and tragedy with the (...) contemplative life ; and secondly, that Lucilius’ direct model may have been not Euripides’ tragedy, but Pacuvius’ Latin rendering of it. (shrink)

This chapter contains section titled: The Fall of Baltar The Transhuman Temptation… Really! The First and Last Temptations of Baltar “There Must Be Some Way Out of Here” Notes.

In his prefatory epistle dedicating his Naturalis Historia to Vespasian, the elder Pliny takes great pains to plead that his magnum opus is unworthy of the emperor: ‘maiorem te sciebam, quam ut descensurum hue putarem’ . Continuing in this vein, Pliny goes on to say ‘praeterea est quaedam publica etiam eruditorum reiectio’, and appeals for support to the great Cicero: ‘utitur ilia et M. Tullius extra omnem ingenii aleam positus, et, quod miremur, per aduocatum defenditur’ . Cicero's aduocatus is the (...) satirist Lucilius, from whom a mangled fragment in trochaic septenarii is then quoted: ‘nec doctissimis. Manium Persium haec legere nolo, Iunium Congum uolo.’ The sense of this fragment, which Pliny very probably quoted from the now-lost beginning of Cicero's preface to his De Re Publica, can be restored from Cicero, De Oratore 2.25: ‘nam ut C. Lucilius…dicere solebat ea quae scriberet neque ab indoctissimis se neque a doctissimis legi uelle, quod alteri nihil intelligerent, alteri plus fortasse quam ipse; quo etiam scripsit “Persium non curo legere” , “Laelium Decimum uolo” : sic ego…’. This latter passage has allowed the former to be restored, to some extent exempli gratia, to the following form in Warmington's and Krenkel's editions of Lucilius. (shrink)

In his prefatory epistle dedicating his Naturalis Historia to Vespasian, the elder Pliny takes great pains to plead that his magnum opus is unworthy of the emperor: ‘maiorem te sciebam, quam ut descensurum hue putarem’. Continuing in this vein, Pliny goes on to say ‘praeterea est quaedam publica etiam eruditorum reiectio’, and appeals for support to the great Cicero: ‘utitur ilia et M. Tullius extra omnem ingenii aleam positus, et, quod miremur, per aduocatum defenditur’. Cicero's aduocatus is the satirist Lucilius, (...) from whom a mangled fragment in trochaic septenarii is then quoted: ‘nec doctissimis. Manium Persium haec legere nolo, Iunium Congum uolo.’ The sense of this fragment, which Pliny very probably quoted from the now-lost beginning of Cicero's preface to his De Re Publica, can be restored from Cicero, De Oratore 2.25: ‘nam ut C. Lucilius…dicere solebat ea quae scriberet neque ab indoctissimis se neque a doctissimis legi uelle, quod alteri nihil intelligerent, alteri plus fortasse quam ipse; quo etiam scripsit “Persium non curo legere”, “Laelium Decimum uolo” : sic ego…’. This latter passage has allowed the former to be restored, to some extent exempli gratia, to the following form in Warmington's and Krenkel's editions of Lucilius. (shrink)

When Claudius came to power in January 41 he did not hesitate to distance himself from his predecessor's behaviour and policies, and among other measures, Suetonius reports, he abolished all Gaius' acta. The precise implications of this move are not made clear. Certainly, the extremely unpopular taxes introduced in Rome near the end of Gaius' reign were annulled, several people convicted of maiestas were set free, and the monies previously confiscated from negligent, and possibly corrupt, road commissioners were (...) returned. But if the abolition of the acta was as sweeping as Suetonius seems to imply, a number of popular and useful measures must inevitably have been abrogated at the same time, and as a matter of routine they would need to be reintroduced by Claudius. The arrangements with the client kings may well have belonged to this general category, and if we assume that this was indeed the case we shall have an explanation for a number of apparent inconsistencies in the literary sources. It should be observed that in the early part of his principate Gaius went out of his way to be a ‘constitutional’ ruler. The appointment of the client kings would have been handled so as not to seem like the arbitrary exercise of power. Certainly, when the three sons of the murdered king of Thrace, Polemo, Cotys and Rhoemetalces received new kingdoms in 38, Dio stresses that the act was legitimised by a formal senatorial decree. If client kings had generally been established by a formal and legal process their appointments could quite well have come to an end with the abolition of the acta in January 41. (shrink)