Ro explores the philosophical and religious dimensions of Korean neo-Confucianism as expounded by one of its foremost thinkers, Yi Yulgok.

The Great Synthesis of Wang Yangming Neo-Confucianism in Korea, a pioneering study of Chŏng Chedu (Hagok, 1649-1736) and Korean Yangming Neo-Confucianism, includes an annotated translation of the Chonŏn, Hagok's most important work on self-cultivation, and a comprehensive introduction to his life, scholarship, and thought.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Moral and Religious Thought of Yi Hwang (Toegye): A Study of Korean Neo-Confucian Ethics and Spirituality by Edward Y.J. ChingMaria Hasfeldt Long (bio)The Moral and Religious Thought of Yi Hwang (Toegye): A Study of Korean Neo-Confucian Ethics and Spirituality. By Edward Y.J. Ching. Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. Pp. vii + 204. Hardcover $99.00, isbn 978-3-030-77923-8.In recent years, the study of Korean Neo-Confucianism as (...) an international field has been growing exponentially. Compared to former decades, the number of international publications has grown significantly over the last ten years, with Edward Y.J. Chung as one of the most active scholars. The Moral and Religious Thought of Yi Hwang (Toegye): A Study of Korean Neo-Confucian Ethics and Spirituality is the culmination of an almost decade-long study of the Korean Neo-Confucian scholar, Yi Hwang Toegye (1501–1570). With a focus on the moral and spiritual aspects of the theories of Toegye, Chung maps out a brilliant overview of the philosopher's worldview and literary works. Chung's primary objective is to provide "thought-provoking" and fresh insights into one of the most important Korean Neo-Confucian thinkers in history, as well as shed light on Neo-Confucian thought in general and how Toegye's philosophy in particular can be relevant in modern interreligious dialogues (p. 149).Consisting of ten chapters, where each chapter could serve as an individual article, Chung takes the reader through the core concepts of Toegye and his development of a form of self-cultivation different from the Chinese Neo-Confucian idea of self-cultivation. This together created a holistic religious worldview with a strong spiritual dimension, which manifests through selfcultivation practices. The first two chapters introduce Toegye and the historical context of 16th-century Joseon-dynasty Korea (1392–1910); his understanding of the Neo-Confucian tradition as the true learning; and his rejection of Daoism and Buddhism. With the reader introduced to the immediate historical context and Neo-Confucian discourse of the time, the following three chapters cover Toegye's religious and moral understanding of the relationship between the Heavenly Principle (C. tianli, K. cheolli) and human nature (C. renxing, K. inseong). Furthermore, Chung covers the moral-spiritual implications that the Four-Seven Debate had on Toegye's later practical self-cultivation for becoming a sage. In short, the debate concerns the relation between the "four sprouts" of human characteristics as first described by Mengzi (ca. 371–289 BCE) and the seven human emotions mentioned in various classical texts. Toegye believed in the doctrine that the "experience of Heaven was within oneself" (p. 47). Therefore, [End Page 1] to become a sage, one would have to commit to the active practice of an inner feeling of reverence (C. jing, K. gyeong) daily.Chapter six dives into the spiritual practice of self-reflection and mind cultivation (C. xinxue, K. simhak), which was an ongoing process that would lead the practitioner closer to sagehood. The seventh chapter focuses on how this spiritual dimension of Toegye's doctrine is relevant to broader discussions of ecology today. With a strong love for nature, Toegye incorporated the idea of nature within his spiritual self-cultivation, which Chung elaborates on. It was important for the human being to be in harmony with Heaven, earth, and all myriad things. This meant respecting and spending time in nature also played a part in the daily practice of spiritual self-cultivation. Moving on, in chapters eight and nine, Chung presents a comparative study on the philosophical and theological question of how to transcend evil, as well as the matter of interreligious dialogue. By way of a textual-interpretive approach, Chung compares Toegye's thought with Christian contra Buddhist theological ideas and how these findings can help develop an interreligious approach. In chapter nine, Chung suggests that the idea of self-transcendence through self-cultivation can be the ultimate reality. In this chapter, Chung wants to break with the tendency in interreligious dialogue where many scholars rely heavily on Christian theological terms. Chung introduces Neo-Confucian concepts and terms, especially the terms used by Toegye. The last and concluding chapter... (shrink)

현대신유학은 5.4운동 이후 중국사상의 근본정신 계승을 토대로 서양사상을 받아들여 중국의 현실적 문제를 해결할 것을 주장하며 형성된 학파이다. 중국의 학술계는 현대신유학을 마르크스주의, 자유주의와 함께 중국근(현)대 3대사상으로 지칭한다. 1949년 중화인민공화국 성립이후 현대신유학자들은 대부분 홍콩, 대만 등지로 옮겨 활동하면서 그들의 철학과 문화보수주의를 이어갔다. 1978년 이전에는 금기시되었던 이들 사상은 1980년대 중반 현대신유학자들이 중국에서 활발한 강연, 저술 활동을 펼치면서 다시 주목받게 된다. 그리고 현대신유학에 대한 대규모의 연구가 1987년 국가의 지원을 받아 진행된다. ‘전통과 현대화’의 문제를 고민하고 있던 중국은 현대신유학에 대한 연구를 통해 전통의 고양과 현대적 전화의 (...) 가능성을 찾고자 했던 것이다.중국의 현대신유학 연구는 학술적으로는 단절되었던 전통사상을 계승하고 그 현대적 전화를 모색하는 것, 사회적으로는 이를 통해 자본주의의 폐단을 차단하고 통제하는 것, 정치적으로 사회주의의 중국화를 강화하는 것 등을 목적으로 한다. 1980년대 현대신유학 연구는 이러한 목적을 위한 초보단계로 주로 현대신유가의 사상을 소개, 정리, 이해하는 것에 집중된다. 그리고 이는 마르크스주의자들에 의해 주도되고, 마르크스주의의 입장, 관점, 방법을 견지하며 진행된다. 짧은 시간 안에 이루어진 수용과 이해라는 한계를 지니고 있지만, 1980년대 현대신유학 연구는 현대신유가 사상을 보급하고, 전통의 비판적 계승에 관한 논의를 확대하고, 현대화가 곧 서구화를 의미하는 것만은 아니라는 인식을 제고하는 등의 성과가 있었다. (shrink)

