The correspondence of 1948 between Karl Popper and Michael Oakeshott, translated for the first time in Italian and published in the appendix to this paper, demonstrates the existence of two different ways of thinking about politics: the rationalist approach, founded on the “argumentation” as a rational means for the non-violent solution of problems, and the traditionalist mode, inspired by the method of “conversation” as a guarantee of constant openness to the diversity of identities. To rise from the letters is a (...) mutual influence on the interpretation of the key concepts that characterize the thought of the two authors, which however does not cancel the fundamental divergence of their political orientation. (shrink)

The author suggests twelve hypothesis to revive enthusiasm as a political category and, finally, to restate the possibility of political action. The enthusiasm of the masses was in this perspective the essential political element of ''The Glorious Thirties'' following the Second War World, characterized by this tension to realize a greater social justice. It would have been also at the base of the ''Long Sixty- eight'' and of the processes of decolonization. Enthusiasm is thus thought in opposition both to the (...) monopolistic pretension of political innovation forwarded by communist parties in the past and to the exclusive competence on political-economical decisions claimed today by democratic élite. Rethinking the enthusiasm that animated these historic sequences of the Twentieth century should offer the possibility to respond to «the sad passions» that dominate the era of neoliberal administration of global democracy. (shrink)

La menzogna è irrinunciabile per vincere in politica? Davi ci spiega quali sono i meccanismi di persuasione a cui ricorrono taluni politici per farsi eleggere e quali le responsabilità di quegli elettori che scelgono comunque di votare chi sostiene anche ciò che non può essere vero. È indubbio che la comunicazione politica si rifaccia al simbolismo e al linguaggio delle favole; non necessariamente per occultare la realtà, ma più direttamente per esprimere con maggiore efficacia il suo messaggio. Alle (...) celebri favole di 'Biancaneve', 'Cenerentola', 'Il brutto anatroccolo' sono ricorsi infatti uomini politici del calibro di Berlusconi, Prodi, Nixon, Carter, Mitterrand e partiti quali la Democrazia Cristiana; l'hanno fatto per conquistare voti ma anche per attivare ampi meccanismi di consenso che attingessero direttamente dall'inconscio collettivo. Le conseguenze - ammonisce l'autore - possono essere molto serie, come nel caso dell'attuale politica americana che ha portato la manipolazione e l'inganno a essere riconosciuti come tratti identitari della presidenza di George W. Bush. (shrink)

This paper analyses Cartesian ethics and politics. It defends that Descartes's position in these areas coincides with his metaphysical and physical conceptions, searching a difficult equilibrium between individualism and altruism, quiet life and social commitment.

This paper analyses Cartesian ethics and politics. It defends that Descartes's position in these areas coincides with his metaphysical and physical conceptions, searching a difficult equilibrium between individualism and altruism, quiet life and social commitment.

The goal of this paper is to argue that the Neptuno Alegórico and the Theatro de Virtudes Políticas, which were composed in 1680 by the Novohispanic philosophers Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz and Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora to accompany respectively two arches erected to celebrate the entry of the Spanish viceroy to Mexico City, are notable not only as examples of panegyrical Baroque literature but also as philosophical texts aimed at moral instruction. To be specific, I argue that (...) the Neptuno and the Theatro belong to a hybrid genre that I label ekphrastic moral mirrors. Ekphrastic moral mirrors, which constitute a subset of the traditional speculum principis, are characterized by offering moral instruction to a prince indirectly, by means of an elaborate ekphrasis of a work of art (which, in the case of the Neptuno and the Theatro, were the two arches that they were paired with). I also argue that, insofar as the Neptuno and the Theatro create different audiences that are mutually aware of each other in virtue of systematically relying on ekphrasis deployed in a public setting, they are potentially more effective for moral instruction than other traditional mirrors of princes. (shrink)

The goal of this paper is to argue that the Neptuno Alegórico and the Theatro de Virtudes Políticas, which were composed in 1680 by the Novohispanic philosophers Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz and Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora to accompany respectively two arches erected to celebrate the entry of the Spanish viceroy to Mexico City, are notable not only as examples of panegyrical Baroque literature but also as philosophical texts aimed at moral exhortation. To be specific, I argue that (...) the Neptuno and the Theatro belong to a hybrid genre that I label ekphrastic moral mirrors. Ekphrastic moral mirrors, which make up a subset of the traditional specula principum, are characterized by offering moral exhortation and political advice to a prince indirectly, by means of an elaborate ekphrasis of a work of art (which, in the case of the Neptuno and the Theatro, were the two arches that they were respectively paired with). I also argue that the use of ekphrasis in a public setting enables the creation of a composite audience made up by various stakeholders with different interests that is intended to reflect and reinforce the creation of a unified political entity. (shrink)

In memoriam: Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe (2007-2017). Filosofía, poesía y política en Martin Heidegger,.

