Les tacitistes utilisent l’œuvre de l’historien pour en extraire des conseils aux gouvernants. Hobbes et Spinoza se servent au contraire des récits de Tacite comme matériaux pour constituer leur théorie des affects et expliquer le rôle que jouent ceux-ci dans la politique. Dans leur structure théorique, ils donnent aux exemples une fonction confirmative et une fonction anthropologique ; Spinoza leur donne en outre une fonction anticipatrice. La fonction confirmative a également pour rôle d’empêcher la théorie politique de se transformer en (...) utopie. (shrink)

ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to investigate the intertextual relationship between Spinoza and Tacitus in the Political Treatise, underlining how Spinoza uses Tacitus’ quotes against his main political enemy: Tacitism. I will show that Spinoza’s use of Tacitus is very selective and can be aptly characterized as a twofold political use: Tacitus’ quotes shape Spinoza’s political insights, but they are also used to confront Tacitism. To develop this twofold reading, after a brief introduction, I will consider Tacitus’ reception (...) in Early Modern period, describing Tacitism and its political standpoints. Then, I will analyse Spinoza’s use of Tacitus, considering his approach to three core themes: the nature of peace and sedition, the nature of the masses and the use of secrets (arcana). Finally, I will draw a comparison between the use to which Tacitus’ quotes are put by Spinoza on the one hand and by the Tacitists on the other, stressing how this comparison contributes to our understanding of their opposed political positions: democracy for Spinoza and monarchy for the Tacitists. (shrink)

Il concetto di "libertà" descrive uno dei valori fondamentali della società occidentale contemporanea. Tuttavia, sebbene tutti concordino circa la necessità di difendere la libertà, persone che incarnano convinzioni politiche, morali e sociali diverse interpretano la libertà in maniere differenti, se non perfino contrapposte. Nonostante queste evidenti divergenze, è opinione diffusa che questo concetto si caratterizzi alla sua base per una sorta di denominatore comune, a proposito del quale sussiste un’unanimità pervasiva e che delinea l’orizzonte di una comune (...) battaglia. Questo studio investiga questa opinione da un punto di vista cognitivo allo scopo di determinare come sia costituito e di quale informazione si componga il concetto astratto di “libertà”. La ricerca – che si rifà in parte alla teoria di G. Lakoff – identifica un nucleo cognitivo comune concreto del concetto e chiarisce come questo si contamini ideologicamente nel corso del suo sviluppo da concetto concreto a concetto astratto. Le conclusioni di questo studio evidenziano tuttavia come il nucleo universale del concetto sia eccessivamente indeterminato per costituire un denominatore comune politicamente rilevante che fornisca una base di accordo a proposito di un valore condiviso ed evidenzia alcuni limiti dell'impostazione data da Lakoff al problema, avanzando delle ipotesi per futuri sviluppi della ricerca su questi temi. (shrink)

This is a comprehensive analysis of the idea of libertas and its conflicting uses in the political struggles of the late Roman Republic. By reconstructing Roman political thinking about liberty against the background of Classical and Hellenistic thought, it excavates two distinct intellectual traditions on the means allowing for the preservation and the loss of libertas. Considering the interplay of these traditions in the political debates of the first century BC, Dr Arena offers a significant reinterpretation of the political struggles (...) of the time as well as a radical reappraisal of the role played by the idea of liberty in the practice of politics. She argues that, as a result of its uses in rhetorical debates, libertas underwent a form of conceptual change at the end of the Republic and came to legitimise a new course of politics, which led progressively to the transformation of the whole political system. (shrink)

In this paper, I will argue that Spinoza’s notion of libertas philosophandi in Theological Political Treatise2 is best interpreted as freedom of expression, in the metaphysical sense of expression found in Ethics I. This reading helps understand the role of the Spinozan state in protecting such freedom. Ethics argues that human nature is embodied thought, and its freedom is found both in rational and irreducibly imaginary cognition: imagination is knowledge, and, as such, it is a fundamental aspect of human expression. (...) The last two books of Ethics show that human freedom depends on certain material and intellectual conditions: this clarifies the role of the state as an active participant, rather than a mere watchman, of individual expression. (shrink)

