Recent scientific studies have shown that involving children in music activities influences their mental, emotional, and social development; music is, thus, being used increasingly for medical and therapeutic purposes. In order to discover whether some elements of particular methods of music therapy can be applied in music teaching in primary schools, we conducted a qualitative research in which the participants were third-year elementary school pupils in Osijek. To collect the data, we used a systematic observation procedure. Data analysis involved both (...) qualitative and quantitative analyses. The research results show that the introduction of elements of certain methods of music therapy is possible and that pupils are happy to participate in all the activities carried out. In doing so, pupils demonstrate imagination, creativity, independence at work, and willingness to cooperate. Novija znanstvena istraživanja pokazuju da uključivanje djece u glazbene aktivnosti utječe na njihov psihički, emocionalni i socijalni razvoj zbog čega se glazba sve više koristi i u medicinske, odnosno terapeutske svrhe. Kako bismo saznali je li moguće neke elemente iz pojedinih metoda glazboterapije primijeniti i u nastavi glazbe u osnovnoj općeobrazovnoj školi, proveli smo kvalitativno istraživanje u kojemu su sudionici bili učenici trećeg razreda jedne osnovne škole iz Osijeka. Za potrebe prikupljanja podataka koristili smo postupak sustavnog promatranja, a za analizu podataka kvalitativnu i kvantitativnu analizu. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su da je uvođenje elemenata iz pojedinih metoda glazboterapije moguće te da učenici rado sudjeluju u svim provedenim aktivnostima. Pritom učenici iskazuju maštovitost, kreativnost, samostalnost u radu te spremnost na suradnju. (shrink)

Novija znanstvena istraživanja pokazuju da uključivanje djece u glazbene aktivnosti utječe na njihov psihički, emocionalni i socijalni razvoj zbog čega se glazba sve više koristi i u medicinske, odnosno terapeutske svrhe. Kako bismo saznali je li moguće neke elemente iz pojedinih metoda glazboterapije primijeniti i u nastavi glazbe u osnovnoj općeobrazovnoj školi, proveli smo kvalitativno istraživanje u kojemu su sudionici bili učenici trećeg razreda jedne osnovne škole iz Osijeka. Za potrebe prikupljanja podataka koristili smo postupak sustavnog promatranja, a za analizu (...) podataka kvalitativnu i kvantitativnu analizu. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su da je uvođenje elemenata iz pojedinih metoda glazboterapije moguće te da učenici rado sudjeluju u svim provedenim aktivnostima. Pritom učenici iskazuju maštovitost, kreativnost, samostalnost u radu te spremnost na suradnju. (shrink)

The law of Athens prohibited any but full citizens from owning land or houses. Thus the law also impeded the bequeathing of real property to those who were not citizens. This law seemed to preclude those who were the real backbone of the trading and banking businesses from owning land and, therefore, from lending and borrowing by using it as a security.

John McCumbers’ book On Philosophy: Notes from a Crisis challenges the key dichotomy of Western philosophical tradition— the distinction between form, or οὐσία, and matter. This basic ontological distinction, first formulated by Aristotle, appears under different guises throughout the history of Western thought, making oppression integral to philosophy, and leading the discipline into the situation of a major crisis, in which, as McCumber eloquently argues, philosophy and philosophers find themselves today. In this essay I argue that by developing the notion (...) of the speaking of matter McCumber subverts the oppressive history of Western philosophy. I explore this rich concept, showing how it successfully undermines ousiodic ontology. By drawing on McCumber’s text, and also on the works of Gilles Deleuze and Gloria Anzaldúa I argue that a non-ousiodic ontology has to prioritize anomalous, or seemingly contradictory beings. I discuss one possible direction such ontology could take—it could focus on the internal stranger, or the metic, to use an ancient Greek term. (shrink)

The metics of Gortyna came under the jurisdiction of the special courts for foreigners, κσενεία δίκα, and of the κσένιος κόσμος, an official who is often named in Gortynian inscriptions. From one of these we can infer that freedmen were classed with metics, because of the artisan status of both.