This book is an annotated translation, with introduction and commentary, of the correspondence between Yi Hwang (T'oegye, 1500-1570) and Ki Taesung (Kobong, 1527-1572) and between Yi I (Yulgok, 1536-1584) and Song Hon (Ugye, 1535-1598), known as the Four-Seven Debate, the most famous philosophical controversy in Korean Neo-Confucian thought. The most complex issues and difficult tensions in the great Neo-Confucian synthesis are at the juncture between the metaphysics of the cosmos and the human psyche. The Four-Seven Debate is perhaps the (...) most searching examination of this tension ever carried out. (shrink)

This article investigates the Neo-Confucian discourse on war, premised on the “Chinese versus barbarian” binary, and its impact on the Neo-Confucian scholar-officials of 17th-century Chosŏn Korea. It shows that Korean Neo-Confucians suffered invasions from the Jurchens, who they regarded as “barbarians,” and that the political debate on how to respond to the “barbarians” drove the advocates of the pro-peace argument to reimagine Chosŏn’s statehood. The article consists of three parts. First, it reconstructs the philosophical foundations of the mainstream Neo-Confucian (...) discourse on the war with the “barbarians” with reference to Zhu Xi. Second, it discusses the strong impact of the Neo-Confucian paradigm of war on the orthodox Korean Neo-Confucians of the 17th century. Third, it examines how Ch’oe Myŏng-kil, one of the rare champions of the pro-peace argument at the time, justified making peace with the Jurchens through the judicious use of “the expedient.”. (shrink)

『역전』은 崇德廣業과 道器合一의 聖人觀을 가지고 있다. 이 연구는 그 가운데 廣業과 器에 초점을 맞춰서 서경덕의 철학을 풀이하고자 했다. 또 그가 『주역』을 교조적으로 보지 않고 세계해석의 도구로 사용했으며 그것을 통해 그의 철학과 우주관이 도출되었음을 전제로 연구를 진행했다. 그 결과 서경덕은 『주역』의 개념 가운데 至와 止를 뽑아내야 그만의 독창적 철학의 토대로 삼았고 다시 이 개념들의 실천을 위해 靜의 工夫에 집중했음을 논증했고, 나아가 그의 학문적 성격이 단순히 강단에만 머물지 않고 현실의 문제에 적극적 참여하여 민생과 경세에 주의를 기울이게끔 하였다는 결론을 도출했다. 그리고 이것이 결과적으로 (...) 성리학이 민중에 침투되고 민중화에 크게 공헌했음을 논증했다. 그리고 그 원인이 서경덕 학문의 개방적 태도와 확장성 그리고 신분 고하를 가지리 않는 문인의 수용성에 있음을 밝혔다. 끝으로 그의 이런 그의 학문적 태도가 민간에서 어떻게 그려졌는지를 후대의 평가에 기초해서 살펴보았다. (shrink)

