Collection of essays previously published by Max Jorge Hinderer Cruz, a Bolivian-German writer, curator and philosopher. From 2019 to 2020 he was the director of Bolivia's National Museum of Art (Museo Nacional de Arte, MNA) in La Paz. "The texts that make up this publication appeared in the newspaper La Razón, of La Paz, between October 13, 2019 and August 24, 2021, the first five in the supplement "Tendencias" and the remaining three in the section "Voces". At the end of (...) each one the respective date is recorded. The general revision that was made for this edition does not alter the spirit of the texts, written in difficult times for our country." --Editorial note. (shrink)

Bolivian writer Victor Hugo Viscarra is a constant figure on whom a good number of readers have focused their attention. Review after review of his work has been appearing in the Bolivian press and, in that sense, readers have taken his writings with a blind acceptance omitting in such a way a position that goes beyond the literary frontier. The existence of any work on Viscarra’s role as a thinker, his views on politics, the customs of society itself or the (...) imaginaries and identities in Bolivian territory is doubtful. This work aims, on the one hand, to take a critical tour of his thought from a philosophical view (particularly inspired by Nietzsche) and, on the other hand, to try to place the figure of Viscarra next to the virtues of genius and as a “critic of society”. What do Víctor Hugo Viscarra’s ideas express? Is it possible to find in your writings a critique of the way of thinking, living and acting of Bolivian society, in particular to today’s society? In short, does Viscarra’s thinking diagnose the malaise of society at that time? Answering these questions is the intention of this work. (shrink)

Mamerto Oyala Cuéllar -- Guillermo Francovich -- José Antonio Arze -- Roberto Prudencio -- Augusto Pescador -- Luis Carranza Siles -- Manfredo Kempff Mercado -- Federico Blanco Catacora -- Rubén Carrasco de la Vega -- Marvin Sandi.

José María Bozo -- Manuel Ignacio Salvatierra -- Manuel María Caballero -- Manuel Antonio Paniagua -- José Peredo Antelo.

This article examines Bolivian vice president Álvaro García Linera’s use of concepts originating in the work of Antonio Gramsci and Bolivian sociologist René Zavaleta Mercado. Zavaleta’s concept of sociedad abigarrada has a history of misappropriation in which García Linera participates by articulating it with the related concept of the estado aparente to claim that the merely ‘apparent’ state which does not effectively represent the heterogeneous social reality of a country like Bolivia is abolished with the official establishment of the Plurinational (...) State in 2009. This ideologeme of the Plurinational State as one that faithfully represents Bolivia’s abigarramiento is equated with the Gramscian stato integrale, which in Gramsci refers to the state proper plus civil society where these are thoroughly integrated to function as an organic whole. Beyond merely misusing the borrowed terms of this discursive operation, García Linera gives a prescriptive value to concepts developed for an analytical purpose to validate the existing regime. (shrink)

Focusing on contemporary Bolivia, this article examines promises and pitfalls of political and legal initiatives that have turned Pachamama into a subject of rights. The conferral of rights on the indigenous earth being had the potential to unsettle the Western ontological distinction between active human subjects who engage in politics and passive natural resources. This essay, however, highlights some paradoxical effects of the rights of nature in Bolivia, where Evo Morales’ model of development relies on the intensification of the export-oriented (...) extractive economy. Through the analysis of a range of texts, including paintings, legal documents, political speeches and activist interventions, I consider the equivocation between the normatively gendered Mother Earth that the state recognises as the subject of rights, and the figure of Pachamama evoked by feminist and indigenous activists. Pachamama, I suggest, has been incorporated into the Bolivian state as a being whose generative capacities have been translated into a rigid gender binary. As a gendered subject of rights, Pachamama/mother Earth is exposed to governmental strategies that ultimately increase its subordination to state power. The concluding remarks foreground the import of feminist perspectives in yielding insights concerning political ontological conflicts. (shrink)

The dispute on mongrelization starts to play a fundamental role in Latin America inside the modernist debates about the national unity between the end of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX century, to later acquire an unprecedented global diffusion in the eighties and the nineties of the last century. Using the writings of the Bolivian sociologist Silvia River Cusicanqui and of the Argentinian anthropologist, who has long since been active in Brazil, Rita Segato, the essay reconstructs the (...) historic and political happening of metissage in Latin America. The authors show that it is an historical concept which worked as an instance of legitimation both in the period of colonial oppression and later in the epoch of republican modernization. It represents the instrument to hide – if not to delete – the original character of modern State; for this reason it has been able to play a fundamental role in the epoch of liberalism as much as in the neoliberal one. However in mongrelization what is also at stake is that it can express the radically de-colonizing impulse of the differences as forms of litigation which inhabit the complex contemporary Latin American territories. (shrink)