Retomando la lectura de Hannah Arendt en La condición humana sobre la vita activa y, particularmente, sobre la "acción" como condición de posibilidad de la "vida política", este trabajo busca poner en entredicho la relación entre "política", "vida" y "acción". Para ello, centraremos este análisis en el pensamiento de Filón de Alejandría; más especialmente, en un rara avis dentro de su corpus: La vida contemplativa o de los suplicantes. El objetivo de la ponencia es reflexionar sobre el lugar donde se (...) instala la reflexión filosófica y la reflexión teológica como forma política y qué implicaciones tiene esto: qué ocurre cuando el fundamento de la enseñanza no pasa por la vita activa arendtiana sino por una vida pasiva bajo la consagración a la tarea de la reflexión y el estudio, ¿podríamos plantear desde allí una forma comunitaria que constituya la política como in-acción? (shrink)

After the 1980s, the political communication and the mise en scène of politicians have become increasingly hybrid, mixing political representation with entertainment. Politicians like Silvio Berlusconi, Beppe Grillo, and even Barack Obama bring their bodies to the center of mass media political representation. They use their bodies not simply as a medium of communication but also as a source of entertainment for their audience. Before Silvio Berlusconi decided to enter politics, the former Brazilian President, Fernando Alfonso Collor de Mello, showed (...) us already in 1989, and in a very emblematic way, how the combination of politics and entertainment functions as one of the main tendencies of political communication. The analysis of his mise en scène brings this practice to the light and shows us a new phenomenon of mass media: the third body of the politician. (shrink)

In the second half of the eighteenth century, in France there was an important attempt to renew the reflection on the practices of government of society. Opposing the Colbertist mercantilism of the previous century, the physiocracy is part of this debate by introducing a new way of rationalizing the political society and its practices of government, which develops around a notion of «natural order» which prescribes full freedom for economic subjects. Thanks to the support of the “regime of truth” in (...) the economic science, Quesnay and the physiocrats would propose an innovative form of modern “governmentality”, which in their thought is called despotisme. How can the notion of “despotism” coexist with the claim of maximum liberty for economic actors? The present article intends to answer this question, investigating the relationship that Quesnay and the physiocracy entertain with the birth of liberalism. (shrink)

This article problematizes the extended diagnosis regarding the relation between truth and politics, or politics and lies, mobilized by the term post-truth. First, it puts into question the presumed historical novelty that the term signals to, reminding us how Western political philosophy has always been marked by the anxiety towards the threathening force of an orphan and erratic discourse with no consciousness and no referent. Second, it indicates the limitations of the reproach against the presumed withdrawal of rationality and veracity (...) from politics, insofar as it fails to take into account the extent to which there is operative nowadays, in a hegemonic tecno-scientific discourse, a production of a certain truth of the social. In order to attend to this other angle of the relation between truth and politics one needs to displace the view from the field of electoral politics, to the field of techniques of government. Third, the article argues that there is a structural coherence between the hyper-truth in which these government techniques operate, and the inescrupulous strategic interest in the realpolitik of electoral politics, a coherence that is anchored in the ontological and epistemological premises of the modern conception of the political. Finally, the article underlines the critical potency that the theoretical legacy of post-structuralism offers to us, facing this landscape. (shrink)

A fin del siglo XX, en Argentina, los procesos de reforma del Estado con la descentralización de competencias a provincias y municipios en áreas vinculadas a la salud, la educación y la vivienda, trajo consigo el problema de que la descentralización de las competencias no fue correspondida con el traslado de recursos. Hoy, se suman otros reclamos en los espacios locales relacionados con el acceso al suelo urbano y la vivienda digna, la sustentabilidad ambiental, la equidad de género, la disminución (...) de la brecha digital entre otras. La falta de planificación de políticas integrales de hábitat para pobladores de menores ingresos, desposeídos, migrantes, empleados en servicios en las familias consolidadas o en la ciudad, profundiza la desigualdad social y la degradación ambiental en la ciudad. Este trabajo propone el análisis de las nuevas dinámicas de acceso al suelo de manera legal implementadas desde el Estado en Pehuajó, Argentina y, para ello hace foco en el estudio crítico del uso de instrumentos normativos en relación a la incorporación de la tierra privada como políticas de inclusión de la población de bajo recursos de barrios populares. La propuesta se articula como interpretación afiliada con el discurso del Programa para América Latina y el Caribe del Instituto Lincoln de Políticas del Suelo. Desde una óptica autodefinida como progresista aplica nuevos instrumentos a la gestión del suelo urbano con la función de prevenir la informalidad y tener así una ciudad más inclusiva, mejor financiada, distribuir más equitativamente los servicios públicos y las cargas, y elegir las geotecnologías más apropiadas. (shrink)

