This book proposes a shift in the very concept of neoliberalism as an ambivalent product of subjectivity. It is not resolved in dichotomies between the included and excluded, interior and exterior, capitalist and noncapitalist. Neoliberalism operates in blurred lines, through flexible structures, and amid internal gradients and varying tensions.

Oswald de Andrade’s « Cannnibal Manifesto » was anticipative in its apprehension of the Brazilian dynamic as it emerged from its European colonial heritage projecting itself towards the future. As Brasil entered modernity, what Oswald observed was « a country of the future », not from the perspective of the dynamic of a construction of a national trajectory of development, but from the perspective of the development of the indigenous Brazilian relation to colonial alterity. The anthropophagic revolution, as it projected (...) the Indians into the world, rested on a theory of multiplicity and not of « diversity ». Anti-colonialism was not a form of nationalism, but a war machine which served to take what we wanted in the rich Europe. (shrink)

Résumé L’anticipation du Manifeste anthropophage (1950) d’Oswald de Andrade a consisté à saisir la dynamique brésilienne, à cheval entre l’héritage de la colonisation européenne et sa projection dans l’avenir. Oswald a vu dans le Brésil qui entrait dans la modernité un « pays du futur », non pas du point de vue de la dynamique de construction d’une trajectoire nationale de développement, mais dans la perspective du développement du rapport brésilien (indigène) à l’altérité coloniale. La révolution anthropophagique, au fur et (...) à mesure qu’elle projetait les Indiens dans le monde, se fondait sur une théorie de la multiplicité et non de la « diversité ». L’anti-colonialisme n’était pas un nationalisme et moins encore un isolationnisme, mais une machine de guerre pour prendre à l’Europe des riches « ce qui nous intéressait ». (shrink)

In front of deterritorialisation / reterritorialisation process one which characterize the globalization, we try to dread the elements of continuance and break which connect among them the Forums of Porto Alegre and Genoa; these two big mobilizations of citizens of world constitute, indeed, the most relevant repository in a debate on the city. By tempting these comparisons, we build an approach of the new cycle of internationalist fights which puts production and constitution of urbanterritories as main stakes in the future (...) developments of the movement. (shrink)

L’arrivée au pouvoir de Jair Bolsonaro au Brésil a eu lieu dans l’affirmation d’un nouveau warfare : une guerre diffuse où la distinction entre l’ami et l’ennemi devient floue. C’est un double dispositif qui s’est mis en place. D’une part, le retour aux affaires de l’armée brésilienne dans le cadre des missions de paix menées pendant les gouvernements de la gauche, en Haïti et dans les favelas de Rio de Janeiro. D’autre part, la polarisation par Lula et la gauche a (...) préparé la mobilisation d’une nouvelle extrême droite. Avec la crise du Covid, grâce à la mise en place d’un revenu de base, le « lulismo » se transmute en « bolsonarismo ». (shrink)

Après la revendication d’un great New Deal face au changement climatique pendant la campagne présidentielle, contrairement aux prévisions déçues de la gauche du parti démocrate et de la gauche en général, l’administration Biden a mis en place une série de virages qui peuvent annoncer un nouveau paradigme. Il y a un rapport étroit entre l’innovation que Biden représente et le mouvement qui, en juillet 2020, a secoué l’Amérique après l’assassinat de George Floyd, à Minneapolis. Dans ce rapport entre mouvement et (...) gouvernement, s’est mis en place l’ébauche d’un véritable new New Deal? (shrink)

Deux décennies après la publication d’ Empire par Antonio Negri et Michael Hardt le bilan est nuancé. Un point de vue brésilien et ami permet d’appréhender à la fois ce qui s’est confirmé au cours de ces années et ce qui au contraire nécessite un nouvel effort d’analyse. L’épuisement de l’expérience des gouvernements progressistes d’Amérique du Sud et la réflexion autobiographique demandent une révision des notions de gauche, de révolution, de luttes, de rapports entre processus constituants et logiques de pouvoir. (...) L’article termine par une évaluation critique de la loyauté de Negri envers la gauche – active pour le « lulisme », passive pour le « chavisme ». (shrink)

