À travers l’analyse de certains aspects du langage de Leonardo Bruni, et en particulier de son utilisation de « popolo » et de « res publica », nous essayons de comprendre dans quelle mesure la politique des premiers humanistes est restée ancrée dans le passé récent de la ville de Florence, malgré les nouveautés idéologiques évidentes (et sans tenir compte de celles d’ordre stylistique et littéraire). En effet, Bruni semble avoir hérité l’idée de la primauté et de (...) l’unité du peuple florentin directement des discours des juristes du XIVe siècle. Par ailleurs, la « respublica»s’avère être, dans ses discours, à la fois une notion tout à fait traditionnelle et l’emblème du processus d’essentialisation d’un peuple reconstitué dans sa dimension universelle grâce à l’expulsion définitive du conflit de l’horizon des possibles. En même temps, en dialogue avec Claudia Moatti notamment, nous essayons de voir comment, avec quels outils, certaines recherches sur l’histoire romaine permettent de saisir les métamorphoses du « peuple » dans une période beaucoup plus tardive. (shrink)

Leonardo Bruni: History of the Florentine People. Edited by James Hankins, Volume 1, v–xxiv + 520 pp. $29.95/£19.95/€27.70 cloth. Leonardo Bruni: History of the Florentine People. Edited by James Hankins, Volume 2, xiii + 584 pp. $29.95/£19.95/€27.70 cloth.

This article offers a new reading of Leonardo Bruni's History of the Florentine People. It focuses on books VII-XII of this famous work, i.e. those produced and/or published after the Medici came to power in 1434. Careful study of key passages suggests that Bruni—often portrayed by modern historians as a republican firebrand—actually made a relatively smooth transition to the post-1434 climate of authoritarian rule. Indeed the evidence presented here reveals that Bruni deliberately (if subtly) manipulated his (...) historical data in order to extol the Medici, who had meanwhile become the virtual patrons of his enterprise. (shrink)

Leonardo Bruni’s well-known oration, the Laudatio Florentinae urbis, has long stood at the center of discussions on the emergence of the modern republican state. Recent historiographical trends have emphasized the degree to which Bruni’s oration represents a propagandistic attempt both to portray Florence as a territorial power of Northern Italy keen to impose its sovereign authority on neighboring polities and as a republic intent on fashioning an image of itself as a popular sovereignty. It is in this (...) second element of Bruni’s oration that we can discover his rhetorical purposes: he needed to give a distorted image of Florence as enjoying “popular” rule precisely because Florence was in fact moving in the opposite direction towards a more oligarchic concentration of political authority. The essay investigates the changes contemplated in revisions to Florence’s juridical codes at precisely the time of the oration’s composition, suggesting that when these two sources are juxtaposed, Bruni’s oration appears as a strongly ideological literary work the rhetorical gestures of which camouflage the actual historical and legal developments of Florence’s political life in the early fifteenth century. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 61.1 (2000) 39-58 [Access article in PDF] A Life in Politics: Leonardo Bruni's Cicero Gary Ianziti Leonardo Bruni's Life of Cicero deserves to occupy an important place in the annals of early modern history-writing. 1 Completed in October 1415, the Cicero marks a turning point in Bruni's career. It represents his first major foray into the field of (...) historiography, preceding by a few months his completion of the first book of the more famous History of Florence. 2 The Cicero contains many of the features upon which Bruni's reputation as a historian was later to be based. It is written in concise, elegant Latin; it demonstrates a high degree of sophistication in its handling of a wide range of source material; it reveals the workings of a mature, critical intelligence capable of formulating judgments that often go against the grain of accumulated tradition. 3 Nor should we be surprised that Bruni's breakthrough into such territory took place within the framework of biography. Since the time of Petrarch, life-writing had been practiced by Italian humanists as the preferred form of historical composition. 4 Bruni's mentor Coluccio Salutati was a devotee of the genre, and Bruni himself served his apprenticeship [End Page 39] in history-writing by translating seven of Plutarch's Lives between 1405 and 1412. 5Bruni's Cicero was an immediate success in its own day. 6 It even supplanted its most august rival, Plutarch's ancient biography of Cicero. The latter had begun to circulate in the West as early as 1401 in the Latin version executed by another of Salutati's protégés, Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia. 7 After the appearance of Bruni's Cicero, however, Plutarch's Cicero came under duress. By the 1430s Bruni's Cicero was "more widely diffused" than Plutarch's. 8 Bruni's text soon became standard, to the extent that the editio princeps of the Latinized Parallel Lives (Rome, 1470) printed Bruni's Cicero in preference to Plutarch's, setting a precedent followed by subsequent editions down to 1514. 9 The trend then suddenly reversed: Plutarch's biography (in the 1401 translation of Angeli) staged a remarkable comeback, returning to occupy its rightful place in the Latin editions of the Parallel Lives published after that date. 10 Bruni's Cicero meanwhile sank into oblivion. Its primacy had lasted almost one hundred years. [End Page 40]The first modern scholar to deal with Bruni's Cicero was Hans Baron. As early as 1928 Baron had found a place for the work within the scheme of "civic humanism," or Bürgerhumanismus as he then called his emerging concept. In his edition of Bruni's selected writings, Baron included a section from the Cicero, that dealing with the Roman statesman's literary output. 11 The decision to publish this extract rather than the whole work was in part dictated by Baron's conviction that most of Bruni's Cicero was a mere reworking of Plutarch and therefore unworthy of further attention. 12 But the choice of the section on Cicero's literary activity also depended on the fact that it contained statements which appeared to confirm Baron's view of Bruni as a "civic humanist." In particular, Baron emphasized Bruni's presentation of Cicero's literary studies as intimately connected with his political activity. In later years Baron often quoted these same passages in support of his "civic" thesis. 13This is not the place to discuss the wider implications of Baron's thesis itself. It will be enough to note that with regard to Bruni's Cicero, the "civic" focus was purchased at the expense of the work as a whole. One does not have to look very far into Bruni's Cicero to realize that it can hardly be described as subservient to Plutarch. Moreover, it contains passages in which Bruni shows himself to be much less sanguine than Baron about the supposed healthiness of the connection between letters and political life. For example, when weighing up... (shrink)