The fourth-century B.C. was a period during which a large number of Greek cities were affected by civil wars, military conquests, and destruction, with the displacement of large numbers of men, women and children as a result. This has implications for the modern debate on Athenian attitudes to immigration, which normally focuses on just two groups of free non-citizens: adult, able-bodied men who moved to Athens voluntarily to take advantage of the city’s economic opportunities and on the free non-citizen population (...) who had come to Athens as slaves and who stayed on after their manumission. This article argues that refugees were likely to have constituted a considerable component of the migration to Athens during certain troubled periods in the course of the fourth century. This means that the size of Athens’s immigrant population was likely to have fluctuated considerably, that many of the refugees would have been destitute, that women and children may have made up an even greater proportion of the non-citizen population than normally assumed, and, thus, that a considerable number of these immigrants would not have been able to contribute substantially to Athens’s grain trade or military. The implications of this for our assessment of the Athenian motives for admitting groups of refugees are discussed, and it is argued that the requirement that all male and all unaccompanied female immigrants had to find an Athenian sponsor and pay a special metic tax may have constituted a certain level of control over immigrant numbers. (shrink)

War-orphans from Thasos: a new fragment of the « Agathoi Decree » (ca 360-350 B. C). A new fragment of the « Agathoi Decree » is here published (J. POUILLOUX, Recherches sur Thasos I, 141), which contains arrangements for the public funerals of citizens killed in war. The twenty-two new lines contain three additional clauses. The city guarantees the maintenance of war-orphans through a daily allowance, provided that they are genuinely needy. The sons of metics will receive a fixed (...) grant of 17,5 staters. A third, unspecified, category (the sons of nothoi? freedmen?) are entitled to certain privileges, specified in an earlier decree. The decree is to be published near the prytaneion. The document reveals, among other things, the existence of a board of prytaneis. It also allows for a reexamination of monetary questions, in particular the denominations of the new currency system introduced in Thasos in the early fourth century B.C. The whole decree is strongly influenced by the Athenian model. It was probably adopted in exceptionally grave military circumstances, very likely the Datos/Krenides war of 360-356 B.C. (shrink)

In Aeschylus' "Supplices" the Danaids flee their cousins and take refuge at Argos. Scholars have noted similarities between the Argos of the play and contemporary Athens. Yet one such correspondence has generally been overlooked: the Danaids are awarded sanctuary in terms reflecting mid fifth-century Athenian μετοιϰία, a process providing for the partial incorporation of non-citizens into polis life. Danaus and his daughters are of Argive ancestry and take up residence within the city, yet do not become citizens. Instead, they receive (...) the right μετοιϰεῖν τῆσδε γῆς . As metics they retain control of their person and property, and are not liable to seizure by another. They are not permitted to own immovable property , but receive rent-free lodgings. Pelasgus and the other Argive citizens serve as their citizen representative . Casting the Danaids as metics highlights the similarities between Pelasgus and his predecessor, Apis. Both leaders were confronted by violent strangers demanding to live among the Argives, and sought to protect the autochthony and territory of Argos. Yet as suppliants the Danaids cannot be forcibly expelled. Pelasgus' solution is a grant of μετοιϰία approved by the Argive assembly. The emergence of μετοιϰία as a formal status at Athens is difficult to date. Most scholars place it between the reforms of Cleisthenes and Pericles' citizenship law . The "Supplices" provides evidence for a date in the 460s, and functions as a charter myth legitimizing μετοιϰία, much the way the Eumenides does for the Areopagus. The "Supplices" also fits well within the context of immigration and urban development leading to Pericles' law. The fact that the Danaid trilogy won first prize may be due to the Athenians' empathy for Argos as a risk-taking polis committed both to defending its identity and to acknowledging divinely sanctioned claims to refuge. (shrink)

