In this article the author revisits Carol Smart’s 1989 publication Feminism and the power of law. She engages with Smart’s main claims by way of a number of other thinkers. Following Marianne Constable’s description of contemporary American legal thought as socio-legal, the author tentatively considers if it could be argued that some strains in contemporary legal feminism that adopted a sociological method resulted in a similar absence of justice that concerns Constable. Smart’s caution against the development of a feminist jurisprudence (...) is critically analysed with the benefit of hindsight. Drawing on Deleuze and Guattari, Foucault and Goodrich, the author tentatively considers the becoming of a feminist jurisprudence as a minor jurisprudence. What we most lack is a belief in the world, we’ve quite lost the world, it’s been taken from us. (Deleuze 1995, 176)Sociology takes social creation to be the whole of what is and will be. (Constable 1994a, 589). (shrink)

The Warrior Women of Islam: Female Empowerment in Arabic Popular Literature. By Remke Kruk. London: I. B. Tauris, 2014. Pp. xxv + 272. £62 ; £15.99.

The main objective of this article is to reflect on the way in which a certain neoliberal logic and rationality have become common-sense and to contemplate the possibility of a different aesthetic. The tone or mood of this piece draws on recent work on atmosphere, affect and complexity, which will be used to explore the theme of neoliberalism within the context of the university. In the course of this discussion, I will consider questions such as: how could a different aesthetic (...) influence the university as public space; the curriculum and academic community and friendship? How could a different aesthetic respond to epistemic, ontological and, inherently tied to them, spatial injustice? (shrink)

Phusis, Aletheia, Khreon, Moira, Logos: tels sont les Grundworte, ces paroles fondamentales qui inaugurerent notre destin, et dont Heidegger devoile le double statut: ouvrant le commencement, elles abritent l'origine; donnant le branle a l'histoire manifeste de la pensee, elles restent en meme temps porteuses de son versant secret, et toujours oublie. C'est ce versant secret qui est ici explore, faisant de ce livre la patiente reconstitution du texte de l'origine. Texte essentiel, puisque ce n'est que lorsqu'il est retabli que notre (...) histoire, enfin rendue a elle-meme, peut trouver sa cloture; que la question de l'etre, enfin pensee comme question, peut etre abandonnee. C'est dire que l'oeuvre heideggerienne connait un double tournant: le premier permet a la pensee de s'engager dans la question de l'etre comme histoire; le second lui permet de se degager de cette meme question, et de clore l'histoire. De ces deux ruptures, l'une precoce et assez generalement reconnue, est celle de la Kehre, l'autre, tardive et plus meconnue, est celle de l'Ereignis. (shrink)

English summary: This book centers on paradoxical identities highlighted in literature and film. The underlying idea is that all identities are divided between the life and death aspects of our existence. Reading identities against the grain helps us to better understand this conflict that often goes unseen. French description: L'interrogation Qui suis-je? fait de l'identite une question. Sa conjugaison sous la forme Lequel suis-je? suggere la possibilite d'une identite plurielle. Ce livre est consacre aux identites paradoxales, telles que nous les (...) presentent la litterature et la psychopathologie. Marlene Zarader a partir d'exemples tires de la litterature et du cinema repense la question de l'identite personnelle. L'hypothese est que le clivage mis en lumiere par les identites divisees traverse souterrainement toute identite - meme s'il s'y trouve surmonte. Et qu'il trouve son origine dans un conflit entre deux dimensions de l'existence: l'une qui nous porte vers la vie, l'autre qui nous en detourne et aspire a la mort. Ce combat caracteristique de l'existence est le plus souvent meconnu. Il peut pourtant etre reconnu si l'on porte attention aux traces qu'il laisse. Or c'est dans le champ de l'identite que ces traces sont le plus parlantes; et ce sont les identites paradoxales - qui nous constituent tous - qui les font le mieux entendre. (shrink)

Drawing on Heidegger’s corpus, the work of historians and biblical specialists, and contemporary philosophers like Levinas and Derrida, Zarader brings to light the evolution of an impense;—or unthought thought—that bespeaks a complex debt at the core of Heidegger’s hermeneutic ontology. Zarader argues forcefully that in his interpretation of Western thought and culture, Heidegger manages to recognize only two main lines of inheritance: the “Greek” line of philosophical thinking, and the Christian tradition of “faith.” From this perspective, Heidegger systematically avoids any (...) explicit or meaningful recognition of the contribution made by the Hebraic biblical and exegetical traditions to Western thought and culture. Zarader argues that this avoidance is significant, not simply because it involves an inexcusable historical oversight, but more importantly because Heidegger’s own philosophical project draws on and develops themes that appear first, and fundamentally, within the very Hebraic traditions that he avoids, betraying an “unthought debt” to Hebraic tradition. (shrink)

... rushing around like the red queen in a world where change is virtuous merely because it is change, we can start by putting up some resistance. ...