This book presents Yi Hwang —better known by his pen name, Toegye—Korea’s most eminent Confucian philosopher. It is a pioneering study of Toegye’s moral and religious thought that discusses his holistic ideas and experiences as a scholar, thinker, and spiritual practitioner. This study includes Toegye’s major biographies and letters as well as his famous Jaseongnok and Seonghak sipdo. Edward Chung explains key concepts, original quotations, annotated notes, and thought-provoking comments to bring this monumental thinker and his work to life. Chung (...) also considers comparative and interreligious perspectives and their contemporary relevance. By offering groundbreaking insights into Neo-Confucianism, this book sheds fresh light on the breadth and depth of Toegye’s ethics and spirituality, and is an important source for scholars and students in Korean and Confucian studies and comparative philosophy and religion. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Great Synthesis of Wang Yang Ming Neo-Confucianism in Korea: The Chonŏn (Testament) by Chŏng Chedu (Hagok) by Edward Y.J. ChungMaria Hasfeldt Long (bio)The Great Synthesis of Wang Yang Ming Neo-Confucianism in Korea: The Chonŏn (Testament) by Chŏng Chedu (Hagok). By Edward Y.J. Chung. Landham: Lexington Books, 2020. Pp. vii+ 351. Hardcover $137.00, isbn 978-1-7936-1469-8. The Korean Neo-Confucian tradition during the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910) was (...) dominated by the orthodox Sŏngnihak (School of Human Nature and Principle), which is also known as the Chŏngjuhak (Cheng–Zhu School). This school of Neo-Confucianism followed the doctrines and teachings of the Great Synthesizer Zhu Xi (1130–1200) to such a point that other Neo-Confucian schools were labeled as wrong and even persecuted until the late nineteenth century. One of these schools was Simhak (School of the Mind/Heart) established by the Chinese scholar Wang Yangming (1472–1529), which during the Ming dynasty (1382–1644) had grown to rival the Cheng–Zhu school. However, the academic-political power of the Cheng–Zhu school in Korea managed to suppress Yangming scholarship and maintain dominance throughout the dynasty. Despite that, a few scholars did take up the scholarship of Simhak in Korea, with the most influential being Chŏng Chedu, also known as Hagok (1649–1736) (p. 4). In his book, The Great Synthesis of Wang Yang Ming Neo-Confucianism in Korea: The Chonŏn (Testament) by Chŏng Chedu (Hagok), Edward Y.J. Chung presents not only an annotated translation of Hagok's main writings but also a look into intellectual scholarship that opposed the orthodoxy of the Cheng–Zhu school of Korea. This in-depth study and translation of Hagok into English was motivated by the lack of attention in Western scholarship on Korean Neo-Confucianism. It presents a study that goes beyond the three most famous scholars, Yi Hwang T'oegye (1501–1570), Yi I Yulgok (1536–1584), and Chŏng Yagyong Tasan (1762–1836), who founded the three mainstream schools of the Chosŏn dynasty. According to Chung, Hagok's writing not only represents important aspects of intellectual history but also serves as a fourth and lesser-known school of Korean Neo-Confucian thinking that should be placed on the same level as the other three. Unlike other Korean scholars who tried to take up the Yangming doctrine, Hagok did not care that the doctrine was prohibited. This set him apart from other scholars. Despite the Cheng–Zhu school being the "right learning," Hagok did not agree with the majority of it and based his theories on the Yangming doctrine. Although Hagok openly followed the Yangming doctrine, he did not do so blindly. [End Page 1] Hagok was aware that Yangming's theories had their flaws and he agreed with some theories of the Cheng–Zhu school (p. 7–8). This resulted in him trying to synthesize the two schools into one harmonious doctrine, which is why Chung believes Hagok to be important and has undertaken the task of bringing attention to this Korean scholar. Consisting of two distinct parts, Chung gives the reader a solid introduction to Hagok and his main theories via the selected translations from his most influential text, Chonŏn, which can be translated into "testament" or "living words." The first part of the book is divided into notes on the translation itself, such as transliteration, citation style, abbreviations, and, more importantly, how and why Chung selected the sections of the Chonŏn that have been translated. Through the selection, translation, annotation, and discussion of forty-one important essays from Chonŏn's three parts, Chung wishes to show the heart of Hagok's Neo-Confucian thought (p. x). The Chonŏn is not organized according to any thematic system and consists of different paragraphs, notes, and comments. Chung has, therefore, chosen which parts to translate in order to best portray Hagok's interpretation of the key concepts, the theories found in the Yangming Neo-Confucianism, and Hagok's criticism of Zhu Xi and T'oegye. All of this is properly introduced and explained in... (shrink)

성리학자들에게 있어 理와 氣의 개념 정리는 자기가 처해있는 현실세계를 이해하고, 인간의 도덕적 윤리관을 자신의 철학적 관점으로 이해하는데 중요한 근간이 된다. 따라서 氣라는 것은 성리학에 있어서 인간과 자연, 존재와 당위, 사실과 가치의 전 영역을 포괄하는 개념으로 사용되어 왔다. 즉 氣를 자연으로서의 氣와 인간중심과 윤리적 차원의 氣, 그리고 자연과 인간의 심성 차원의 氣로 세분화할 수 있다. 이러한 연구에 있어서 대표적인 조선성리학자들은 花潭 · 退溪 · 栗谷이 손꼽힌다.BR 退溪는 ‘理貴氣賤’이라 하여 氣를 천하게 여겼고, 花潭과 栗谷은 ‘氣’를 중시하는 이론체계를 전개하였다. 그러나 花潭은 ‘一氣長存’이라 말하며 (...) 氣의 항존성을 주장한 반면, 栗谷은 ‘湛一淸虛之氣’라 하여 수양론적 도구로서 氣를 인식하는 등 그 차별성을 보이고 있다.BR 성리학 체계 내에서 조선 초기의 이론을 정립한 花潭은 氣의 측면에서 ‘우주와 자연’의 존재론적 차원의 철학체계를 전개 하였다면, 뒤이어 조선 사화기에 등장한 退溪는 이상세계를 구현하기 위해 理를 강조하며 ‘觸處皆理’라는 신념을 가지고 理의 당위성을 중요시하였다. 그리고 四端七情論에 의해 이론체계가 구체화 되면서 氣에 대한 인식이 심성론으로 그 경향성이 바뀌고 있다. 그러나 栗谷은 현실세계의 문제를 인식하고 氣를 湛一淸虛한 것으로 설정하며 수양론적 입장으로서 그 전개 양상이 바뀌고 있다. 이는 花潭의 관점과는 큰 차이를 보이고 있다. (shrink)