In Aeschylus' "Supplices" the Danaids flee their cousins and take refuge at Argos. Scholars have noted similarities between the Argos of the play and contemporary Athens. Yet one such correspondence has generally been overlooked: the Danaids are awarded sanctuary in terms reflecting mid fifth-century Athenian μετοιϰία, a process providing for the partial incorporation of non-citizens into polis life. Danaus and his daughters are of Argive ancestry and take up residence within the city, yet do not become citizens. Instead, they receive (...) the right μετοιϰεῖν τῆσδε γῆς. As metics they retain control of their person and property, and are not liable to seizure by another. They are not permitted to own immovable property, but receive rent-free lodgings. Pelasgus and the other Argive citizens serve as their citizen representative. Casting the Danaids as metics highlights the similarities between Pelasgus and his predecessor, Apis. Both leaders were confronted by violent strangers demanding to live among the Argives, and sought to protect the autochthony and territory of Argos. Yet as suppliants the Danaids cannot be forcibly expelled. Pelasgus' solution is a grant of μετοιϰία approved by the Argive assembly. The emergence of μετοιϰία as a formal status at Athens is difficult to date. Most scholars place it between the reforms of Cleisthenes and Pericles' citizenship law. The "Supplices" provides evidence for a date in the 460s, and functions as a charter myth legitimizing μετοιϰία, much the way the Eumenides does for the Areopagus. The "Supplices" also fits well within the context of immigration and urban development leading to Pericles' law. The fact that the Danaid trilogy won first prize may be due to the Athenians' empathy for Argos as a risk-taking polis committed both to defending its identity and to acknowledging divinely sanctioned claims to refuge. (shrink)

Abstract: Throughout this paper, by representing some paradoxes and their



associated proofs and arguments, we try to show the cases which proving



some assertions doesn’t conclude the truth of them . In the next step, we



try to find out Which proofs could be considered as reliable in a way that it



shows the Truth of their related assertion, specially We claim that math-



metical proofs could be considered as reliable ones in this sense.



Nevertheless, we claim that the validation of the previous assertion (...) is



comparable to validation of Church Thesis in Computability Theory. So, we



could use it and we consider these proofs as reliable ones but we should be



doubtful about their truth. At last we give a possible explanation for this



subject (based on local arguments and global arguments, the concepts which



we introduce them throughout this paper), and we investigate the validity of this



explanation. What we should bold it here is: In this approach we know the proofs



in these paradoxes as correct proofs, but the point which we want to stress on that



would be: the proof doesn’t show



the truth.







. (shrink)

The brilliant Aspasia owes her fame to two men. She was the beloved and revered companion of Pericles, the most powerful and prestigious Athenian of the city’s golden age (460–430 BCE), and the privileged and respected interlocutor of Socrates. Her position as a valued companion and recognised intellectual—exceptional in a city where custom dictated that silence and invisibility represented a woman’s greatest glory—was no doubt connected with her status as a metic (resident alien). This status, while denying her the right (...) to become the legal spouse of the man whose life she shared, allowed her—at the risk of a somewhat sulphurous reputation—the freedom to be seen, to think, and to express herself. While the beautiful woman from Miletus has remained silent, if we assume that the insults she was showered with were essentially aimed at her lover, the leader of the democrats, the sources we have at our disposal allow us to study her relationships with Socrates and Pericles. (shrink)

The speaker of Demosthenes 56 had lent money to a ship-owner Dionysodorus for a commercial voyage, and now is prosecuting him for breach of contract. The prosecutor is usually thought to be a metic. In the course of the speech he does not identify himself; but Libanius in his Argumenta of Demosthenes supplies a name, Darius: Arg. 54.1 Δαρεῖος καὶ Πάμφιλος Διονυσοδώρῳ δανείζουσι and 2 ὡς δὲ Δαρεῖος λέγει. The manuscripts of the Argumenta, which begin in the tenth century, are (...) numerous; Foerster and Dindorf/Blass cite no variant for the name. Libanius’ source for this information is unrecoverable. (shrink)

The nature of the census figures produced by Demetrius of Phaleron, crucial evidence for the size of the Athenian population, has been misunderstood. The census categories were not 'native Athenians, foreign residents and slaves', but 'citizens above the property qualification, residents without political rights and members of households'. The property qualification of 1,000 drachmas associated with Demetrius' regime was the requirement for holding the highest offices; the property requirement for citizenship rights was lower, as it was in the spurious constitution (...) of Draco described in Athenaion Politeia 4, which was probably invented and inserted during Demetrius' reign. In the light of this reinterpretation of the evidence for the structure of the Athenian population under Demetrius, a reconsideration of the evidence for the size of the Athenian population in 322 BC suggests that there were ea. 30,000 adult male citizens and far fewer metics than generally assumed, probably ea. 5,000. The distribution of property among the citizen population was very uneven, with the richest 30% of the population owning about 80% of the wealth. According to Demetrius' census as reinterpreted here, slaves outnumbered free residents by 'only' about 3:1, which still seems an implausibly high figure, but needs to be taken seriously as a government estimate rather than a rhetorical exaggeration. (shrink)