Certaines critiques décoloniales des concepts d’hybridation, de pensée-frontière et de métissage mènent parfois sur le terrain des surenchères identitaires. Certaines analyses affirment que le capitalisme néolibéral ferait son miel des concepts contestataires d’anthropophagie politique qui ont animé la pensée décoloniale brésilienne, d’Oswald de Andrade à Suely Rolnik. Mais, dit Giuseppe Cocco, « le capitalisme contemporain n’est pas anthropophage, il est parasitaire » : s’il aime le métissage, ce n’est pas pour l’assimilation de l’autre, mais pour son extraction sans (...) partage ; il n’est pas une anthropophagie (manger l’autre, et se laisser changer par lui), mais une anthropoémie (le vomir). Ce pourquoi il reste d’actualité de cannibaliser le décolonial. (shrink)

La préparation des grandes manifestations religieuses et sportives mondiales au Brésil a entraîné une riposte populaire. L’enracinement de la lutte dans le temps, son élargissement à d’autres couches sociales, la participation des Indiens montrent l’impasse où se trouve la représentation démocratique au Brésil, ainsi qu’une nouvelle vision de la composition sociale des luttes. Avec Lula, le gouvernement a essayé d’inclure les pauvres et de faire de leurs marges des ressources cognitives. Mais la reprise du développementisme par Dilma renvoie les pauvres (...) dans la plèbe, sans droits. (shrink)

In Brasil, a real mixing of populations is prevented by the proclamation of a « grey People », artificially invented and imposed by force in order to stabilize the Nation-State. Black and indigenous movements today have to reclaim « race » in their struggle for real equality, in order to impose policies of affirmative action, in the university as well as elsewhere.

This article examines the crisis of sovereignty currently sweeping South America. Argentina’s instability is compared to Brazil’s apparent and precarious stability. As the monetary crisis grinds the Argentine economy and society, Brazil is shaken by an undeclared civil war. The confidence lacking in the Argentine currency takes the form of an absence of society in Brazil, resulting in an inequality, which traverses the different phases of the country’s development. We analyse here the specificity of the form of the developmentalist state, (...) which develops itself out of a syncretism of the colonial tradition and corporatist modernism; and finally the theoretical and political ambiguities of the left, vis-à-vis a system of privilege which permits the perpetuation of an iniquitous social system. (shrink)

Au cours des dernières années, le Parti des Travailleurs brésilien ne s’est intéressé au mouvement social qu’en tant que menace pour son pouvoir parce que le mouvement s’échappait du traditionnel clivage droite-gauche. Les dernières élections ont vu se mettre en place des manipulations invraisemblables pour emprisonner les électeurs dans ce clivage. La politique économique et sécuritaire poursuivie par le gouvernement de Lula et Dilma atteste les conséquences funestes de ces processus. C’est à casser ce clivage que doit viser aujourd’hui une (...) politique émancipatrice. (shrink)

Cet article vise à évaluer la portée des politiques sociales réellement existantes dans le Brésil de la période Lula, du point de vue du débat général sur le revenu d’existence. Soit deux questions : ces politiques sociales – notamment les transferts monétaires – ont-elles été pensées dans la perspective d’un revenu d’existence? Le revenu d’existence pourrait-il fonctionner comme angle privilégié de réorganisation et d’intégration de ces politiques sociales? L’histoire de Bolsa Família, instauré dans le Brésil de Lula, montre qu’il est (...) d’origine néolibérale et que le véritable enjeu est d’appréhender les lignes de conflit qui séparent sa précaire existence empirique actuelle de sa constitution comme base d’une nouvelle démocratie. (shrink)