본 논문은 비록 시험적 단계에 불과하지만, 마음에 대한 성리학적 개념들을 형식적으로 기술하여 컴퓨터에서 다룰 수 있는 형태로 구성할 수 있을 것인가를 검토하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 필자는 도덕적 마음의 작용에 관해 논의한 내용을 바탕으로 성리학적 도덕행위자구현을 위한 시뮬레이션이 가능한가를 논의해 보았다.BR 성리학에서 마음의 개념을 설명할 때, 본체인 선천적 도덕 능력에 주목하는가 아니면 현실적으로 작용한 마음의 도덕성 여부에 주목하는가에 따라 개념화의 방식이 달라질 수 있다. 필자는 후자에 가까운 율곡의 관점이 상대적으로 경험주의적이라고 보고, 마음을 실물처럼, 몸처럼 명백하게 설명하려고 했다는 점이 인공적 도덕행위자(AMA, Artificial (...) Moral Agent) 토론에 참여하는 데 용이하지 않을까 하여 예시로 삼아 보았다.BR 율곡은 마음의 작용을 기(氣)의 ‘자동적 패턴[機自爾]’으로 설명하면서, 그 패턴이 도덕적 원리로 작동되도록 하는 수양방법을 제시했다. 그래서 필자는 우선 ‘자동적 패턴[機自爾]’이라 했던 기(氣)의 작용이 마음에서 어떻게 전개되는가를 분석하고, 그 다음에 마음의 도덕적 작용, 즉 도덕원리의 우선적 발현을 정형화할 수 있는가를 검토해보았다.BR 나아가, 검토의 과정에서 인공적 도덕행위자 논쟁의 쟁점 중 하나인 무의식적 도덕성이 수기(修己)의 차원에서는 용납될 수 없지만, 치인(治人)의 차원에서는 가능하다는 판단 하에, 필자는 비인격적 모델인 치인(治人) 시스템에 관한 논의를 위해 율곡의 정치개혁론을 검토해보았다. 이러한 시론으로 성리학적 인공적 도덕행위자 구현 가능성에 대한 본격적인 토론이 촉발될 수 있기를 기대한다. (shrink)

Abstract:Investigated here is how Pyŏn Kye-ryang, one of the most distinguished Neo-Confucian scholar-bureaucrats of fifteenth-century Korea, achieved the balance between ritual-based moral universalism, as pertaining to the hierarchical order between China and Korea, and the Korean monarch's Heaven-given responsibility for the well-being of his people under staggering political pressure for the consolidation of the new Korean Neo-Confucian dynasty called Chosŏn (1392–1910). Contrary to the prevailing view of Pyŏn as an advocate of Chosŏn's political independence and national identity, Pyŏn (...) Kye-ryang is presented here as a distinctively Neo-Confucian political realist who enabled Chosŏn's consolidating rulers to carry out the mandate of Heaven as the new state's socioeconomic and political circumstances would require, without having it violate the ritual propriety it owes as a Ming foreign vassal state. Special attention is paid to how Pyŏn developed his Neo-Confucian political realism through the creative reinterpretation of the Confucian theory of "the expedient.". (shrink)

신유학의 계보를 제시한 기존 학설 중 현재 연구자들에게 가장 많은 지지를 받고 있는 것은 ‘리학(理學)⋅심학(心學)⋅기학(氣學)’으로 학파를 크게 구분한 3파설이다. 이 연구에서는, 신유학 3파의 이름이 어떤 오해와 문제를 불러일으키는지 확인하고, 대안을 모색하였다. 신유학 3파설에서는 리⋅심⋅기 등 특정 개념을 중심으로 각 학파에 이름을 붙였으며, 이 개념들이 각 학파가 세계를 설명하는 데에 근본이 된다고 봄으로써, 존재론 또는 이기론의 측면에서 학파의 단면을 포착하려 했다. 반면 필자는 단일한 개념보다는 각 학파의 주장을 담은 핵심 명제를, 특히 이기론보다는 심성론의 명제를 반영하여 3파의 이름을 붙인다면, 여러 학파의 이론적 (...) 특징과 차이를 더 선명하게 드러낼 수 있을 것이라고 보았다. 이 점에서 조선 말의 유학자 이진상(李震相; 1818∼1886)의 통찰을 원용하여, ‘리학⋅심학⋅기학’을 각각 ‘심리기학(心理氣學)⋅심리학(心理學)⋅심기학(心氣學)’이라고 부르는 것이 하나의 대안이 될 수 있을 것이다. (shrink)

진단은 도교 내단이론의 정립자이며, 북송 이래 사상계에서 가장 큰 영향력을 남긴 인물이다. 그는 다른 종교의 장점을 자신의 이론체계에 받아들이고 있음을 분명히 선언하고 있다. 그는 도교 수련과정의 논리적 부족함을 메우기 위해 유교의 易學을 도교 秘傳의 역학으로 대치하고, 육신과 정신의 이중구조를 통합하는 방법을 모색하는 과정에서 선불교의 마음수행법을 자신의 체계 속으로 끌어들였다. 진단의 내단이론은 精氣神의 개념에 기반하여 ‘연정화기’ ‘연기화신’ ‘연신환허’의 단계로 수련하는 도식이다. 진단이 말하는 내단수련이란, ‘도교 방식으로 해석한 『주역』의 근본원리에 바탕을 두고서 마음을 고요하게 하는 禪의 수행으로부터 시작하여, 그 고요함의 끝에서 온갖 변화에 (...) 신묘하게 통할 수 있고 지혜가 충만한 상태에 이르게 되면, 미묘한 精의 흐름을 간취하여 이것을 기로 변화시키는 과정을 거쳐서 결국 복귀무극의 상태로 돌아가는 것’이라고 할 수 있다. 이러한 과정을 그는 「무극도」를 그려서 표현했다. 동양철학은 인간을 ‘현상적 존재’와 ‘본원적 존재’로 구분한다. 이러한 ‘존재 규정’으로부터 수도론의 논리가 성립된다. ‘자아’ 또는 ‘자기’라는 개념을 어떻게 규정하느냐에 따라서 ‘현상적 존재’로부터 ‘본원적 존재’로의 회귀 내지는 도약 방법이 결정된다. 도교 내단이론의 정립자라 할 수 있는 진단은 이런 측면에서 독특한 내단수련론과 삼교회통론의 체계를 확립한 인물이다. 오늘날은 ‘자아상실의 시대’ 또는 환경오염으로 인하여 생기는 ‘난치병의 시대’라고 할 수 있다. 자아의 회복과 건강한 삶을 위해서 몸과 마음을 연결짓는 진단의 수련론에 대한 검토와, 여기에 기초한 새로운 수련법의 모색은 여전히 의미 있는 일이다. (shrink)