Drawing upon the dual status of the Eumenides as metics who were neither included in nor excluded from Athenian democratic politics, this essay attempts to bring the last scene of The Eumenides to contemporary political settings wherein we observe the duality of immigrants—that is, the tension between political citizenship and cultural foreignness—in our liberal society. The controversial bride kidnapping cases among Hmong immigrants show that the liberal regulative principles such as reciprocity and mutual respect cannot work in the context (...) of powerful and irreconcilable cultural and moral conflicts, which go beyond the line that we can tolerate in the name of cultural diversity. Instead, this essay focuses on the Athenian citizens’ and the Eumenides’ courageous decision to suffer together, not merely to live together, in an attempt to find a new possibility of democratic coexistence. (shrink)

The reader of Demosthenes can hardly avoid the impression that there was something sadly awry with the Athenian naval system in the two decades prior to Chaeronea. The war in the north Aegean was essentially a naval war, and Demosthenes frequently enough blamedAthen's failure on her lack of preparation. ‘Why do you think, Athenians,… that all our expeditionary forces are too late for the critical moments?…In the business of the war and the preparation for it everything is in disorder, unreformed, (...) undefined. So it is that some news arrives, we appoint trierarchs, we give them the opportunity legally to get others to act in their stead, we consider provision of money, then it is decided that the metics and those “living out” should go on the ships, then again you yourselves, then to allow substitutes, and during these delays^the cause for which we would have been sailing is lost before we have sailed] For we spend the time for action on preparations, but the critical moments for action do not last as long as our dilatoriness and cautious procedures’ . This was spoken in 351 and it is much the same a decade later. (shrink)

Sophocles's classical tragedy, Antigone, is continually reinvented, particularly in the Americas. Theater practitioners and political theorists alike revisit the story to hold states accountable for their democratic exclusions, as Antigone did in disobeying the edict of her uncle, Creon, for refusing to bury her brother, Polynices. Antigone in the Americas not only analyzes the theoretical reception of Antigone, when resituated in the Americas, but further introduces decolonial rumination as a new interpretive methodology through which to approach classical texts. Traveling between (...) modern present and ancient past, Andrés Fabián Henao Castro focuses on metics (resident aliens) and slaves, rather than citizens, making the feminist politics of burial long associated with Antigone relevant for theorizing militant forms of mourning in the global south. Grounded in settler colonial critique, black and woman of color feminisms, and queer and trans of color critique, Antigone in the Americas offers a more radical interpretation of Antigone, one relevant to subjects situated under multiple and interlocking systems of oppression. (shrink)

In De myst. 1.11–18, Andokides reports a series of four judicial denunciations, made before the Athenians on four separate occasions in 415 B.c., concerning profanations of the Eleusinian Mysteries. After statements from the slave Andromachos and the metic Teukros, ‘a third denunciation followed. The wife of Alkmaionides, who had also been the wife of Damon, a woman named Agariste, made a denunciation that in the house of Charmides beside the Olympieion, Alkibiades, Axiochos and Adeimantos celebrated mysteries. And at this denunciation (...) all these men fled’. A fourth denunciation was made by the slave Lydos. (shrink)

In De myst. 1.11–18 , Andokides reports a series of four judicial denunciations , made before the Athenians on four separate occasions in 415 B.c., concerning profanations of the Eleusinian Mysteries. After statements from the slave Andromachos and the metic Teukros, ‘a third denunciation followed. The wife of Alkmaionides, who had also been the wife of Damon, a woman named Agariste, made a denunciation that in the house of Charmides beside the Olympieion, Alkibiades, Axiochos and Adeimantos celebrated mysteries. And at (...) this denunciation all these men fled’ . A fourth denunciation was made by the slave Lydos. (shrink)

Several features of this compact passage have puzzled scholars ever since the discovery of the Aristotelian Constitution of the Athenians a century ago. First, did the Athenian Assembly really deliberate on all these disparate matters in the chief meeting of the sixth prytany, and if so, why? Second, why did it limit complaints against sycophants to a total of six divided equally between citizens and metics? Since the answers we give to these questions are fundamental to our understanding of (...) basic Athenian institutions, they deserve careful consideration. This paper will argue that the Assembly did deliberate on these matters at the same meeting and indeed that this was natural, since they are all symbolic, as well as practical, instruments for controlling behaviour inimical to the demos' interests. It will also suggest that the limitation on probolai against citizen and metic sycophants was introduced to safeguard against the sort of abuse of the label ‘sycophant’ that took place under the regime of the Thirty, and that the measures described in Ath. Pol. 43.5 were, therefore, most likely linked together in the early years of the restored democracy. (shrink)

This article examines the role of citiziens, women, metics, and slaves in Magnesia, the new city Plato outlines in his "Nomoi".

