Part Five of the Amsterdam edition of the Latin text of Erasmus’ _Annotations to the New Testament_ presents his notes on Paul’s letters to the Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, and to the Thessalonians 1 & 2.

Part Three of Ordo VI of the Amsterdam edition of Erasmi opera omnia presents his Greek text and his Latin translation of St. Paul’s letters to the Romans, the Corinthians, the Galatians, the Ephesians, the Philippians, the Colossians and the Thessalonians.

This volume edits the Greek-Latin New Testament text of Erasmus , giving the variants of the five folio editions , with extensive discussion of Erasmus’ printed and manuscript sources, including new information on the codex Montfortianus.

Erasmus's Annotations on 1. Tim. to Apocalypse have been edited in a critical edition with commentary. Thus, the Latin texts are made accessible to readers interested in philological, theological and historical issues. Erasmus' Anmerkungen zu 1. Tim. bis einschliesslich der Apokalypse sind kritisch herausgegeben und mit Kommentar versehen. In dieser Weise ist der betreffende lateinische Text für philologisch, theologisch und historisch interessierte Leser zugänglich.

Erasmus's Annotations on 1. Tim. to Apocalypse have been edited in a critical edition with commentary. Thus, the Latin texts are made accessible to readers interested in philological, theological and historical issues. Erasmus' Anmerkungen zu 1. Tim. bis einschliesslich der Apokalypse sind kritisch herausgegeben und mit Kommentar versehen. In dieser Weise ist der betreffende lateinische Text für philologisch, theologisch und historisch interessierte Leser zugänglich.

Part One of the Amsterdam edition of Erasmus’ Annotations to the New Testament presents his notes on the Gospels according to St. Matthew, St. Mark and St. Luke.

Part Five of the Amsterdam edition of the Latin text of Erasmus’ Annotations to the New Testament presents his notes on Paul’s letters to the Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, and to the Thessalonians 1 & 2.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:A PARABLE OF SCANDAL: SPECULATIONS ABOUT THE WHEAT AND THE TARES IN MATTHEW 13 John F. Cornell St. John's College, NM I will open my mouth in parables; I will utter things kept secret since the foundation of die world" (Matthew 13:35) The title ofone of René Girard's path-breaking books, Things Hidden since the Foundation ofthe World, is of course drawn from this passage. Few scholarly writings compare to (...) this discussion ofmimetic rivalry and collective persecution for conveying a sense of the Bible's depths and secrecy, and for deciphering the wisdom inscribed in its images. Yet it is curious that Girard eschews the parables said to be the repositories of scriptural secrets. Both in Things Hidden (189) and in Quand ces choses commenceront (171-172), he distances himself from the parables as conceding too much to the human desire for a mythical God ofretribution. In light of all we have learned from Girard about our traditional misreadings of the Gospel, we might well question even the strongest impressions left by some of its figures. Might the parables' language of apocalyptic vengeance conceal a different revelation, just as an innocent death on a cross should disclose not the bloodlust ofa deity but the violence ofmen? Matthew's Jesus tells a story about a sowerwhose crop was infested by his enemy's weeds, weeds to be uprooted and destroyed at the harvest. And, granted, when Jesus translates the parable for the disciples he describes divine violence at the end ofhistory. The enemy is the devil and the sower is the Son ofMan who sends out his angels to discern the unrighteous ofhumanity and cast them into the furnace. But something does not seem quite right. Isn't Jesus' reduction of his own parable a little too obvious? And is there not John F. Cornell99 something grotesque—or at least simple-minded—about the teacher who warned about dirowing pearls ofwisdom now turning around and broadcasting the solution to one of the great mysteries? If we look closely at the very parable that surrounds the suggestion of "things hidden since the foundation ofthe world," we may see, however, that something is indeed hidden, hidden in the text. And what is hidden there confirms Girard's insight about the dominion ofmimetic rivalry since the world began. The Wheat and Tares is more than amyth ofdivine punishment. It is a parable ofthe essential human malady, a parable ofscandal. Here is the main text of the parable of the Wheat and the Tares, from Matthew chapter 13, in the New King James Version.1 "The kingdom ofheaven is like a man who sowed good seed in his field (agroi) but while men slept, his enemy came and sowed tares among the wheat and went his way. But when the grainhad sprouted and produced a crop, then the tares also appeared. So the servants of the [master of the house] (oikodespotou) came and said to him, 'Sir, did you not sow good seed inyourfield? How then does it have tares?' He said to diem, 'An enemy, [a man,] has done this.' The servants said to him, 'Do you want us then to go and gather them up?' But he said, 1No, lest while you gather up the tares you also uproot the wheat with them. Let both grow together until the harvest, and at the time ofharvest I will say to the reapers, "First gather together the tares and bind them in bundles to bum them, but gather the wheat into my bam.'"" (Matthew 13: 24-30) Andhere is the explanation ofdie Wheat and die Tares that follows soon after: All these things Jesus spoke to the multitude in parables; and without a parable He did not speak to them, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet saying: "1 will open my mouth in parables; I will utter things kept secret [since] the foundation ofthe world." 1 Minor corrections, necessary to reflect the Greek, are indicated by brackets. The source for the Greek text is the Nestle-Almond Novum Testamentum Graece. 100A Parable ofScandal Then Jesus sent the multitude away and went into the house (oikiari). And His... (shrink)