이 글은 17세기에 활동한 대구지역 3세대 유학자들의 성리학적 특징을 규명하기 위해 채몽연, 도성유, 서사선을 시론적으로 살펴본 것이다. 이들은 정구와 2세대 유학자인 서사원, 손처눌 등에게 학문적 훈습을 받았으며, 평소 지역의 문풍 쇄신과 후진 양성에 힘쓰다 임병양난 때에는 스승을 따라 의병활동에 참여하는 등 사회적 실천에도 적극적이었다. 이러한 활동은 이들의 학문이 감정의 미발 상태에 이루어지는 정좌구중의 경의지학에 기반하고 있으면서 이학인 장자와 불교까지 포용하는 학문적 유연성을 통한 현실과의 긴장 관계를 유지하는 데에서 비롯되었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 더불어 이는 정구의 회통적 학문, 즉 퇴계학과 남명학을 넘어 (...) 통합의 성격을 더욱 확장하는 계기가 되었다. 여기서는 이러한 보편적 특징이 이 세 인물들에게 어떻게 나타나고 있는지를 그들의 삶에 두드러진 흔적을 중심으로 정리하면서 그 사상적 특징을 구체적으로 해명했다. 이제 여기서 얻은 성과를 기준으로 당대의 인물들을 확대 검토함으로써 논의를 진전시켜나가는 과제가 남아있다. (shrink)

This book explores Neo-Confucianism and its relationship to politics by examining the life and work of the two iconic figures of the Joseon dynasty Yi Hwang, (1501-1570, Toegye) and Yi I (1536-1584, Yulgok).

This essay attempts a philosophical reflection of the Confucian ideal of “scholar-official” in Joseon Korea’s neo-Confucian context. It explores why this noble ideal of a Confucian public being had to suffer many moral-political problems in reality. It argues first that because the institution of Confucian scholar-official was actually a modus-operandi compromise between Confucianism and Legalism, the Confucian scholar-officials were torn between their ethical commitment to Confucianism and their political commitment to the state; and second, that because the Cheng-Zhu (...) neo-Confucianism vigorously imported and indigenized by Joseon Koreans exalted the family over the state, Joseon neo-Confucian scholar-officials were torn between two competing moral obligations, filiality and loyalty. The essay concludes by discussing whether, given the problems with which the ideal of the Confucian scholar-official was frequently entangled, liberal individualism should be pursued as its normative alternative. (shrink)

This essay offers an analysis of the writing and practices of Song Siyŏl as a way to explore the philosophical concepts and philosophizing process of Confucian ritual in relation to women. As a symbolic and influential figure in Korean philosophy and politics, his views contributed to shaping the orthodox interpretation of the theory and practice of Neo-Confucian ritual regarding women. By demonstrating and analyzing what kinds of issues were discussed in terms of women in four family rituals, I delineate (...) the ways in which Song Siyŏl positioned women in his ritualist metaphysics and to examine his philosophizing process. (shrink)

This book explores Neo-Confucianism and its relationship to politics by examining the life and work of the two iconic figures of the Joseon dynasty Yi Hwang, and Yi I.

Tasan Chong Yagyong (1762-1836) is one of the most creative thinkers Korea has ever produced, one of the country's first Christians, and a leading scholar in Confucian philosophy. Born in a staunchly Neo-Confucian society, in his early twenties he encountered writings by Catholic missionaries in China and was fascinated. However, when he later learned that the Catholic Church condemned the Confucian practice of placing a spirit tablet on a family altar to honor past generations, he left the small Catholic community (...) he had helped found and ostensibly returned to the Neo-Confucian fold. Nevertheless, the Christian ideas he studied in his youth influenced his thinking for the rest of his life, stimulating him to look at Neo-Confucianism with a critical eye and suggest new solutions to problems Confucian scholars had been addressing for centuries. A Korean Confucian's Advice on How to Be Moral is an annotated translation of Tasan's commentaries on the Confucian classic Zhongyong (usually translated as The Doctrine of the Mean) in which he applies both Confucianism and Christianity to the question of how to best develop a moral character. Written as a dialogue with King Chongjo, (r. 1776-1800) these texts reveal how Tasan interpreted his Confucian tradition, particularly its understanding of how human beings could cultivate morality, while the king's questions illustrate the mainstream Neo-Confucianism Tasan was reacting against. Tasan challenged the non-theistic standard, insisting that living a moral life is not easy and that we need to be motivated to exert the effort necessary to overcome our selfish tendencies. He had abandoned his faith by the time he wrote these commentaries but, influenced by Catholic works and determined to find a more effective way to live a moral life than non-theistic Neo-Confucianism provided, Tasan constructed a Confucian philosophy of moral improvement centered on belief in God. This translation, helpfully annotated for context and analysis, is an exploration of early Korean engagement with the West and a powerful guide to all those interested in Confucianism, Christianity, and morality. (shrink)

