El artículo sitúa el Filioque en su contexto histórico y teológico, y reúne y analiza los principales pasajes de los escritos de Agustín en los que él propone la doctrina conocida como el Filioque, tratando desvelar su coherencia interna.

Pour interpréter les paroles d’institution, et notamment la phrase attribuée au Christ « ceci est mon corps », les réformateurs ont utilisé la rhétorique de leur temps. De même, les éléments de la Cène ont été compris par eux comme des signes, à la lumière d’une « sémiotique » de leur époque et en anticipant des réflexions qui se répandront dans les siècles ultérieurs. Dès lors il est tentant de relire le débat réformateur au sujet de la Cène à la (...) lumière de certains éléments de linguistique du XXe siècle, pour dégager certains enjeux théologiques d’une compréhension du langage. Le présent article fait donc état du versant linguistique du conflit sacramentel entre luthériens et réformés, en essayant de voir le lien entre le langage et la manière de se situer devant Dieu qui est en jeu. La question de la figure rhétorique utilisée par le Christ ayant d’abord été posée par les réformés, l’article propose pour commencer l’étude de la doctrine de Calvin avant de passer à Luther et son anticipation de la notion contemporaine de « parole performative », pour terminer sur différents enjeux du contexte actuel.To interpret the words of institution, and especially the phrase attributed to Christ “This is my body,” the reformers used the rhetoric of their day. The elements of the Last Supper were likewise understood by them as signs, in the light of a “semiotic” of the era and in analysing reflections that would continue to develop in later centuries. It is tempting to reread the reformer’s debate concerning the Last Supper in the light of certain elements of 20th century linguistics, to open up certain theological problems that involve the comprehension of language. The present article, then, takes into account the linguistic dimension of the sacramental debate between Lutherans and Reformists in trying to see the connection between language and the manner one positions himself before God Who is the issue. As to the question of the rhetorical figure used by Christ first proposed by the Reformists, this article begins by studying Calvin’s doctrine, then moves on to Luther and his anticipation of the contemporaneous notion of the “performative word,” and ends with the various issues in today’s context. (shrink)

Varied in texture and nuance, the interpreters included in this commentary on Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy and edited by Joseph T. Lienhard display a treasure house of ancient wisdom that speaks with eloquence and intellectual acumen to the church today.

Augustine often pairs the words locutio and sensus in his efforts to interpret the books of the Heptateuch. Locutiones are un-Latin expressions in the Latin text of the Bible, which point to a Greek or Hebrew idiom behind the Latin. In each case, Augustine tries to decide whether or not a sensus, an intelligible meaning, can be found that explains the locutio. In some cases, he writes confidently that the idiom does not conceal a meaning. In other cases, he suspects (...) that it does; sometimes he can discover the meaning, sometimes not. This study demonstrales Augustine’s profound respect for the Old Latin text, as well as his effort to make sense of the text, without violating the rules of grammar or reason. Within these boundaries, he took delight in the biblical text and its mysteries. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Memory in Augustine’s Theological Anthropology by Paige E. HochschildJoseph T. Lienhard, S.J.Memory in Augustine’s Theological Anthropology. By Paige E. Hochschild. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Pp. 251. $125.00 (cloth). ISBN 978-0-19-964302-8.When students of St. Augustine consider his teaching on memory, they turn instinctively to the Confessions, book 10, and to On the Trinity, books 11 and 12. The lyrical passage in the Confessions is easy to teach (...) and intriguing in its contents. Paige Hochschild paints a much larger picture, drawing on far more sources. She also sees memory as a central category in Augustine’s thought. In the opening paragraph of the introduction, she describes memory (for Augustine) as the way the mind meets the world, as the way things external to the body are apprehended, as the way intelligible objects are known, and as what it means to be constituted in the image of God. This is a big order. And “order,” in Augustine’s sense, is key: the mind, as memory, brings order to the natural world, but also brings to light a providential order that is implicit in the sensible.The book is divided into three parts: (1) the philosophical tradition (Plato, Aristotle, and Plotinus), (2) Augustine’s earlier writings (from the Cassiciacum dialogues up to De magistro and De musica), and (3) the Confessions and De trinitate. The conclusion of this complex study is that memory is salvific: it accounts for the soul’s progress by the dialectical play of the knowledge and love of what is possessed, yet not possessed. The lifelong process of healing in which memory functions is fulfilled in contemplation.Two characteristics of Hochschild’s book can be mentioned at the outset. First, she studies each author diachronically, measuring progress and growth in the author’s thought, and particularly in his understanding of memory. Second, she readily invokes a wide range of categories to explain and illuminate her main topic. The book is anything but an extended encyclopedia article on “memoria in Augustine.” The two principal terms in the title, “memory” and “theological anthropology,” are richly developed and elaborated.Chapter 1 begins with a short note on Augustine’s knowledge of Plato. It is generally admitted that Augustine read some of the dialogues of Plato in translation: the Timaeus, the Republic (albeit only parts of it), the Phaedo, and the Phaedrus. Some of these works, at least, may have come down to him through doxographers. But Plato’s influence on Augustine remains shadowy. It is “Platonism,” and particularly Plotinus, that influences him so clearly, a point made memorably in Confessions 7.9.13-15, and its intriguing reference to the libri Platonicorum. Before all else, Platonism delivers Augustine from the bondage of materialism.Hochschild treats Plato’s doctrine of memory under four headings: sense perception, knowledge as recollection, divisions in the ways of knowing, and the practice of dialectic. In regard to sense perception, the sharp distinction (found in the Republic) between opinion (doxa) and knowledge (epistêmê) [End Page 144] needs to be refined, Hochschild avers. At least in some later works, the sensible is an image of the intelligible, and hence some sense perception can be infallible. On the next topic, Plato invokes recollection to explain direct apprehension of the forms, but recollection does not recall what was perceived in the past but is a restoration of a clear, logical relationship. The Republic introduces a new element, “the illuminative power of the Good” (21). The final section of chapter 1 treats dialectic, concluding that “knowledge is fulfilled in virtue, and the art of dialectic is not merely an exercise in definition, but a hexis, and a way of living” (27).Chapter 2, on Aristotle, begins with the observation that, if Plato’s influence on Augustine was indirect, Aristotle’s was even more indirect, reaching Augustine through Plotinus. Most familiar, of course, are Augustine’s account of reading Aristotle’s Categories during his days at Carthage (Confessions 4.16.28-31) and his later use of the categories of substance and relation in his understanding of the Trinity, creating the category of “substantial relation,” which would... (shrink)

El artículo estudia el influjo de Basilio de Cesarea y Gregorio de Nacianzo en Agustín, haciendo una breve reseña de las diversas aproximaciones que se pueden hacer al tema, así como la exposición de los textos en los que explícitamente Agustín hace referencia a estos dos Padres griegos.