This article deals primarily with the examination of two key and exegetically demanding expressions in the text of the General Epistle of James, which relate to fundamental biblical principles on planning the future of the believer and reconciling human life with God’s will expressed in Holy Scripture. The first one is the hapax legomenon Ἄγε νῦν, the significance of which is closely related to updating of the affected principles with practice. The second term is ποιήσοµεν, which, in most translations, translates (...) as ‘remain’ and does not reflect the core idea of the examined verse. We prove that a more authentic and appropriate translation is ‘work’. Our aim was to find out what new interpretive possibilities the original biblical text offers. The constitutive starting point for research is Novum Testamentum Graecum – Editio Critica Maior. We then compared these texts with the Slovak Ecumenical Bible. The method of our exegetical work was not primarily comparison, but a linguistic analysis and historical-critical exegesis, the result of which is a completely new proposal for the translation of the scrutinised texts. Auxiliary materials were the most important patristic and exegetical commentaries. In conclusion, we state that the analysis made it possible to find a new translation of the researched text, which can really contribute to the improvement of further review and publication of the ecumenical translation of the Bible into various languages.Contribution: The article examines the source Greek biblical text of James 4:13–15 and reveals a new interpretation of it. This interpretation brings a new, biblical light into the field of planning, which is one of the most current topics nowadays. With its content and especially its conclusions, it contributes to the goals of this theological journal, the subject of which is also the research of Greek biblical manuscripts. (shrink)

This article goes into the intentions and motives behind De Veritate (1627), famous apologetic work by the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). De Veritate will be compared with two other seminal works written by Grotius, De iure belli ac pacis (1625) and the Annotationes in Novum Testamentum (1641-1650). The focus will be on one particular aspect that comes to the fore in all three works: the way Grotius reduced the Christian faith to a minimal religion by (...) singling out the essential tenets this faith had in common with other religions. The core of Grotius’s argumentation consists in the idea that believers and, in particular, civil authorities have to distinguish between a few essential religious tenets that could be made rationally acceptable, and a set of supernatural dogmas, derived from divine revelation, that did not pass a certain, albeit very high degree of probability. As far as the second category was concerned, civil tolerance was called for. As becomes clear from contemporary correspondences, Grotius did not develop these rather controversial ideas in an intellectual vacuum. During his exile in Paris, he fostered contacts with members of the circle that formed around the French monk Marin Mersenne (1588-1648). This circle functioned as a kind of hothouse for the development of a minimal Christian creed. Members of this group saw promotion of a minimal creed as a solution to current religious controversies and the ensuing political turmoil and (civil) war, which were abhorred for their detrimental effects on the advancement of learning in the first place. On the other hand, it is also apparent that overt adherence to such an ideal was considered to be dangerous, because it would at least evoke the embarrassing and even repressive attention of the authorities in Church and government. An additional problem was that by defending such a religious stance, members of Mersenne’s circle laid themselves open to accusations of endorsing ‘rational beliefs’ like Socinianism, generally considered to be the worst heresy among all Christian denominations. (shrink)

Preface to the print edition of the New Testament in Russian, edited and published by Dr. Andrej Poleev in Berlin, 2021, 622 pages.

The text is the Russian translation of W. Whewell’s work “Novum Organon Renovatum” (Preface and Book I Aphorisms concerning ideas), which is the third edition of the second volume of his major work “The philosophy of the Inductive Sciences founded upon their History”. In the text, W. Whewell proposes his theory of scientific method and classification of the necessary scientific ideas as a basis, from where every particular scientific discipline derives. By adopting the structure of the notorious Francis Bacon’s (...) “Novum Organon”, Whewell reverses the order of scientific genesis, opposing himself to inductivism – the most influential philosophical theory of his time. (shrink)

The Novum Organum, (or Novum Organum Scientiarum - "New Instrument of Science"), is a philosophical work by Francis Bacon, originally published in 1620. The title is a reference to Aristotle's work Organon, which was his treatise on logic and syllogism. In Novum Organum, Bacon details a new system of logic he believes to be superior to the old ways of syllogism. This is now known as the Baconian method.

