This is the first part of Raymond Aron's landmark two-volume study of the sociological tradition¿arguably the definitive work of its kind. More than a work of reconstruction, Aron's study is, at its deepest level, an engagement with the very question of modernity: How did the intellectual currents which emerged in the eighteenth century shape the modern political and philosophical order? With scrupulous fairness, Aron examines the thought and arguments of the major social thinkers to discern how (...) they answered this question. Volume One explores three traditions: the French liberal school of political sociology, represented by Montesquieu and Tocqueville; the Comtean tradition, anticipating Durkheim in its elevation of social unity and consensus; and the Marxists, who posited the struggle between classes and placed their faith in historical necessity. In his customary clear and penetrating prose, Aron argues that each of these schools offers its own theory of the diversity of societies and that ¿each is inspired both by moral convictions and by scientific hypotheses.¿ This Routledge Classics edition includes an introduction by Daniel J. Mahoney and Brian C. Anderson. (shrink)

Les États-Unis et la France entretiennent depuis deux siècles des relations diplomatiques, riches en épisodes édifiants et quasi légendaires, riches aussi en crises et en passions. Autant que l’amitié de Franklin et de La Fayette, la tension entre Clemenceau et Wilson, après la Première Guerre, entre Roosevelt et le général de Gaulle, pendant la Deuxième, me paraissent symboliques du...

Voici donc réunis, grâce à la Fondation FVS, les lauréats des prix Robert Schuman, et ceux des prix Montaigne et Goethe, les uns voués à la tâche ingrate de traduire en institutions et en action quotidienne l’idée d’une Europe unie, les autres désireux d’enrichir le trésor commun de notre culture. Peut-être la Fondation, en offrant aux hommes d’État l’occasion de rencontrer...

Die wissenschaftlichen Unzulänglichkeiten der Soziologie Paretos sind oft erörtert worden. Ebensooft hat man die politische Bedeutung dieser Soziologie hervorgehoben. In seinem Aufsatz versucht A., wissenschaftliche Unzulänglichkeit und politische Bedeutung wechselseitig zu erklären.Im ersten Teil werden die Hauptthesen der Paretoschen Soziologie zusammengefasst. Der zweite Teil bringt eine Kritik der Paretoschen Soziologie. Die Methode Paretos wird mit der Psychoanalyse und mit der marxistischen Interpretation der Ideologien kurz verglichen und dabei klargelegt, dass Pareto weder die historische Bedeutung noch den psychologischen Ursprung der „dérivations“ (...) zu zeigen vermag. Die Paretosche Theorie des sozialen Ganzen ist durch den Psychologismus und die Verkennung der Geschichte verfälscht. Mit formellen und abstrakten Begriffen wie „hétérogénéité sociale, élite, force, consentement“ vermag man weder die Struktur einer besonderen Gesellschaft noch die verschiedenen Funktionen der Autorität zu kennzeichnen.Im dritten Teil wird Pareto als typischer „polemischer Denker“ gedeutet. Ohne den Rationalismus zu überwinden, kommt er zur Negation aller rationalistischen Behauptungen. Er kennt keinen Fortschritt, die menschliche und die gesellschaftliche Natur bleiben ewig dieselben, der Klassenkampf beruht auf unabänderlichen Gegebenheiten der individuellen und gruppenmässigen Psychologie.Im vierten Teil wird kurz die Soziologie Paretos in ihren Beziehungen zum faschistischen Denken interpretiert. Zynismus, Notwendigkeit einer Religion für das Volk und einer Propaganda, die die irrationalen Kräfte der Massen ausnützt, Machiavellismus der Führer, Rechtfertigung der Elite durch den Erfolg, hoffnungsloser Pessimismus, der die Unmöglichkeit jeder menschlichen Gesellschaft beweist und den Privilegierten ein gutes Gewissen sichert, bilden die Hauptpunkte dieser antiliberalistischen und antimarxistischen Ideologie, die typisch ist für die Periode des Übergangs von der Demokratie zum autoritären Staat. Nach dem Sieg des letzteren wird der metaphysische Schleier nützlicher als der offene Zynismus.The scientific shortcomings of Pareto's sociology have often been discussed, and its political significance noted. In this article, A. attempts to analyze the interrelations between the two.The article begins with a statement of the main theses of Pareto's sociology. In part two, Pareto's method is compared briefly with psychoanalysis and with the Marxist interpretation of ideology, and this comparison reveals that Pareto could show neither the historical significance nor the psychological roots of „derivations“. His theory of the social whole is erroneous because of his psychologism and his misunderstanding of the historical process. Formal, abstract concepts like social heterogeneity, élite, force, and consent, do not permit adequate analysis of the structure of a specific society or of the various functions of authority.Part three studies Pareto as a typical „polemical thinker“. He arrives at a negation of all rationalistic contentions without, however, overcoming rationalism. He does not recognize progress ; the nature of man and society are eternally the same ; the class struggle, for him, rests on unalterable facts of individual and social psychology.The last section is devoted to a brief discussion of the relationship of Pareto’s sociology to Fascist thought. Cynicism, the necessity for religion and for propaganda which will utilize the irrational forces of the masses, Machiavellianism of the leader, justification of the elite through success, a pessimism which insists on the hopelessness of every form of society and salves the conscience of privileged groups — these are the main elements of this anti-liberal, anti-Marxist ideology, typical of the period of transition from democracy to the authoritarian state. After the victory of the latter, the metaphysical veil becomes more useful than open cynicism. (shrink)