In this paper, I will argue that Spinoza’s notion of libertas philosophandi in Theological Political Treatise2 is best interpreted as freedom of expression, in the metaphysical sense of expression found in Ethics I. This reading helps understand the role of the Spinozan state in protecting such freedom. Ethics argues that human nature is embodied thought, and its freedom is found both in rational and irreducibly imaginary cognition: imagination is knowledge, and, as such, it is a fundamental aspect of human expression. (...) The last two books of Ethics show that human freedom depends on certain material and intellectual conditions: this clarifies the role of the state as an active participant, rather than a mere watchman, of individual expression. (shrink)

Personal freedom, «living as you like», was a cardinal principal of Athens’ democracy and nearly always a daily reality for its citizens. Yet despite Athens’ ideologies and often extraordinary tolerance, what some consider significant violations of freedom also occurred; in particular, the Athenians reportedly prosecuted many intellectuals . All this has raised doubts about personal freedoms at Athens. Did these freedoms exist? Many deny it, including Isaiah Berlin in his famous essays On Liberty. Many modern democracies are guided by the (...) principle of the primacy of the individual over the state, and the paramount importance of protecting individual liberties. But among the Athenians the community came first. The thread linking Athenian violations of their deeply felt democratic ideology of «living as you like» was the priority of community interests. Drunkenness, wasting money, even doubting the gods were not regulated, if no one else was harmed. But the community came first. The Athenians punished those who harmed the polis. Private citizens were left free to live as they wished. (shrink)

This introduction emphasises the relevance of the theoretical feminist reflection presented by Wendy Brown in her Politics Out of History . The Italian translation of the book, which introduces Brown’s thought to the Italian public for the first time, provides the opportunity to deepen the understanding of her feminist contribution to the comprehension of the crisis of sovereignty. The book, in fact, could be investigated as a sort of link between, on the one hand, 1990s Brown’s reflection on the crisis (...) of liberal universalism, political modernity and on the gendered constructions of such concepts as State and citizenship and, on the other, her more recent analysis on the reconfiguration of power and sovereignty in the age of globalization as expressed in her 2010 Walled States, Waning Sovereignty . At the core of her reflection, a crucial role has been played by the deconstruction of the nexus freedom-power-rights that enlightens the ambiguities, the semantic ambivalences and the political-theoretical traps inherent in the linear and progressive narration of political modernity. (shrink)

Libertas philosophandi è una indagine del rapporto disciplinare tra filosofia e teologia che ruota intorno alla celebre Lettera alla granduchessa Cristina di Lorena di G. Galilei, lettera-trattato con cui lo scienziato cerca di salvare uno spazio di libertà di ricerca nel contesto della cultura controriformata. La prima parte del libro illustra criticamente le polemiche sorte a partire dalla pubblicazione del Sidereus nuncius e proseguite fino alla condanna del copernicanesimo nel 1616. La seconda è dedicata all'analisi strutturale della Lettera e (...) alla ricerca delle fonti testuali che l'hanno ispirata, identificandone talora l'edizione precisa. La terza parte sviluppa i diversi temi della Lettera, presentando alcuni elementi fin qui ignoti o ignorati, tra i quali un forte indebitamento con la tradizione del trattato aristotelico De anima (in particolare con Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Pietro Pomponazzi e Cesare Cremonini); la scoperta di un plagio da parte di Cremonini; la sensibilità politica di Galileo. Viene poi discusso il problema del cosiddetto concordismo del trattato e proposta una lettura controcorrente; si presenta una analisi iconografica che evidenzia, tra l'altro, il legame tra la Lettera a Cristina e l'Accademia dei Lincei. Ancora, si offre un documento inedito che getta luce sul ruolo del cardinale Bellarmino nella condanna del 1616. Infine una rilettura dei documenti dei due processi a Galileo mostra come una lieve, ma decisiva manipolazione della sentenza del primo processo riproponga la problematicità del secondo. La quarta parte del libro contiene il testo della Lettera accompagnato da numerose note di commento storico. (shrink)

The political debate surrounding the English revolution shows how rich and complex is the scenery of the English liberties before “modern Liberty”. The ancient libertates of the Realm, the religious and commercial liberties, the liberty of the free states, and lastly the just freedom of Levellers and Diggers: all these perspectives intersect and conflict without finding any political or juridical synthesis. On the contrary, the gradual affirmation of the liberty of the moderns is accompanied by instances of political and social (...) equality, with which it has to confront. Starting from the dispute on the “Norman Conquest” up to James Harrington’s Oceana, this contribution aims to highlight the extent to which the debate on liberties before “liberalism” was composite, conflictual and characterized by the persistence of instances of equality. (shrink)