The paper is an intervention in the dispute about the moralism of the recent realist trend in political philosophy. It is particularly focused on analysing the debate on this subject between Niklas Erman and Eva Möller (2015a; 2015b) and Robert Jubb and Enzo Rossi (2015a; 2015b). Examining the main arguments of both parties, I argue that realists (i.e., Jubb and Rossi) lost the debate, that realism is, in fact, moralism in disguise, and that its main methodological request – giving up (...) „pre-political” moral principles and values in political philosophy – is „unrealistic” (i.e., unfeasible). (shrink)

This book advances an examination of the main arguments and counter-arguments put forward by the advocates of realism in political philosophy in support of the two methodological theses they defend: 1) that political philosophy is not and cannot be understood (just) as a branch of ethics or as „applied moral philosophy” (as moderate realists claim); and 2) that political philosophy should be done completely “outside ethics”, i.e., that it should stop using arguments based on “pre-political” moral principles or values (as (...) radical realists claim). The book pleads for four main conclusions: 1) that radical realism is nothing but moralism in disguise and that its methodological request – giving up moral principles or values in political philosophy – is „unrealistic” (unfeasible), as long as no plausible (i.e., egalitarian) account of political legitimacy or authority can be grounded without appeal to the principle of basic human equality or the principle of treating people as (free and) equals; 2) that political philosophy is not quite accurately described as a branch of ethics, as moralist political philosophers usually do, but this is not because of the reasons usually offered by moderate realists, but because political philosophy includes at least one project that cannot be unquestionably subsumed to this characterization (i.e., the project of the purely epistemic justification of liberal democracy); 3) that moralism is a methodology that political philosophy is perfectly justified to use and no (radical) realist counter-argument touches its validity and necessity; and 4) that all objections brought in the realists’ crusade against moralism are not tenable (most of them being the fruit of serious misunderstandings or distortions of the positions the philosophers accused of this “methodological vice” endorse, the result of sophistic reasoning or of confusions, such as the confusion between political philosophy and political science, between normative and descriptive, between political philosophy and motivational speech for citizens or politicians, or the confusion between moralism as a methodology of political philosophy – or as a thesis about the proper methodology of political philosophy – and moralism as a theory or an evaluative practice concerning politics and political behavior). The four conclusions can be synthesized in the general conclusion that realists – be they radical or moderate – are wrong when they argue (and believe they have good reasons for the thesis) that political philosophy is not (just) a branch of ethics or for the thesis that it should be done completely “outside ethics”. The most central questions of political philosophy are, in their overwhelming majority, moral questions (about the political). In addition, the recourse to “pre-political” moral principles or values is imperative and inescapable for political philosophy. Therefore, political philosophy has no other option than remaining what, essentially, it has ever been: an area of moral philosophy, a discipline whose research interests are continuous with those of ethics. As its title suggests, this book can be described, as well, as a (new) defence of this general conclusion concerning the specific of and the path to follow by political philosophy. (shrink)

Starting from the current revival of the debate around the issue of solidarity, this introductory contribution to the monographic section of «Scienza & Politica» aims to highlighting the epistemological function of this concept in the constitution of the time and the space of social regulation. Taking into consideration the contribution of sociology to the construction and the development of the twentieth-century welfare state, it treats and questions the heuristic and normative capacity of the concept of solidarity in front of (...) the challenges that globalization poses to the economic and social possibility of a societal regulation of global interdependencies. (shrink)

In his Bibliographia politica Naudé reviews in about one hundred pages authors and works that have dealt with politics, from the Antiquity to the first decades of the Seventeenth Century. In few enlightened pages on the ordinary and extraordinary administration of the State, Naudé elaborates his own idea of Reason of State, including the use of an extraordinary administration in the name of the public benefit. We can find a continuity between his Bibliographia politica and his Considérations politiques (...) sur les coups d’Estat. In both his political works Naudé gives to the category of wisdom, derived from Aristotle, a new practical and political value, which goes back to authors such as Machiavelli or Cardano, Lipsius or Charron. Naudé’s political wisdom uses dissimulation and any form of justice, also against common law, to act in extraordinary administration of the State or to carry out “coups d’État.”. (shrink)