International problems are not reducible to economic and social conjuncture. Thucydides therefore focuses on events, particular human acts performed freely-chosen, and thus themselves irreducible to junctures of forces. No twentieth-century Thucydides could exist; no intelligible account of the wars of the present century could omit references to actors, but they would not be of central interpretative importance. Modern events are disindividualized, modern collective decisions numerous and complex. Thucydides nevertheless remains significant today to those unwilling to view events divorced from the (...) action of individuals. As an historian Thucydides experienced a feeling of destiny looking back upon free actions, but still held that they alone merit attention. (shrink)

An invaluable reflection on the essence of liberal democracy—and an ideal introduction to the work of political philosopher Raymond Aron Liberty and Equality is the first English translation of the last lecture delivered at the Collège de France by Raymond Aron, one of the most influential political and social thinkers of the twentieth century. In this important work, the most prominent French liberal intellectual of the Cold War era presents his views on the core values of (...) liberal democracy: liberty and equality. At the same time, he provides an ideal introduction to key aspects of his thought. Ranging from Soviet ideology to Watergate, Aron reflects on root concepts of democracy and representative government, articulates a notion of liberty or freedom as equal right as distinct from equal outcome, and discusses different kinds of liberties: personal, political, religious, and social. In search of a common truth or at least a common good, and analyzing what he perceives as the crisis of liberal democracies, Aron opens a space for reexamining the relation between liberty and equality. (shrink)

Les États-Unis et la France entretiennent depuis deux siècles des relations diplomatiques, riches en épisodes édifiants et quasi légendaires, riches aussi en crises et en passions. Autant que l’amitié de Franklin et de La Fayette, la tension entre Clemenceau et Wilson, après la Première Guerre, entre Roosevelt et le général de Gaulle, pendant la Deuxième, me paraissent symboliques du..

Voici donc réunis, grâce à la Fondation FVS, les lauréats des prix Robert Schuman, et ceux des prix Montaigne et Goethe, les uns voués à la tâche ingrate de traduire en institutions et en action quotidienne l’idée d’une Europe unie, les autres désireux d’enrichir le trésor commun de notre culture. Peut-être la Fondation, en offrant aux hommes d’État l’occasion de rencontrer..