From the National Revolution to the Victory of Evo Morales. A Review of a Half Century of Struggles in Popular Bolivia (1952-2007) The « Bolivian democratic and cultural revolution », often presented as a symbol of the leftward turn of Latin America, and which is led by Evo Morales, is without doubt part of the country’s nationalist and anti-oligarchic tradition, fruit of the revolution of 1952. The current revolutionary phase cannot however be entirely reduced to this tradition, insofar as it (...) illustrates the profound upheavals which the popular movement has undergone since the 1980s, during a period marked by the brutality of neo-liberal reforms and by the emergence of the “native American peasant” as the exemplary agent of “Insurgent Bolivia”. Bolstered by the support of a rural and plebeian base, the Morales “revolution” differs from previous revolutionary experiences by way of the resolutely anti-imperialist nature of its politics. The current nationalist cycle thus takes on an innovative, unprecedented perspective of social emancipation. (shrink)

Elvira Espejo Ayca (Bolivia 1981) is an indigenous artist and was the director of the National Museum of Ethnography and Folklore in La Paz until 2020. "I'm going to address the topic I've prepared so we can travel together. I called him yanak uywaña, or mutual nurturing of the arts. It comes from a reflection of working with textile communities in the department of Oruro, in the Bolivian Andes." --Page 9 (Translation source unknown).

Growing evidence suggests mothers invest more in girls than boys and fathers more in boys than girls. We develop a hypothesis that predicts preference for girls by the parent facing more resource constraints and preference for boys by the parent facing less constraint. We test the hypothesis with panel data from the Tsimane’, a foraging-farming society in the Bolivian Amazon. Tsimane’ mothers face more resource constraints than fathers. As predicted, mother’s wealth protected girl’s BMI, but father’s wealth had weak effects (...) on boy’s BMI. Numerous tests yielded robust results, including those that controlled for fixed effects of child and household. (shrink)

This book claims that there is a negativity at the core of all social articulations that provides the basis for a universal politics. Drawing principally on the work of Slavoj Žižek, the book suggests that the social is punctured by an impossibility-an incompletion-which rather than serving as a barrier to politics, lays a foundation for shared struggle. The book thus argues for a negative universality, rooted not in a positive element (e.g., identity-based politics) but a discordant one, so that under (...) our current global capitalist system, solidarity is to be forged on the basis of social antagonism (i.e., shared experiences of exploitation and marginalization). Such a conception of shared struggle avoids the trap of both a neocolonial universalism (e.g., the rights of white men parading as universal rights) and the narrow particularism of identity-based politics. Most importantly, it foregrounds the struggles of the systematically dispossessed and excluded (the permanently unemployed, migrants, refugees, sweatshop laborers, etc.), who stand as symptom of our global capitalist order. The book compares "negative universality" with four competing contemporary versions of universalism-conservative, liberal, postcolonial, and Marxist. It also brings "negative universality" into dialogue with present-day critics of universalism-postmodernists, post-Marxists, queer theorists, decolonial pluriversalists, and new materialists. Finally, it examines what a universal politics might look like today in the context of such key global sites of struggle as climate change, the refugee crisis, the Palestinian question, Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, Political Islam, workers' struggles, the Bolivian state under Morales, the European Union, and COVID-19. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Religious Dualism and the Problem of Dual Religious IdentityJonathan A. SeitzThe word “dualism” is used in many senses. It can refer to the separation of mind and body in classical Western philosophy or to the separation of divine and human in some religious traditions, but religious dualism is also used in the social sciences to describe how two religious systems may relate to each other. Personally, I am interested (...) in this topic because I teach at a Taiwanese seminary, where students draw deeply on Taiwanese culture even as they assert a very clear Christian identity that often challenges or clashes with the broader culture. Like many Protestants, my students generally reject an idea of syncretism while simultaneously affirming Taiwanese culture and many popular beliefs. This dual identity fascinates me.“Dualism” in anthropological research is sometimes used to describe the attachment to two discrete religious or cultural traditions, such as Buddhism and Christianity. An important early theorist was anthropologist June Nash, whose work grew out of ethnographic research in Bolivia and Mexico. Nash looked at Bolivian miners and studied their popular devotion. She wrote that “this technique of syncretizing elements as developed by the Spaniards in the early years of conquest seems alien to the Bolivian way of thinking. It relates to a mode of thinking that accepts only a single, hierarchically defined system of ideas. Indigenous thought is capable of entertaining coexistant and apparently contradictory world views.” Nash says that she “hope[d] to clarify this point of the segmentation in time and space of the two systems, since it defies the model of acculturation as a homogenous blend.”1In this understanding, “dualism” better describes the reality with which many people live than do more general terms like “indigenization” or “acculturation,” and it also resists an understanding that religious traditions simply blend together—rather, they are segmented and retain elements of coherence even when held simultaneously.languages of dual belonging“Dualism” has been helpful because it allows for the recognition that people may belong to two or more distinct traditions. More recently, “dual religious belonging” has been used by theologians such Paul Knitter and Rose Drew. In the past, Buddhist-Christian [End Page 49] Studies has devoted considerable space to the topic.2 The theological step is a step further beyond anthropological dualism, but it is also interested in affirming the “both-ness” of holding to two traditions simultaneously.In this essay I want to grapple with the ways in which dualism can be understood. I believe this systemic language holds some real benefits over other approaches, particularly over more general process terms like “contextualization,” “accommodation,” “indigenization,” “acculturation,” “vernacularization,” and so on. These “-ation” words are helpful in pointing to how conversion or Christianization occurs over time, but they also assume a sort of final synthesis or resolution, and for most people this is probably not how it works. This paper briefly treats two approaches to dual belonging, Nicole Constable’s study of Hakka Protestants in Hong Kong and Jon Kirby’s analysis of northern Ghanaian Catholic communities, and then contrasts these with the more theological language of dual religious belonging found in papers by scholars like Paul Knitter.Essentially, dualism proposes a “both/and” understanding, a type of personal or religious emulsion where two systems are mixed together but resist a full integration. For some scholars, this is fundamentally a positive thing, since it allows for the integrity of the different systems. In others, it is seen as a type of failure to arrive at a reconciled identity, or the bifurcation of an indigenous tradition because of the arrival of Christianity (or another religion).Part of the reason I am interested in this topic is precisely because it gets at a tension—a real ambivalence (i.e., two valences)—that other approaches may not reach. For instance, there is a wide range of uses of contextualization, appropriation, enculturation, vernacularization, indigenization, and so on. My hunch is that scholars use these terms in part because they reduce the cognitive dissonance involved in simultaneously living or working in multiple cultures. Contextualization is a process that may assume a type of full integration, while with dualism the tension is... (shrink)