M. Leone / L. Valente, Libertà e determinismo. Riflessioni medievali, Aracne, Roma 2017.

Lo Stato commerciale chiuso di J. G. Fichte fornisce un punto di vista sul rapporto tra economia e politica, agire interessato e agire etico, che consente di porre alcune distinzioni critiche all’interno della discussione attuale sulla ‘globalizzazione’. A partire dall’analisi della struttura stessa del sapere, emerge una nozione di libertà che vieta di intendere il problema nei termini di opposizione tra garanzia e controllo, libertà e limitazione. È proprio una tale idea che struttura gli ordinamenti politico-economici e giuridici (...) e indica le possibilità di ottenere l’equità economico-sociale e la pace internazionaleJ. G. Fichte's Closed Commercial State treats of the relation between economy and politics, and between self-interest and ethics, and thus may offer an important contribution to the current debate on globalisation. From Fichte's analysis of the structure of knowledge emerges a concept of freedom that disallows simple oppositions between guarantees and controls, or freedom and restriction. This analysis orders Fichte's account of political, legal and economic activity and evinces the possibility of social and economic justice, as well as international peace. (shrink)

La libertà di pensiero è l'assunto principale della filosofia di Spinoza in età moderna. La posizione dei filosofi nei confronti dell'ortodossia religiosa è particolarmente delicata, dal momento che pone in questione l'autorità stessa delle Scritture e la verità della Torah e della Chiesa. In particolare Spinoza riflette nel Trattato Teologico Politico del nesso tra il libero pensiero e l'obbedienza del popolo Ebraico alla Legge Mosaica.

Este estudo tem como objeto a recepção da teoria scotista da vontade no início do século 14. Interesse precípuo é o modo como autores, sobretudo franciscanos, a partir das Universidades de Paris e de Oxford, discutiram sobre a possibilidade de uma escolha livre ou de um ato da própria vontade, por parte dos bemaventurados, quando da visão de Deus. Para tanto, pressuposições gerais da teoria scotista da vontade são apresentadas, bem como as inovações dos filósofos influenciados por Scotus. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – (...) Teoria scotista da vontade. Visão beatífica. Liberdade. Influência do pensamento scotista no século 14. ABSTRACT This study aims to analyse the reception of Scotus’s theory of will in the beginning of the 14th Century. The main interest is the way some authors, specially Franciscan thinkers, departing from the Universities of Paris and Oxford, discussed about the possibility for the blessed of a free choice or an act of the will itself concerning the vision of God. For this purpose, general pressupositions of Scotus’s theory of will shall be presented, as well as the innovations of those philosophers influenced by Scotus. KEY WORDS – Scotus’s theory of will. Beatific vision. Freedom. Influence os Scotistic thought in the 14th Century. (shrink)

Este estudo tem como objeto a recepção da teoria scotista da vontade no início do século 14. Interesse precípuo é o modo como autores, sobretudo franciscanos, a partir das Universidades de Paris e de Oxford, discutiram sobre a possibilidade de uma escolha livre ou de um ato da própria vontade, por parte dos bemaventurados, quando da visão de Deus. Para tanto, pressuposições gerais da teoria scotista da vontade são apresentadas, bem como as inovações dos filósofos influenciados por Scotus. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – (...) Teoria scotista da vontade. Visão beatífica. Liberdade. Influência do pensamento scotista no século 14. ABSTRACT This study aims to analyse the reception of Scotus’s theory of will in the beginning of the 14th Century. The main interest is the way some authors, specially Franciscan thinkers, departing from the Universities of Paris and Oxford, discussed about the possibility for the blessed of a free choice or an act of the will itself concerning the vision of God. For this purpose, general pressupositions of Scotus’s theory of will shall be presented, as well as the innovations of those philosophers influenced by Scotus. KEY WORDS – Scotus’s theory of will. Beatific vision. Freedom. Influence os Scotistic thought in the 14th Century. (shrink)