Aron reflects with simplicity and depth on industrial society, communism, the future of democracy, peace and war, the nuclear age, and also Charles de Gaulle, Jean-Paul Sartre, Andre Malraux, Henry Kissinger and others.

This comprehensive anthology of newly translated writings presents some of Aron's most important essays in 20th-century intellectual history and political commentary.

Reevaluates the ideas of the German general, shows how his writings have been misinterpreted, and applies Clausewitzian theory to twentieth century political history.

A travers les Dimensions de la conscience historique, Raymond Aron s'impose comme l'un des penseurs majeurs de l'histoire au XXe siecle. Apres les bouleversements issus du second conflit mondial, Raymond Aron pense le monde a l'aune de l'installation durable du communisme a l'Est de l'Europe, de la fin de la colonisation, des mutations que signale une phase de progres technique encore inconnue dans les societes developpees. Il prend acte du changement radical que marque pour la condition (...) humaine l'avenement de l'ere nucleaire. Face a ces mutations, le philosophe a plus que jamais le devoir de penser l'histoire et la liberte de l'homme face a l'evenement. Dialoguant avec Thucydide, combattant l'idee d'une fin de l'histoire avancee par Spengler et Toynbee et plus encore par la teleologie marxiste, il poursuit la reflexion sur les limites de l'objectivite historique engagee au cours des annees 1930.Les Dimensions de la conscience historique n'ont cesse de nourrir les debats sur l'histoire. Il demeure aujourd'hui un ouvrage indispensable pour reflechir a notre condition historique. (shrink)

La Philosophie critique de l'histoire Raymond Aron montre ici comment Dilthey, Rickert, Simmel et Weber s'interrogent sur l'origine de la valeur (subjective et objective) des formes de la science historique : si toutes les démarches de cette science son solidaires d'une volonté et d'une situation, l'historien peut-il écrire une " histoire qui puisse être vraie pour tous "? Si la relativité historique semble un " fait ", qu'en est-il de la vérité universelle, exigée par la raison? D'autre part, (...) quel rapport établir entre les perspectives individuelles, partielles, et la totalité de l'évolution? Cette théorie allemande de l'histoire, fondée sur la relativité de la connaissance, constitue la seule tentative véritable d'une critique de la Raison historique. Raymond Aron (1905-1983) Philosophe, sociologue et historien français. Ses écrits furent porteurs d'une réflexion sur l'engagement de l'intellectuel dans son siècle. (shrink)

Aron sviluppa in questo testo alcune riflessioni sullo sviluppo tecnologico e sul rapporto tra la conoscenza scientifica e le sue applicazioni pratiche. Da una preliminare distinzione tra quattro forme di tecnica, egli analizza gli spe­cifici sviluppi di queste tecniche e i loro differenti rapporti per giungere a ripensare, alla luce delle recenti innovazioni, il problema dei paesi sot­tosviluppati, la tematica della guerra e le possibili derive dei regimi politici. L’incerta traduzione pratica delle innovazioni tecnologiche nella con­tem­po­raneità che emerge induce (...) Aron al richiamo finale a una scienza del­l’e­du­ca­zione che conduca alla saggezza e all’etica della prudenza che, sole, sono in grado di garantire un reale progresso dell’umanità.Aron develops in this text some reflections on the technological deve­lop­ment and the relationship between the scientific acquaintance and its prac­tical applications. From one preliminary distinction between four shapes of technique, he analyzes the specific developments of these techniques and theirs different relationships in order to rethink, to the light of the recent in­novations, the problem of the underdeveloped countries, the thematic of the war and the possible drifts of the political regimes. The uncertain practical translation of the technological innovations that emerges induces Aron to a fi­nal consideration about a science of education that leads to wisdom and to an ethics of prudence that can achieve a real progress for humanity. (shrink)

This edition focuses on Aron's lifelong attempt to bridge the gap between knowledge and action and to understand the dialectical relationship between history ...