Este artículo propone explorar algunos de los vínculos que es posible establecer entre el pensamiento indígena y el afrodescendiente que se ha desarrollado en América Latina durante el siglo XX. El caso que aquí trabajamos pone en relación al Caribe con los Andes, y más específicamente, a un intelectual indígena de Bolivia y un afrocaribeño de Martinica: Fausto Reinaga y Frantz Fanon. Reparamos en las referencias que hace Reinaga a la obra de Fanon en sus libros inaugurales del pensamiento indianista, (...) señalando que estas no son accesorias sino fundamentales para el tipo de indianismo que el autor quechua-aymara elabora, uno de tipo anticolonial en el que se encuentra presente un horizonte universal y humano. This article explores links that can be established among indigenous and Afro-descendent thought developed in Latin America during the 20th century. By drawing a comparison between the Caribbean and Andean regions, we specifically concentrate on the intellectual work of an indigenous Bolivian and an Afro-Caribbean from Martinique: Fausto Reinaga and Frantz Fanon. Reinaga’s inaugural writings on indianista thought reveal several references to the work of Fanon, providing material for our analysis. We argue that such allusions are not mere accessories, but rather fundamental elements for the kind of indianismo that the Quechua-Aymara author develops; that is, an anticolonial thought in which universal and human horizons are present. (shrink)

Although inclusion in formal value chains extends the prospect of improving the livelihoods of rural small-scale producers, such a step is often contingent on compliance with internationally-promoted food safety standards. Limited research has addressed the challenges this represents for small rural producers who, grounded in culturally-embedded food safety conceptions, face difficulties in complying. We address this gap here through a multiple case study involving four public school feeding programs that source meals from local rural providers in the Bolivian Altiplan. Institutional (...) logics theory is used to describe public food safety regulations and to compare them to food safety conceptions in the local indigenous Aymara rural setting. We identify a value-based conflict that leads to non-compliance of formal food safety rules that jeopardizes the participation of small farmers in the market. These include: partial adoption of formal rules; selective adoption of convenient rules; and ceremonial adoption to avoid compliance. Decoupling strategies allow local actors to largely disregard the formal food safety regulations while accommodating traditional cultural practices and continuing to access the market. However, these practices put the long-term sustainability of the farmers’ participation in potentially favorable opportunities at risk. (shrink)

This introduction situates the work of Zavaleta in the field of Bolivian intellectual history, Latin American Studies, and Latin American Marxism. It also explains the objectives of the symposium and the logic underlying its constituent parts.