As is well known, the conversation that is recorded in Plato’s Republic takes place in the home of Kephalos, the father of Polemarchus, who contributes to the discussion, and the orator Lysias. Kephalos was a wealthy metic, who owned an arms factory manned by numerous slaves (metics were not permitted to own land in Athens). In the charming preface to the dialogue, Socrates recounts how he was waylaid by Polemarchus and some others as he was heading back to town (...) from Piraeus, and compelled to accompany him to his place. It is a well-wrought preface, and Plato is said to have revised the opening sentence several times before he was satisfied with it. The first word, κατέβην (“I went down”), while standard usage for heading in the direction of Piraeus, also suggests a kind of catabasis, a descent as though into the cave, as scholars have noted. But why Kephalos’ house? Why there? (shrink)

WORK, GENDER AND POWER IN ANCIENT GREECE - EXAMPLES FORM ATHENS IN THE CLASSICAL PERIODThis article asks how different forms of work were associated with varying forms of status, class and gender in Classical Athens. Moreover, the author seeks to clarify how the male citizen collective in particular controlled society by enforcement of general ideas about what types of work were suitable for citizens, metics and slaves alike. Also, the article challenges the ideal work discourse allocating farming, politics and (...) warfare to male citizens, whereas female citizens confined to oversee the household and perform work to do with processing of food and wool. (shrink)

In Eum. 1028–9 the Furies mark their transformation into Eumenides by donning red robes over their black costumes in imitation of the robes worn in the Panathenaea by metics . Greek epic was sensitive to the symbolic value of clothing and Aeschylus had experimented in the Persians with the greater scope that drama offered for clothing-symbolism. Scholars have detected a wealth of associations in the Furies' robing-scene: this culmination of the trilogy echoes the red carpet upon which Agamemnon walks (...) to his death in the first play, which is actually referred to as ‘garments’ , and the net in which Agamemnon is caught , which is brought on stage in the middle play . Another series of stage-actions of equal importance in preparing for the robing of the Furies has not been so well explained. (shrink)

This essay has two aims: to affirm the significance of private banking in fourthcentury B.C. Athens, and to propose a model of its role in the economy. Such a project is desirable because there has been a tendency since the publication of Finley's The Ancient Economy to minimalize the significance of banking in ancient Greece. Banking is seen as a ‘fringe activity’ largely carried out by such ‘outsiders’ as metics and ex-slaves.Consequently historians have frequently overlooked the value of banking (...) as a tool for understanding the Greek economy. (shrink)

The banker Pasion, father of the notorious fourth-century litigant and politician Apollodoros, some of whose speeches have survived under the name of Demosthenes, was originally a slave; freed by his owners, he made a substantial fortune from banking and subsequently received Athenian citizenship for his generous gifts to the city. At [Dem.] 59.2 we are given a paraphrase of the decree which enfranchised him: 'Aθηναον εναι Πασωνα κα κγνους τος κενου ‘[the Athenian people voted] that Pasion and his descendants should (...) be Athenian’. In common with inscriptions recording grants of citizenship, and unlike Roman military diplomata, the decree appears to have ignored Pasion's wife Archippe. The silence of the decrees of enfranchisement is echoed in the literary sources, with the result that we have no explicit testimony to the legal status of the wife of an alien who was granted Athenian citizenship. M. J. Osborne assumes that the status of the wife was in no way affected by the grant; she remained an alien. D. Whitehead has argued that in such cases the wife's status was indeterminate; in the event of the death of her first husband she might find herself married either to an Athenian citizen or to an alien, whereupon her status would be defined according to that of her husband. This article will argue that Archippe's status was unaffected by Pasion's receipt of citizenship, that is, that she remained a metic. I shall then proceed to consider the question of the implications of the difference in status of Pasion and Archippe subsequent to his enfranchisement for the legal basis of the relationship between them, and finally draw a tentative conclusion about the date of Pasion's receipt of citizenship. (shrink)