Current health care standards, in many countries, Australia included, are regrettably poor. Surprisingly, practitioners and treating teams alike in mental health and disability sectors, in particular, make far too many basic care-related mistakes, in addition to the already abundant diagnostic mistakes that cause and amplify great harm. In part, too many practitioners also fail to distinguish adverse effects for what they are and all too often treat adverse effects, instead, as comorbidities. Diagnostic failures are dangerous, the result of which generates (...) and perpetuates harms that are extremely costly in terms of patient welfare, in addition to the financial burden placed on everyone. In this essay, I contend that the authority bestowed upon psychiatry is misplaced. Subsequently, this misplaced authority affects the governing and investigatory institutions reliant and informed by psychiatry. The examination process undertaken in this investigation traces the metaphysics of psychiatric disorders relative to the Diagnostic-Statistical-Manual (DSM) in all its iterations and to the epistemological construction process that serves to underpin the fundamentals of psychiatric practice. There exists a crisis of confidence in psychiatric practice and I urge drastic reform be undertaken to arrest the damage. (shrink)

In this Introduction we lay out the context of a ‘Continental philosophy of biology’ and suggest why Georges Canguilhem’s place in such a philosophy is important. There is not one single program for Continental philosophy of biology, but Canguilhem’s vision, which he referred to at one stage as ‘biological philosophy’, is a significant one, located in between the classic holism-reductionism tensions, significantly overlapping with philosophy of medicine, philosophy of technology and other themes moving away from the more common existential and (...) phenomenological motifs of post-war European thought. Chapters examine (among other themes) his relation to Lebensphilosophie, to authors such as Kant, Nietzsche and Marjorie Grene, and to current theoretical biology. (shrink)

This volume illustrates both theoretically and empirically the differences between religious diversity and religious pluralism. It highlights how the factual situation of cultural and religious diversity may lead to individual, social and political choices of organized and recognized pluralism. In the process, both individual and collective identities are redefined, incessantly moving along the continuum that ranges from exclusion to inclusion. The book starts by first detailing general issues related to religious pluralism. It makes the case for keeping the empirical, the (...) normative, the regulatory and the interactive dimensions of religious pluralism analytically distinct while recognizing that, in practice, they often overlap. It also underlines the importance of seeking connections between religious pluralism and other pluralisms. Next, the book explores how religious diversity can operate to contribute to legal pluralism and examines the different types of church-state relations: eradication, monopoly, oligopoly and pluralism. The second half of the book features case studies that provide a more specific look at the general issues, from ways to map and assess the religious diversity of a whole country to a comparison between Belgian-French views of religious and philosophical diversity, from religious pluralism in Italy to the shifting approach to ethnic and religious diversity in America, and from a sociological and historical perspective of religious plurality in Japan to an exploration of Brazilian religions, old and new. The transition from religious diversity to religious pluralism is one of the most important challenges that will reshape the role of religion in contemporary society. This book provides readers with insights that will help them better understand and interpret this unprecedented transition. (shrink)

We present an elementary system of axioms for the geometry of Minkowski spacetime. It strikes a balance between a simple and streamlined set of axioms and the attempt to give a direct formalization in first-order logic of the standard account of Minkowski spacetime in [Maudlin 2012] and [Malament, unpublished]. It is intended for future use in the formalization of physical theories in Minkowski spacetime. The choice of primitives is in the spirit of [Tarski 1959]: a predicate of betwenness and a (...) four place predicate to compare the square of the relativistic intervals. Minkowski spacetime is described as a four dimensional ‘vector space’ that can be decomposed everywhere into a spacelike hyperplane - which obeys the Euclidean axioms in [Tarski and Givant, 1999] - and an orthogonal timelike line. The length of other ‘vectors’ are calculated according to Pythagora’s theorem. We conclude with a Representation Theorem relating models of our system that satisfy second order continuity to the mathematical structure called ‘Minkowski spacetime’ in physics textbooks. (shrink)