This paper is a article of Pojeo Cho Yik (浦渚 趙翼: 1579~1655)’s point of view related to the book of Doctrine of the Mean (中庸) in the mid-Joseon Dynasty, when Neo Confucianism was overwhelming. At the age of 24, he wrote the Article of Doctrine of the Mean (jung yong seol 中庸說) which was explained the basic lines of the books related to the book of Doctrine of the Mean (中庸) to be written later. He wrote the Indivisual Opinion (...) of Zhongyong (jung yong sa ram 中庸私覽) at 29, and wrote the Hard-earned Zhongyong (jung yong gon deuk 中庸困得) at 37. This paper examines the transitions and consistency of his point of view of the Doctrine of the Mean (中庸) in Korean History of Classical Learning, focusing on the Indivisual Opinion of Zhongyong (中庸私覽) and the Hard-earned Zhongyong (中庸困得). The early research on his scholarship started from the work of clarifying the relationship between Wang Yangming (王陽明) and it has been mistaken as one of the schools derived from the teachings of Wang Yangming, but it turns out to be absolutely irrelevant. His thoughts and arguments are so strong in the colors of Neo Confucianism, whicd is derived from the teachings of Zhu Xi (朱熹). And the scholars who knew him at that time absolutely did not define his study as the study of Wang Yang-ming. We can not say that he is the opposite of Zhu Xi, just because his way of distinguishing sentences of the book of Doctrine of the Mean (中庸) is different from Zhu Xi. Because Zhu Xi had already mentioned it in his other works. And although he had been associated with the Yangming scholars, they had never mentioned him as a Yangming scholar. Cho Yik regarded Zhu Xi as the best person after Confucius, and genuinely admired him. His submission of opinions different from Zhu Xi only added to his meticulousness to further strengthen Zhu Xi’s neo Confucianism. (shrink)

In this essay, I discuss Korean artists’ multi-layered, internal motives for engaging in artistic practices: their artistic devotion derives from their desires for moral self-cultivation, self-enjoyment, and self-forgetting. I speculate that these tendencies were intensified in Korean cultural traditions by distinctive sociopolitical circumstances of the Joseon period under the dominance of Neo-Confucianism, such as a fixed social hierarchy and Sino-centrist perspectives. This interpretation provides a useful lens for better understanding contemporary Korean artistic practices in both the (...) fine and popular arts. (shrink)

Yi Hwang (1501–1570)—best known by his literary name, T’oegye—is one of the most eminent thinkers in the history of East Asian philosophy and religion. His Chasŏngnok (Record of self-reflection) is a superb Korean Neo-Confucian text: an eloquent collection of twenty-two scholarly letters and four essays written to his close disciples and junior colleagues. These were carefully selected by T’oegye himself after self-reflecting (chasŏng) on his practice of personal cultivation. The Chasŏngnok continuously guided T’oegye and inspired others on the true (...) Confucian way (including leading Neo-Confucians in Tokugawa Japan) while it criticized Buddhism and Daoism. Its philosophical merit rivals T’oegye’s monumental Sŏnghak sipto (Ten diagrams on sage learning) and “Four-Seven Debate Letters”; however, as a testament of T’oegye’s character, scholarship, and teaching, the Chasŏngnok is of greater interest. The work engages with his holistic knowledge and experience of self-cultivation by articulating textual and historical material on various key doctrines and ideas. It is an inspiring practical guide that reveals the depth of T’oegye’s learning and spirituality. The present volume offers a fully annotated translation of the Chasŏngnok. Following a groundbreaking discussion of T’oegye’s life and ideas according to the Chasŏngnok and his other major writings, it presents the core of his thought in six interrelated sections: “Philosophy of Principle,” “Human Nature and Emotions,” “Against Buddhism and Daoism,” “True Learning,” “Self-Cultivation,” and “Reverence and Spiritual Cultivation.” The bibliography offers a current catalogue of primary sources and modern works in Korean, Chinese, Japanese, and English. As the first comprehensive study of the Chasŏngnok, this book is a welcome addition to current literature on Korean classics and East Asian philosophy and religion. By presenting T’oegye’s thought-provoking contributions, it sheds new light on the vitality of Confucian wisdom, thereby affording scholars and students with an excellent primary source for East Asian studies in general and Confucian studies in particular. (shrink)