This article engages with the limits of Ernesto Laclau's theory of populism, focusing on the logic of popular identification. The central argument is that the Laclauian framework is incapable of accounting for recent forms of populism that articulate a decolonial mode of identification. More specifically, the article shows that for Laclau, leadership and exclusion are necessary components of popular identification, in which the identity of ‘the people' depends on the prior symbolic articulation of both an enemy and a leader. Although (...) this theory of populism is well-positioned to explain how populist leadership functioned in several mid-century Latin American varieties of populism, it founders when faced with more recent forms of populist identification. Careful analysis of contemporary Ecuadorian and Bolivian populisms shows that these implicitly reject the Laclauian model of identification, articulating instead a decolonial model that advocates the plurality of identities and mobilises rich national histories of anti-colonial resistance. (shrink)

This article takes a renewed look at Chicana political performance and urban intervention art in Latin America. Art-in-action has been a particularly fertile tradition in Latin America ever since the sixties, and more recently it has inspired a large number of performing artists working within a feminist and/or queer perspective. Here we would like to introduce the work of Chicano artist Guillermo Gómez-Peña and his band of performers, « La Pocha Nostra », and also that of the Bolivian collective « (...) Mujeres Creando », both pairing exposure of gender oppression to a post-colonial perspective and to the themes of territory, frontier, and identitary loyalty and dissidence. Their visual video-permormance work springs from the captations documenting their actions and performances, and also from video objects in the domain of the poetic field, or in that of hybridation of fiction and documentary reality. They take shape in the particular context of the American continent, which is one of imperial dominance, migratory situations, and skin-colour based stratifications, but also of processes of sovereignty and autonomy-creation by indigenous people, of democratic changes and revolutionary movements, and of cultural experiences and experiments of the border and of a being-creole. (shrink)

Previous research addressing the association between leisure and happiness has given rise to the hypothesis that informal social activities might contribute more to happiness than solitary activities. In the current study, we tested how the two types of leisure—social and solitary—contribute to a person’s subjective sense of well-being. For the empirical estimate, we used four consecutive quarters of data collected from 533 people over the age of 16, from 13 Tsimane’ hunter-farmer villages in the Bolivian Amazon. Results suggest that only (...) social, not solitary, leisure has a positive and statistically significant association with subjective well-being. The association between solitary leisure and subjective well-being was negligible or negative. Future research should focus on emic definitions of social and solitary time, for solitary time might not always be equivalent to leisure and productive group activities might substitute for social leisure. (shrink)

This essay is a coherent and consistent system of transcendental philosophy, which portrays a reality, hidden by the veils of the exterior appearance, unknowable in the inner fundamental nature, lack of any meaning, where evil and good, moral and immoral are empty words without any possible content, hollow shells. A reality where the necessity rules everything, where the man is in the same level of any other manifestation of the Being and where the human freedom is only an illusion of (...) the reason. But as the Bolivian poet, Jaime Saenz, says: A day of Darkness is worth more than thousand years of Brightness. (shrink)

El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar la lectura y los usos que realiza Álvaro García Linera de la sociología de Pierre Bourdieu. El marco teórico para realizar dicho estudio lo constituye la categoría gramsciana de traducción, referida al ejercicio de trazar equivalencias entre diferentes lenguajes científicos, filosóficos, políticos e históricos. La hipótesis que se sostiene es que García Linera traduce los principales conceptos de la sociología de Bourdieu a partir de un doble movimiento. Primero, a través de su puesta (...) en diálogo y fusión con la teoría crítica de Marx y la tradición del marxismo crítico. Segundo, a través del uso de dichos conceptos —una vez pasados por el tamiz del marxismo— para analizar las estructuras simbólicas de la clase obrera boliviana y la etnicidad como principio de distinción y de exclusión política del campesinado-indígena. The present article aims to analyze the reading and uses that Álvaro García Linera makes of Pierre Bourdieu's sociology. The theoretical framework of this study is the Gramscian category of translation, which refers to the exercise of drawing equivalences between different scientific, philosophical, political, and historical languages. The hypothesis that is maintained is that García Linera translates the main concepts of sociology of Bourdieu from a double movement. First, through its dialogue and fusion of these concepts with the theory of Marx and the tradition of critical Marxism. Second, using these concepts —once they have been screened by Marxism— to analyze the symbolic structures of the Bolivian working class and ethnicity as a principle of distinction and political exclusion of the indigenous peasantry. (shrink)