Dasgupta :35–67, 2009) has argued that material individuals, such as particles and laptops, are metaphysically objectionable and must be eliminated from our fundamental theories of the world. He proposes to eliminate them by redescribing all the fundamental facts of the world in a variant of predicate functor logic. We study the status, on this theory, of a putative fact particularly recalcitrant to a formulation within predicate functor logic: his own claim that there are no fundamental or primitive material individuals. We (...) consider three regimentations of the denial of primitive individuals and show that—under some plausible hypotheses about fundamental truths and the fundamentality operator—they cannot be consistently translated in predicate functor logic by Dasgupta’s usual strategy. We conclude by discussing two approaches to salvage Generalism, in the absence of such a translation. (shrink)

We present an elementary system of axioms for the geometry of Minkowski spacetime. It strikes a balance between a simple and streamlined set of axioms and the attempt to give a direct formalization in first-order logic of the standard account of Minkowski spacetime in Maudlin and Malament. It is intended for future use in the formalization of physical theories in Minkowski spacetime. The choice of primitives is in the spirit of Tarski : a predicate of betwenness and a four place (...) predicate to compare the square of the relativistic intervals. Minkowski spacetime is described as a four dimensional ‘vector space’ that can be decomposed everywhere into a spacelike hyperplane—which obeys the Euclidean axioms in Tarski and Givant, 175–214 1999)—and an orthogonal timelike line. The length of other ‘vectors’ are calculated according to Pythagoras’ theorem. We conclude with a Representation Theorem relating models \ of our system \ that satisfy second order continuity to the mathematical structure \, called ‘Minkowski spacetime’ in physics textbooks. (shrink)

In one of his last writings, Life: Experience and Science, Michel Foucault argued that twentieth-century French philosophy could be read as dividing itself into two divergent lines: on the one hand, we have a philosophical stream which takes individual experience as its point of departure, conceiving it as irreducible to science. On the other hand, we have an analysis of knowledge which takes into account the concrete productions of the mind, as are found in science and human practices. In order (...) to account for this division, Foucault opposed epistemologists such as Cavaillès and Canguilhem to phenomenologists such as Merleau-Ponty and Sartre but, also, and more particularly, he opposed Poincaré to Bergson. The latter was presented by Foucault as being the key-figure of the ?philosophy of experience? at the beginning of the twentieth century. Fifteen years later, in his Deleuze and in the Logics of Worlds, Alain Badiou again uses this dual structure in his interpretation of the past hundred years of French thought. He employs a series of oppositional couples: himself and Deleuze, Lautmann and Sartre, and, finally, Brunschvicg and Bergson. On the one hand a ?mathematical Platonism? and on the other a ?philosophy of vital interiority.? This Manichean reading of philosophy, and the strategic use of the figure of Bergson has, itself, a long tradition. It was also proposed by Althusser who, following Bachelard, opposed his standpoint to any form of ?empiricism.? Althusser developed his thought from a tradition of Marxist thinkers and ideologists, which included Politzer's and Nizan's critique of bourgeois philosophy and, even before that, neo-Kantians such as the philosophers of the Revue de métaphysique et de morale. The aim of this essay is to deconstruct and to put into its precise context of production this series of genealogies which entails the mobilization of Bergsonism and of the name ?Bergson.? By doing so, I hope to weight the importance of Bergsonism in twentieth-century French philosophy, in both its ?positive? and its ?negative? aspect. The essay will proceed regressively, taking into account figures such as Althusser, Badiou, Deleuze, Foucault, Canguilhem, Cavaillès, Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, but also Polizer, Brunschvicg and Alain. The conclusion of the essay is an attempt at reading the ?Bergson renaissance? in the light of new discoveries in genetics and the cognitive sciences and to tie it to the renewal of studies in the history of French philosophy. (shrink)