This chapter highlights the significance of Yi I 李珥 and his contribution to the development of Korean Neo-Confucianism. Yulgok was a “synthesizer” in his approach to the some fundamental issues and controversies that dominated the sixteenth century Joseon Neo-Confucianism. Some of most controversial issues that Yulgok dealt with were the relationship between “principle” or i/li 理 and “vital force” or gi/qi 氣, the famous “four-seven” debates, the problem of relating the “human mind” and the “dao-mind”, and the (...) idea of understanding the human in relation to the cosmos. Yulgok dealt each of these vital issues with his unique non-dualistic approach which synthesized the conceptual polarity that caused serious debates in the Korean Neo-Confucian circle. The concepts such as i/li and gi/qi, eum/yin and yang, the “human mind” and the “dao-mind,” for example, were understood by some leading Confucian scholars including Yi Hwang 李滉 structured dualistically. Yulgok thought that although these ideas appeared to be conceptually dualistic, they were, in fact, related to each other with an intrinsic ontological unity based on the same reality. However, Yulgok made a clear distinction between different manifestations of the same ontological substance. For example, Yulgok discussed about the mysterious relationship of i and gi: “The mystery of i and gi is difficult to see or to talk. The origin of i is one, the origin of gi is also one…. gi does not part from i, and i does not part from gi. This being the case, i and gi are one.” It is essential to understand Yulgok’s non-dualistic view of reality. For Yulgok, reality was profoundly relational. For him relation was not simply a connection or an external binding but it was fundamentally an intrinsic unity of beings or entities by stating that one cannot exist without the other. In this respect, Yulgok was a non-dualistic thinker who understood reality not in the framework of dichotomy but in the intrinsic unity of i and gi and the “four beginnigs” and the “seven feelings”, etc. Yulgok’s anthropology, ontology, and cosmology were based on his synthetic and comprehensive approach to the critical issues of Korean Neo-Confucianism. This chapter is a brief summary of Yulgok’s life and thoughts in relationship to each other to observe his intellectual development in light of his personal growth. (shrink)

This study explores the educational meaning of Songdok in traditional Korean education. Songdok refers to the act of memorizing text completely while reading it aloud; however, in traditional Korean education, it used to symbolize ‘learning’ itself. Historically, Songdok was regarded in extreme terms: being criticized as low-level memorization or encouraged as a religious ritual. In the Goryeo Dynasty, when civil service exams were introduced, Songdok was performed to memorize Confucian textbooks solely for passing the exam. However, its status (...) changed in the mid-1600s because of an educational reform movement by Neo-Confucian fundamentalists. Given the widespread perception in South Korea that ‘imitating a saint is a way of learning’, Songdok has been elevated as part of moral consciousness. Here, we discuss how Songdok takes on two opposing educational objectives: One is passing the exam, and the other is imitating a saint. An examination of Songdok provides insightful perspectives on Korean education, especially regarding sluggish moral education. (shrink)

This volume is the first comprehensive and in-depth discussion written in English of the Confucian tradition in the context of the intellectual history of Korea. It deals with the historical, social, political, philosophical and spiritual dimensions of Korean Confucianism, arguably the most influential intellectual tradition, ethical and religious practice, and political-ideological system in Korea. This volume analyzes the unique aspects of the Korean development of the Confucian tradition by examining the role of Confucianism as the ruling (...) ideology of the Choson Dynasty. It investigates Confucianism’s social and cultural construction, and intellectual foundation in highlighting the Korean achievement of the Neo-Confucian discussion on "human nature and its principle" in light of the Chinese Neo-Confucian development. The volume also surveys the most influential Korean Confucian scholars discussing their philosophical significance in relation to one of the most fundamental Neo-Confucian discourses, namely the li and qi debates, to elucidate how metaphysical theories shaped the socio-political factions of the Choson Dynasty. Furthermore, issues concerning the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism and other native traditional belief systems are also included in this volume. The volume explores the Confucian confrontation with modernity, encounter with the "Western Learning" including Western science and Catholicism, and the Confucian struggle with modernity in dealing with issues such as democracy, human rights, and gender in modern Korea. Individual contributors of this volume are either well established senior scholars or promising young scholars in the field. (shrink)

Neo-Confucianism was a vast intellectual movement that was launched in Song China and that continued to exert great influence in the countries of East Asia, including Japan, Korean and even Vietnam. By the mid-Ming period in China, it found itself in the midst of a major intellectual transformation, undergoing its most lively philosophical effervescence since its formative stage. My dissertation explores the Neo-Confucian discourse of this time. ;Methodologically, I have attempted to overcome various limitations in existing scholarship, which (...) tends to be devoted to individual thinkers, and sought to provide a wide-ranging contextual treatment of various currents of thought during this period. Also, to explicate what Neo-Confucianism meant to its practitioners, I explore in depth a cardinal philosophical assumption of Neo-Confucianism that was particularly important in mid-Ming Neo-Confucian discourse: the unity between self and world. Without this philosophical underpinning which allows an individual moral agent to contain within himself the whole world, the Neo-Confucian project, which upholds personal morality as the main fulcrum of social well-being, cannot be theoretically sustained. ;By combining these approaches of history and philosophy, I offer a new lens for understanding each of the remarkable thinkers that emerged at that time---Chen Xianzhang , Hu Juren , Zhan Ruoshui , Luo Qinshun , Wang Tingxiang , and Wang Yangming . My account of each thinker seeks to prove that each thinker's philosophy can best be understood as varying responses to the crisis of the moral self in the mid-Ming. In general, mid-Ming thinkers enriched Neo-Confucian thought in the sense that they managed to articulate new conceptual modes by which to recuperate the moral self. ;Although mid-Ming thinkers' philosophical gymnastics represented their endeavor to save Neo-Confucianism, their philosophies, taken together, reveal certain features of the general intellectual milieu at that time. That is, intellectuals contested the idea of the unity of the world---the assumption that made it possible to conceive the individual self as more than an isolated ego. With this shift in the way in which individuals thought about themselves, Neo-Confucianism found itself not just in transformation but also in crisis. (shrink)