The Novum Organum, (or Novum Organum Scientiarum - "New Instrument of Science"), is a philosophical work by Francis Bacon, originally published in 1620. The title is a reference to Aristotle's work Organon, which was his treatise on logic and syllogism. In Novum Organum, Bacon details a new system of logic he believes to be superior to the old ways of syllogism. This is now known as the Baconian method.

The Novum Organum, (or Novum Organum Scientiarum - "New Instrument of Science"), is a philosophical work by Francis Bacon, originally published in 1620. The title is a reference to Aristotle's work Organon, which was his treatise on logic and syllogism. In Novum Organum, Bacon details a new system of logic he believes to be superior to the old ways of syllogism. This is now known as the Baconian method.

This timely book has come to formalize these methods, build upon Bacon’s scientific research model, and to ultimately go beyond it.

This timely book has come to formalize these methods, build upon Bacon’s scientific research model, and to ultimately go beyond it.

The paper examines J. Hintikka’s thesis that Euclid’s procedure of geometrical proof had been «paradigm» or «model» for Kant’s notion of the mathematical method. The detailed re-construction of the researcher’s arguments allows to reveal Hintikka’s main thesis, namely, that écthesis as a structural element of Euclidean proposition allows explanation of Kant’s notion of construction. However, in-depth analysis of Euclidean proof structure, compared also with Proclus’ and Th. Heath’s comments, shows that terminologically and functionally this element does not perform its supposed (...) role of construction and is not fundamental to the struc-ture of proposition. Also Hintikka’s thesis that intuition is just a representation of the individu-al has weak explanatory potential because Kant’s explication of construction is always correla-tive with intuition a priori, that is, with imagination of a geometric concept in space as a form of pure intuition. In conclusion, the author mentions the three sources of Hintikka’s interpreta-tion that could be links between Kant and ancient origins of the mathematical method: notion of construction by Ch. A. Hausen, translation of the «Elements» by J. F. Lorenz and J. Ch. Schwab’s considerations concerning the structure of geometric proof. (shrink)

The reference to a novum sidus in Quintus Curtius’ book 10, commonly applied to the comet seen at the end of Nero’s reign, could be related to Claudius as well. Both Claudius and Caligula were named “star”, and they sought to appear as the beginners of a new cycle in the history of Rome. Claudius’ ludi saeculares allegedly meant the starting point of a new time for Rome. Other facets of Claudius’ censorship, as the enlargement of the pomerium or (...) the Emperor’s assumption of the title pater patriae, could be interpreted in a similar sense. Likewise, Caligula’s death may have been understood as the end of a period in the history of Rome. Thus, Curtius’ “new star” could be applied to Claudius, and not necessarily to Vespasian. (shrink)

This entirely new classroom edition of Francis Bacon's great work of 1620, a founding document of empiricism and the scientific method, contains a new introduction and notes by translators/editors Urbach and Gibson. Index.

In the wake of the humanism in the early sixteenth century, Erasmus of Rotterdam was often taxed with the “sin of journalism” as having little to contribute to the then--current obsolete Latinism. Despite much of the false accusation against his scholarship and erudition, one of Erasmus’s inaugural works, whose impact reverberates to this day, was the Novum Instrumentum (1516). Many of Erasmus’s contemporaries misunderstood this “new” Latin edition to be just “another” Greek edition of the New Testament. This article (...) seeks to explore the background of Erasmus’s desire and struggle which led to the composition and publication of this Novum Instrumentum, on the one hand, and caused much confusion among his contemporaries, on the other. (shrink)

In the wake of the humanism in the early sixteenth century, Erasmus of Rotterdam was often taxed with the “sin of journalism” as having little to contribute to the then--current obsolete Latinism. Despite much of the false accusation against his scholarship and erudition, one of Erasmus’s inaugural works, whose impact reverberates to this day, was the Novum Instrumentum (1516). Many of Erasmus’s contemporaries misunderstood this “new” Latin edition to be just “another” Greek edition of the New Testament. This article (...) seeks to explore the background of Erasmus’s desire and struggle which led to the composition and publication of this Novum Instrumentum, on the one hand, and caused much confusion among his contemporaries, on the other. (shrink)