There is still something to be said about these figures for the Athenian hoplite force, the more so as the most reasonable discussion of them, Meyer's, is spoilt by some unsound inferences and has in consequence not found support. Their difficulty is apparent: a muster πανσημει in 338 meant calling up all classes up to the age of 50 , and since Socrates fought at Delion and Amphipolis when he was in his late forties, and not at Mantineia when he (...) was over 50, we may assume that it meant the same in the fifth century; we also assume that ‘the youngest’ are those in their nineteenth and twentieth years, as in the fourth century, certainly after the reform of the Ephebeia, perhaps earlier ; military service ceased at 60. But how could the number of men in these twelve classes, 19-20 and 51-60, stand in the proportion of 13: 17 to the men between 21 and 50 ? They could not be more than a third, and might be less. (Beloch, 1923, tries to make the problem more difficult by the arbitrary assumption that the 13,000 citizen hoplites are all the men of 21-60, instead of 21-50. Meyer, who accepts Thucydides’ figures, forgets that there must have been ‘oldest and youngest’ metics, besides the 3,000 who marched into Megara. Busolt and Meyer also argue that the classes 51-60 will have suffered specially heavy losses in the battles of 459-445, while the eight youngest classes would have seen no fighting. (shrink)

The present article responds to the points raised by Edward S. Casey and Julia Sushytska in this issue concerning the nature of the speaking of matter and that of its metaphysical complement,. It fills in several dimensions of those concepts which were omitted from my because of its specific focus on philosophy itself. Among the topics discussed are the way the abstract structure of comes to function concretely on society ; how the speaking of human matter relates to other kinds; (...) the “temporocentric” character of my account; and the newly articulated ethical stance of the “metic.”. (shrink)

Allusions to the Panathenaia 1 in the final scene of the Eumenides have been pointed out by a number of scholars.2 Headlam identified the red robes of the Eumenides with the cloaks worn by the Metics in the Panathenaic procession.3 In Athena's pronouncement at 1030–1.

Alors que Platon était à Athènes un citoyen à part entière, issu d'une ancienne et noble famille, Aristote était un métèque, c'est-à-dire un étranger domicilié dans la Cité, et comme tel n'ayant pas le droit de participer à sa vie politique. Un certain nombre d'éléments biographiques, de fragments ou de passages de son œuvre montrent qu' Aristote, isolé à Athènes et en butte à de nombreux ennemis, souffrit de cette privation de citoyenneté ; elle l'amena peut-être à concevoir autrement que (...) Platon les rapports entre la philosophie et la politique ; elle retentit sans nul doute sur sa conception du langage puisque le langage, dans la démocratie athénienne, était le levier du pouvoir politique et l'instrument même de la participation du citoyen à la chose publique. Whereas in Athens Plato was a full citizen of ancient and noble stock, Aristotle was a metic, a foreigner residing in the City, and as such was denied the right of partaking in its political life. Several biographical data and passages from his works reveal that Aristotle, a stranger in Athens, harassed by many an enemy, suffered from not enjoying full citizenship, which may have led him to share Plato's conception of the relationship between philosophy and politics and no doubt also influenced his conception of language — since language in the Athenian democracy was the lever of political power and the very instrument of the citizens participation in the commonwealth. (shrink)

Allusions to the Panathenaia 1 in the final scene of the Eumenides have been pointed out by a number of scholars.2 Headlam identified the red robes of the Eumenides with the cloaks worn by the Metics in the Panathenaic procession.3 In Athena's pronouncement at 1030–1.

Despite initiating the discussion and introducing the first definition examined in Plato’s Republic, Cephalus is quickly compelled to leave the discussion. Many scholars read the dramatic action of this opening exchange as a coup d’ tat in which Socrates overthrows Cephalus’ reign over the community and usurps his ancestral command over the conversation. In contrast, I contend that Cephalus presents a competing moral claim as a representative of the class of moneymakers.

This paper has two aims: to realize a survey and a critique of the models of interaction between the polis and the resident aliens which were formulated by Ancient historians in XIX and XX centuries, and to analyze some indications which could overcome the theoretical insufficiencies of that models.