Augustine’s insights into the will and its free decision have long been a focus of controversy since his lifetime. Nonetheless, in modern scholarship, little effort has been made to clarify the actual function of the will as a psychological force in the life of mind. It has often been taken for granted that the will is an independent faculty which underlies our moral responsibility by its free choice. Accordingly, much ink has been spilled over issues such as necessity and freedom, (...) grace and free will, sin and evil will etc. This philosophical inquiry distinguishes itself from its antecedents by adopting a psychological focus on the function of the will. It attempts to explicate why uoluntas, and not other psychological activities, is the locus of moral responsibility in Augustine’s philosophical psychology. The work is thus split into two parts, each consisting of four chapters: the first part devoted to the will’s operation as a psychological dynamism, and the second to the traditional consideration of the will as a moral faculty. In the first part, the dissertation systematically investigates the psychological phenomenon of the will in its relationship to other psychological activities, from irrational affection to intellectual cognition. This phenomenological approach starts with Augustine’s unusual conception of concupiscentia carnis in his debates with Julian of Eclanum. According to Augustine’s philosophical interpretation of this biblical term, concupiscentia carnis as an uncontrollable tendency defines the essential infirmity of the will and forms the starting-point of further affective expressions of the soul. Then, the analysis advances to the role of the will in the formation of affection. It reveals the implicit approval that is entailed in the unvoluntary pre-volitional movements of the soul. This explains the superficial discrepancy between Augustine’s accounts of affection as can be found in Books IX and XIV of De ciuitate Dei. This general account of Augustine’s theory of emotion is followed by an in-depth examination of the feeling of shame so as to display the will’s actual contribution in a reflective affection. Augustine convincingly proves that shame reflects the powerlessness of the will in confrontation with concupiscentia carnis as well as the will’s effort to regain its dignity. To complete the foray into Augustine’s philosophy of the soul, his reflections on intellect and will in the process of moral decision are called into question. By reconsidering Augustine’s account of his own conversion and his reflections on our journey to the happy life, my analyses show that neither intellectualitic nor voluntaristic interpretations do justice to his understanding of moral decision. The voluntaristic interpretation overlooks the intellectual perspective of happy life and Augustine’s emphasis on the necessity of a knowledge of the good for our moral behaviour. On the other hand, the intellectualistic account unjustly ignores Augustine’s insights into the severe destructiveness of the failure of the will and the dilemma of two wills at war. To summarize, the phenomenological approach in Part I reveals the omnipresent feature of the will in mental life. The implications of this psychological feature of the will are twofold. It indicates the independence of the will as well as the limitations of the will by its actual conditions. The second part of this work investigates the moral significance of Augustine’s psychological insights into the function of the will. What bridges the gap between uoluntas as a psychological power and uoluntas as a moral faculty is Augustine’s most controversial conception of freedom. The dissertation first scrutinizes Augustine’s arguments for the independence of the will as reconstructed and assumed in the first part. By metaphysical arguments, Augustine reveals that nothing external, neither inferior nor superior being, can force the will to attain a particular disposition. For this cannot happen in a world governed by the divine order. In his analyses of the phenomenon of two contradictory wills, Augustine shows that the will is conditioned but not compelled by other internal forces. However, this merely represents the negative aspect of the will’s freedom, or libertas a coactione. At the same time, the positive aspect of Augustinian uoluntas has frequently been misinterpreted as a faculty of choice, or libertas indifferentiae. A careful reading shows that the free decision of the will is essentially a capacity to pursue one’s own happiness. In accord with this eudemonistic emphasis, the genuine freedom is the freedom to will and to accomplish the good, which alone guarantees the happy life. This original interpretation of freedom offers powerful support to Augustine’s account of moral agency. One is not only held responsible for his voluntary evildoings which he could have avoided, but also for the necessary conditions of life, i.e., ignorantia and difficultas as effects of original sin. For as argued earlier, even the presence of concupiscentia carnis as the inherent infirmity of the will contains the least assent of the will. This assent establishes the moral agency in evil willing. To account for our agency in the good will, the dissertation addresses the problem of compatibility between divine grace and freedom of will. My analysis shows that Augustine’s rigid position in the last years of his life is also philosophically defensible. An internal function of the grace upon the faculty of the will will not destroy its freedom to attain its own disposition. This philosophical analysis concludes by highlightling the close affiliation between the will and the self in Augustinian uoluntas. “I know nothing I could call my own if the will by which I’m willing or unwilling is not my own.”. By consent or dissent of the will, we identify ourselves with mental images, affective movements, practical reasoning and other psychological activities, either implicitly or explicitly. Augustine’s realistic conceptions of the will and its conditioned freedom provide a subtle and rich picture of human nature, which is still relevant to our own theoretical reflections on the self. 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