Este artigo é um recorte de pesquisa realizada na Universidade Estadual do Centro-Oeste, tendo como objetivo articular as propostas de políticas públicas de educação e trabalho para juventude. Trata-se de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, fundamentada no método do materialismo histórico dialético. Para fundamentarmos nossa proposta, dividimos este texto em quatro momentos. Inicialmente analisamos a construção histórica do conceito de juventude e sua representação no contexto social; posteriormente, foram levantados dados estatísticos das condições sociais, emprego, renda e escolarização em que estes jovens (...) se encontram. Seguimos, discorrendo sobre o perfil pretendido do jovem trabalhador, nas matrizes do capitalismo, atrelados aos propósitos da educação e finalizamos com discussões pertinentes as políticas educacionais para juventude e suas determinações por meio dos organismos multilaterais. A maioria das políticas de educação e trabalho possui caráter neoliberal, adotando um enfoque estratégico de ações para juventude pobre e vulnerável em favor de desenvolvimento econômico. . (shrink)

Resumo: O direito, afirma Agamben, não tem nada a ver com a justiça, nem com a verdade. O que interessa ao direito são o procedimento e a conclusão jurídica que não necessariamente inclui as questões sobre justiça e sobre verdade. O direito, como nos lembra Foucault, fica ligado a um específico poder soberano tradicional e não chega até às novas estruturas do poder articuladas no contexto da discussão sobre a biopolítica. A dúvida que Agamben tem sobre Foucault parece simples. Por (...) que Foucault, mesmo falando sobre a biopolítica, não chega até às conseqüências dramáticas da Modernidade, até a experiência dos campos de concentração, por exemplo? O artigo inclui os argumentos críticos de Jacques Derrida sobre a possibilidade de conexão entre direito e justiça.Palavras-chave: Biopolitica - direito - filosofia.: The law, Agamben says, has nothing to do with justice, nor with the truth. What matters is the right procedure and the legal conclusion that does not necessarily include the issues of justice and truth. The law, we can remember Foucault, is connected to a specific traditional sovereign power and does not reach the new structures of power articulated in the context of the discussion on bio-politics. The question that Agamben has on Foucault seems simple. Why Foucault, even talking about bio-politics, does not reach the dramatic consequences of modernity such as the experience of concentration camps? The article also includes the critical arguments of Jacques Derrida on the possibility of connecting the law and justice. (shrink)

La crisi della politica affonda le sue radici in uno spazio povero di riflessione culturale. Le scelte dell’Europa, dopo le due guerre mondiali, pesano come macigni sul futuro dei giovani i quali si trovano disorientati dalla crisi della politica e dell’economia dovuta, secondo l’Autore, alla loro separazione dall’etica. Nel libro viene auspicato un rinnovamento di fondo della concezione della politica, per realizzare il bene comune e promuovere la coscienza morale concretizzando una democrazia matura.

With this book we want to illustrate the way we philosophers think that public argument and debate should be. Our goal is not to present a collection of academic texts. Although most of us are part of the academy, we want to present to the lay public shorter, more essay-like texts, originally published on an Internet page called Refutations. The page is not, of course, an academic journal; it is a digital magazine with opinion texts that share simplicity, rigor and (...) total accessibility to anyone not initiated to the philosophers' way of thinking. And although the magazine's columnists are friends, they actively disagree on the most diverse topics, such as politics, economics, ethics and art. The reader, therefore, has before him a book with the most varied opinions on some of the main contemporary themes. Naturally, we do not expect to have the last word on any matter. Our intention is much more modest, but also very important: to show that it is possible, even without putting an end to the debates, to think in a creative, clear and civilized way. / Com este livro queremos ilustrar a maneira como nós, filósofos, pensamos que a argumentação e o debate públicos devem ser. Nosso objetivo não é apresentar uma coletânea de textos acadêmicos. Embora a maioria de nós seja parte da academia, queremos apresentar ao público leigo textos mais curtos e ensaísticos, originalmente publicados em uma página na Internet chamada Refutações. A página não é, naturalmente, um periódico acadêmico; trata-se de uma revista digital com textos de opinião que compartilham a simplicidade, o rigor e a total acessibilidade a qualquer não iniciado ao modo de pensar dos filósofos. E, embora os colunistas da revista sejam amigos, eles discordam ativamente a respeito dos mais diversos temas, como política, economia, ética e arte. O leitor, portanto, tem diante de si um livro com as mais variadas opiniões a respeito de alguns dos principais temas contemporâneos. Naturalmente, não esperamos dar a última palavra a respeito de qualquer assunto. Nossa pretensão é bem mais modesta, mas também muito importante: mostrar que é possível, mesmo sem colocar pontos finais aos debates, pensar de forma criativa, clara e civilizada. (shrink)