In this article the author revisits the question of how feminist theory/theories could address questions regarding universalism, sameness, difference, and the quest for justice. She reconsiders the quest for justice and equality for women and the possibilities of a feminist perspective on justice and a feminist `community'. The three feminist theorists that she discusses are Martha Nussbaum, Drucilla Cornell, and Iris Marion Young. Nussbaum is closer to a liberal defense of universal values – Cornell and Young stand critical of liberalism (...) and focus on sublimity, dignity, and asymmetrical reciprocity. The author supports the perspective of the latter two theorists and applies these perspectives to aspects of South African equality jurisprudence. She also considers critically the extent to which the Draft Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa breaks with liberal universalism and sameness. To the end she supports a notion of` slowing down' in order to protect women's freedom and dignity, to approach each other with wonder and respect. (shrink)

The main objective of this article is to reflect on the way in which a certain neoliberal logic and rationality have become common-sense and to contemplate the possibility of a different aesthetic. The tone or mood of this piece draws on recent work on atmosphere, affect and complexity, which will be used to explore the theme of neoliberalism within the context of the university. In the course of this discussion, I will consider questions such as: how could a different aesthetic (...) influence the university as public space; the curriculum and academic community and friendship? How could a different aesthetic respond to epistemic, ontological and, inherently tied to them, spatial injustice? (shrink)

The article explores the location of Central and Eastern Europe in transnational feminist studies. Despite the acknowledgement of the situatedness of knowledge, feminist theorising nevertheless seems to continue to be organised around a limited number of central axes and internalised progress narratives. The authors argue that there is a pressing need for theories which can approach the near absence of Central and Eastern European perspectives from transnational feminist theorising, and challenge the limited number of discursive tropes associated with post-socialist Central (...) and Eastern Europe – especially that of a ‘lag’, where difference is translated into a temporal distance. Instead, the authors suggest that a more inclusive vision of transnational feminist studies can be achieved by applying the decolonial framework to the post-socialist context, as explicated in the work of Madina Tlostanova. (shrink)

The so-called 'Dutroux-case'- the revelation of the kidnapping and the murder of four underaged girls and the apparent malfunctions of the judiciary and the police forces, was the most important issue on the 1997 political agenda. Unanimously, the Chamber of Representatives agreed upon the recommendations of a parliamentary inquiry into the bungled police investigation. Yet the unanimity disappeared quickly when the recommendations on the reorganisation of the police forces had to be implemented.New revelations of the Dassault-case, and the involvement of (...) both socialist parties, put the government underpressure. The events themselves, and the discontent they caused in some majority parties, urged the government to revise the governmental programme. Guy Spitaels, chairman of the Walloon parliament resigned. Guy Coëme, former minister of Defence, alleged ofpassive corruption in the Dassault-case, was referred to the Supreme Court of Appeal by decision of the Chamber of Representatives. (shrink)

Covers everything from prize animals to fair architecture to speeches to Pronto Pups.

At the general elections, the Belgian voter has the possibility to bring out either a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party. At the general elections of April 17, 1977 for the House of Representatives the voters have voted for 50,26 % by preference, whereas for the Senate 40,65 % of them have done so.The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district to another: from 69,96 % in the district of Oudenaarde (...) to 32,85 % in Bergen. There is also a difference from one political party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the PW-PLP : 59,51 % ; the lowest by the KPB-PCB : 30,14 %. The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely, pointing out not only their popularity but also to a certain extend their political power. (shrink)

The activities within and around the Volksunie get much media attention compared with other parties. The top politicians of the Volksunie such as former president Schiltz have more influence than their colleagues.It was Schiltz that niade his party enter the government. His opinion was that every political party must try to achieve that goal.It is not so sure that the traditional Belgian political families are willing to accept new partners. Apart from that it is possible that the Belgian, electorate wants (...) some parties to remain in the opposition.As far as the Volksunie is concerned the policy of Mr. Schiltz has been rejected by the electorate. (shrink)