In the literature there are two well-established but opposite readings of Arendt: as an agonistic theorist and as a deliberative one. In between these two positions a smaller number of scholars have argued that in Arendt these two dimensions can to a large extent be reconciled. This paper follows this third path but tries to bring it one step further. In particular, it defends the idea that those scholars who have proposed this third reading of Arendt have fallen short of (...) revealing the degree to which deliberation and agonism are, for her, interwoven. Through an original reading of Arendt’s views on judgment, persuasion, distinction and Eichmann’s banality, the paper clarifies why, for her, agonism and deliberation are not only compatible but actually mutually dependent. In other words, it clarifies why she believes that there can be no deliberation without agonism and no agonism without deliberation. (shrink)

En su ópera prima, antes de concebir la filosofía crítica, Kant manifestó su entusiasmo por una geometría de todos los tipos posibles de espacio, y no sólo del espacio conocido. Como el filósofo atribuye cada espacio a un mundo posible distinto, la "geometría suprema", como la denominó, en realidad sería el nombre genérico para un conjunto de geometrías diversas que describen espacios igualmente diversos. En ese conjunto genérico se encuentra la geometría de Euclides, y cabe preguntarse si acaso entre las (...) otras especies no podrían hallarse las geometrías que hoy conocemos como no-euclídeas. Creemos que no es así, y es lo que nos proponemos mostrar en este trabajo. Sostendremos, por lo tanto, la distinción entre las denominaciones "otras geometrías" y "geometrías no-euclídeas" y desarrollaremos la incompatibilidad entre ambas tal como ésta se sigue de los textos de Kant. Intentaremos asimismo caracterizar las "otras geometrías" según la noción de "espacio habitado", por nosotros o por los eventuales habitantes de otros universos posibles. Así, las "otras geometrías" quizá podrían ser comprendidas mejor como geometrías de los otros (de la alteridad), que como anticipación de las geometrías no-euclídeas. (shrink)

Nel pensiero politico di Ralf Dahrendorf un tema ricorre costantemente, sia che si tratti di liberalismo sia della democrazia rappresentativa: le costituzioni politiche sono radicate nelle strutture sociali, stato politico e stato sociale sono mutualmente interdipendenti. In assenza di specifiche strutture sociali, la democrazia rappresentativa non può divenire effettiva, e quindi corrispondere a una realtà evidente perfettamente valutabile. Ancora. Le strutture sociali pongono limiti molto ristretti all’effettività delle forme politiche. Esistono, in altri termini, precisi elementi strutturali che permettono l’oggettivazione della (...) democrazia liberale, e non altri. Si tratta certo di una concezione che deve molto a Tocqueville, la sua immagine illumina il pensiero dahrendorfiano sulla democrazia. Pur tuttavia non è l’unico elemento ricorrente. Ideale e reale qui si confrontano. L’idea di democrazia, infatti, si misura con la realtà sul terreno della prassi politica. Non a caso Ralf Dahrendorf è presente in quattro diversi parlamenti in cui ha visto all’opera il cambiamento senza violenza, l’argomentazione razionale, l’espressione della maggioranza e il controllo del governo. Non si tratta solo dei princìpi fondamentali della teoria politica democratica, ma anche della sua formula politica, con la quale interpreta i cambiamenti negli spazi politici globali. Si tratta di spazi nei quali il potere è libero da vincoli, si misura sulla base di rapporti di forza, non conosce regole e procedure se non quelle dell’economicismo, della tecnica, della finanziarizzazione. Tuttavia lo Stato nazionale e la democrazia parlamentare sono ancora decisivi. Proprio perché pensa questo, egli crede che nello spazio globale i principi della democrazia rappresentativa devono essere tradotti in realtà. Certo, Dahrendorf non è in grado di indicare nuove soluzioni, ma si limita a mostrare delle semplici proposte per gestire il dibattito pubblico nel passaggio da una democrazia classica ad una «nuova democrazia». (shrink)

La morte dell'uomo come metafora dello sradicamento ontologico -- Partecipazione e sradicamento : la morte come rottura della comunione intersoggettiva -- L'amore come apertura alla dimensione partecipativa : in cammino verso la salvezza.