Resumo: A inclusão no Ensino Superior é uma premissa de âmbito social, educacional e político. Muitos passos têm sido trilhados para que os discursos sobre equidade e igualdade possam ser proferidos e perspectivados, reconhecendo que o ajustamento dos estudantes com Necessidades Educativas Especiais (NEE) precede-se de inúmeros fatores, entre eles, das políticas educativas. Para possibilitar algumas reflexões, o presente estudo, de natureza qualitativa, objetivou conhecer as percepções de colaboradores (n=85) de Instituições de Ensino Superior portuguesas sobre o papel das políticas (...) educativas em prol da inclusão. Os dados, provenientes de um questionário online, foram tratados sob a técnica de análise de conteúdo, com apoio do software webQDA. Os resultados evidenciaram 60 referências na categoria de potencialidades, refletidas na garantia da efetivação do percurso acadêmico de estudantes com NEE no Ensino Superior e concretização dos seus direitos. Verificou-se que 91,7% dos participantes compreendem que as políticas educativas são importantes para o seu país, pelo que 88,2% dos colaboradores acreditam que estas políticas potenciam a inclusão e a permanência de estudantes com NEE no Ensino Superior, na qual 40,7% verificaram ações de apoio e incentivo, ao nível político, em prol da inclusão em Portugal. Palavras-chave: Políticas Educativas; Inclusão; Ensino Superior; Portugal; Necessidades Educativas Especiais. Educational policies and inclusion in Higher Education: perceptions about the Portuguese context Abstract: Inclusion in Higher Education is a social, educational and political premise. Many steps have been taken so that the discourses on equity and equality can be delivered and envisaged, recognizing that the adjustment of students with Special Educational Needs (SEN) is preceded by numerous factors, among them, educational policies. To enable some reflections, the present study, of a qualitative nature, aimed to know the perceptions of employees (n = 85) of Portuguese Higher Education Institutions about the role of educational policies on behalf of inclusion. The data, from an online survey, were treated using the content analysis technique, with the support of the webQDA software. The results revealed 60 references in the potentialities category, reflected in the guarantee of the effectiveness of the academic path of students with SEN in Higher Education and the realization of their rights. It was found that 91.7% of participants understand that educational policies are important for their country, so 88.2% of employees believe that these policies enhance the inclusion and permanence of students with SEN in Higher Education, in which 40.7% verified support and incentive actions, at the political level, in favor of inclusion in Portugal. Keywords: Educational Policies; Inclusion; Higher Education; Portugal; Special Educational Needs. Políticas educativas e inclusión en la educación superior: percepciones sobre el contexto portugués Resumen: La inclusión en la Educación Superior es una premisa en el marco social, educativo y político. Se han dado muchos pasos para que los discursos sobre equidad e igualdad puedan ser pronunciados y verificados, reconociendo que la adaptación de los estudiantes con Necesidades Educativas Especiales (NEE) está precedida por numerosos factores, entre ellos, las políticas educativas. Para posibilitar algunas reflexiones, el presente estudio, de carácter cualitativo, tuvo como objetivo conocer las percepciones de los colaboradores (n = 85) de las Instituciones de Educación Superior portuguesas sobre la función de las políticas educativas a favor de la inclusión. Los datos, provenientes de una encuesta online, fueron tratados mediante la técnica de análisis de contenido, con el apoyo del software webQDA. Los resultados evidenciaron 60 referencias en la categoría de potencialidades, reflejadas en la garantía de la efectividad de la trayectoria académica de los estudiantes con NEE en la Educación Superior y la realización de sus derechos. Se constató que el 91,7% de los participantes entiende que las políticas educativas son importantes para su país, por lo que el 88,2% de los empleados cree que estas políticas potencian la inclusión y permanencia de los estudiantes con NEE en la Educación Superior, en la que el 40,7% verificó acciones de apoyo e incentivo, a nivel político, a favor de la inclusión en Portugal. Palabras clave: Políticas Educativas; Inclusión; Educación superior; Portugal; Necesidades Educativas Especiales. Data de registro: 16/04/2021 Data de aceite: 01/12/2021. (shrink)