En el siguiente texto presentaré algunas ideas planteadas por el amauta boliviano Fausto Reinaga a favor de la liberación indianista y de la revitalización de las concepciones de mundo herederas de la sabiduría ancestral andina. Para esto ofreceré un breve contexto de la escasa presencia de la idea del indio en autores de la tradición de la filosofía latinoamericana que aún no ha sabido reconocer la importancia de este pensamiento alternativo a la concepción de mundo occidental. In the following text, (...) I will introduce some ideas proposed by the bolivian amauta Fausto Reinaga in favor of the indianist liberation and of the revitalization of the world coneptions inherited from the anciant andinean wisdom. For this purpose, I will offer a brief context of the scarcely present idea of the indian in authors of latinoamerican philosophy traditions that still have not been able to acknowledge the importance of this thinking alternative to the conception of the occidental world. (shrink)

The concept of biopolitics is undoubtedly situated in contemporary reflections with Michel Foucault as one of its notable representatives in theoretical development. In this sense, recent research, even stepping away from the ideas put forward by Foucault, has given way to valuable notions, as in the cases of Esposito, Agamben, and Lemke. Evidently, racism becomes important because of its magnitude and, above all, the actuality that crosses the limits in the complex Bolivian reality. The relationship between racism and biopolitics converges (...) in a heated philosophical and political interpretation. In the reflections on racism in Bolivia, biopolitics can establish and connect aspects that have not been taken into account so far in what is called racist ideology. (shrink)

In this article, Breny Mendoza examines and critically discusses María Lugones’ concept of the “coloniality of gender.” Lugones’ influential thesis asserts that the binarity of gender was introduced in the colonies as part of colonial rule and displaced previously predominant egalitarian systems of gender relations. As Mendoza outlines, this thesis has been challenged in recent years by Latin American and indigenous feminisms (such as the Argentinean anthropologist Rita Segato, and indigenous feminists from countries such as Bolivia, Guatemala, and Mexico). In (...) light of these new perspectives, Mendoza expounds and acknowledges Lugones’ ideas, while also pointing out their pitfalls and limitations, since such an approach can lead to a romanticisation of pre-colonial orders, presenting them as the “absolute other” of colonial violence. In contrast, drawing on the analysis by Bolivian Aymara feminist Julieta Paredes, Mendoza argues that the imposition of gender can only be understood as an “entanglement of patriarchies.” Finally, Mendoza applies these discussions to issues surrounding sexualised violence, i.e., feminicide, in Latin America proving them to provide a fruitful framework for understanding and addressing these current forms of violence. (shrink)

The present paper adresses the objective of elucidating the phenomenological mechanisms which, according to the celebrated queer theory author Judith Butler, operate within performative politics. In this connection, this paper analyses the power of agency of minor identities as a resistance force against what Butler calls frames and its politic-ontological regularisation. Such biopolitical potential is fostered by the vulnerability and precarity of abject bodies. In this context, it will be considered the case of Bolivian anarcha-feminist group Mujeres Creando, which generates (...) powerful alternatives in order to reactivate agency by means of artistic practices. (shrink)

For fifty years, Bolivia’s political party system was a surprisingly robust component of an otherwise fragile democracy, withstanding coups, hyperinflation, guerrilla insurgencies, and economic chaos. Why did it suddenly collapse around 2002? This article offers a theoretical lens combining cleavage theory with Schattschneider’s concept of competitive dimensions for an empirical analysis of the structural and ideological characteristics of Bolivia’s party system from 1952 to 2010. Politics shifted from a conventional left-right axis of competition, unsuited to Bolivian society, to an ethnic/rural–cosmopolitan/urban (...) axis closely aligned with its major social cleavage. That shift fatally undermined elite parties and facilitated the rise of structurally and ideologically distinct organizations, as well as a new indigenous political class, that transformed the country’s politics. Decentralization and political liberalization were the triggers that politicized Bolivia’s latent cleavage, sparking revolution from below. The article suggests a folk theorem of identitarian cleavage and outlines a mechanism linking deep social cleavage to sudden political change. (shrink)

En un contexto de transformaciones profundas en la sociedad boliviana, el autor plantea que más que una nueva teoría de la sociedad boliviana se requiere desarrollar otra mirada. En esta dirección, el presente artículo busca plantear un esquema renovado sobre las referencias desde las cuales deben encuadrar el debate los bolivianos y bolivianas. El texto aborda la construcción de matrices culturales, explicitando la moderna y la andina, y conecta matriz cultural con institucionalidad, para proponer una institucionalidad andina.