Neo-Confucianism is a philosophically sophisticated tradition weaving classical Confucianism together with themes from Buddhism and Daoism. It began in China around the eleventh century CE, played a leading role in East Asian cultures over the last millennium, and has had a profound influence on modern Chinese society. -/- Based on the latest scholarship but presented in accessible language, Neo-Confucianism: A Philosophical Introduction is organized around themes that are central in Neo-Confucian philosophy, including the structure of the cosmos, (...) human nature, ways of knowing, personal cultivation, and approaches to governance. The authors thus accomplish two things at once: they present the Neo-Confucians in their own, distinctive terms; and they enable contemporary readers to grasp what is at stake in the great Neo-Confucian debates. (shrink)

Where does Neo-Confucianismâe"a movement that from the twelfth to the seventeenth centuries profoundly influenced the way people understood the world and responded to itâe"fit into our story of Chinaâe(tm)s history? This interpretive, at times polemical, inquiry into the Neo-Confucian engagement with the literati as the social and political elite, local society, and the imperial state during the Song, Yuan, and Ming dynasties is also a reflection on the role of the middle period in Chinaâe(tm)s history. The book argues that as (...) Neo-Confucians put their philosophy of learning into practice in local society, they justified a new social ideal in which society at the local level was led by the literati with state recognition and support. The later imperial order, in which the state accepted local elite leadership as necessary to its own existence, survived even after Neo-Confucianism lost its hold on the center of intellectual culture in the seventeenth century but continued as the foundation of local education. It is the contention of this book that Neo-Confucianism made that order possible. (shrink)

Yi Hwang, better known by his pen name T'oegye, is generally considered Korea's preeminent Neo-Confucian scholar. The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning is his final masterpiece, a distillation of the learning and practice of a lifetime, and one of the most important works of Korean Neo-Confucianism. In it he crystallized the essence of Neo-Confucian philosophy and spiritual practice in ten brief chapters that begin with the grand vision of the universe and conclude with a description of a well-lived (...) day. In To Become a Sage, Michael Kalton supplements a superb translation of this pivotal text with useful commentary that will greatly enhance its value and interest to the lay reader. The Ten Diagrams is the first complete primary text of Korean Neo-Confucianism to be translated into English. Korea's Yi Dynasty, the only East Asian regime founded exclusively under Neo-Confucian auspices, was unique in its allegiance to the orthodox Ch'eng Chu school, predominant in China, Korea, and Japan. Although the Ten Diagrams is a relatively short work, it fully presents the entire vision of Neo-Confucianism as framed in that school. Kalton provides a brief history of Neo-Confucianism in China and Korea as well as commentary that includes extensive passages from T'oegye's voluminous personal correspondence. These annotations expand the meaning distilled in each chapter. They help the uninitiated reader understand the basic elements of the complex Ch'eng Chu school of Neo-Confucianism, while enabling the scholar to distinguish characteristic aspects of Korean Neo-Confucianism as presented in the thought of the nation's leading philosopher of the time. (shrink)

이택후는 모종삼을 중심으로 하는 현대신유학의 유학3기설이 말하려는 주장의 핵심을 心性論 중심의 철학으로 이해하고 있다. 그는 심성론을 통하여 중국유학을 규정하려는 모종삼의 시도는 매우 편향된 관점으로 荀子나 漢代유학이 가진 특색을 말살하고 있는 것으로 보고 있다. 이택후는 현대신유학은 이론구조나 사변적 깊이, 그리고 창조적 수준을 막론하고 모두 송명이학을 조금도 넘어서지 못했고 또한 새로운 해석을 제기하지도 못했기 때문에 이택후는 현대신유학을 ‘現代宋明理學’이라고 부른다. 이택후는 유학4기설을 통하여 유학3기설의 관점이 內聖에 치우쳐 현대적 의미의 外王을 실질적으로 전개해 내지 못하는 것에 대해 비판하고 宗敎性道德과 社會性道德이라는 관점을 통하여 전통적인 내성외왕을 해체한다. (...) 전통유학이 가진 정치 · 윤리 · 종교의 三者合一체계를 해체하는 일차적인 작업이 바로 종교성 도덕과 사회성 도덕으로 나누는 시도이다. 이런 이택후의 시도는 전통유학의 내성이 외왕을 결정하는 汎道德主義的인 구조와는 ‘다른 길을 개척한’ 유학4기설의 기본 방향이다. (shrink)

This paper aims to investigate the philosophical thought and moral practice of a Korean neo-Confucian female scholar named Kang Chŏngildang 姜靜一堂, who not only believed in moral equality between men and women and the possibility of female sagehood but actually empowered herself to become a moral paragon. Furthermore, Chŏngildang’s strong faith in moral equality between men and women enabled her to engage in social criticism of the existing educational system and social norms which discriminated against women, not by overcoming (...) neo-Confucianism, commonly understood as essentially androcentric and patriarchal, but by wholeheartedly embracing and further re-appropriating it in the service of women’s moral self-empowerment and moral perfectibility. After explicating why Chŏngildang nonetheless subscribed to gendered roles and female virtue with reference to her neo-Confucian worldview, I suggest that she can be called a harbinger of Confucian feminism. (shrink)