This article argues, against the still-prevailing interpretation of Leonardo Bruni’s De militia – that it is a defense of civic militias against the mercenary system – for an alternative view: that it represents an attempt to reform communal knighthood in accordance with ancient Greek political theory and Roman historical models. It thus aimed to make the reform of contemporary knighthood into an aspect of the revival of antiquity.

Don Isaac Abravanel was one of the first Jewish thinkers to express republican positions, yet very little is known about his knowledge of humanistic republican conceptions. Had he read Leonardo Bruni’s republican writings? Had he even heard of them? In this essay I attempt to address this philological gap by comparing Abravanel’s republican commentary on 1 Samuel 8 with Bruni’s Laudatio florentinae Urbis, especially the motif of the plea to God to authorize a political regime. This comparison (...) is particularly useful for illuminating their respective positions on republicanism, their shared interests and conceptions, as well as their divergent attitudes to their own political and historical environment. This divergence, I argue, sheds light on the early modern Christian and Jewish receptions of ancient republicanism. (shrink)

Although Leonardo Bruni's Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum have long occupied a central place in the study of Italian Renaissance humanism, scholarly interpretations of them differ markedly. Such differences attest to the formal complexity of this text, the uncertainty about its date of composition, and the obvious contradictions between the arguments offered at different times by its main interlocutor. This essay first briefly describes the scholarly debates that have surrounded Bruni's Dialogues, particularly as these illustrate competing definitions (...) of Florentine humanism. I then argue that the text juxtaposes citation to chronological narration as it explores one central theme in Bruni's humanism, how best to represent the past in and for the present. (shrink)

O artigo tenta mostrar que para além das duas vertentes do comentário atual da obra de Leonardo Bruni (seu afastamento da verdade histórica ou seu caráter puramente retórico e instrumental posto a serviço dos interesses político-econômicos da oligarquia florentina), é necessário igualmente considerar sua função e performance político-ideológica, seja em relação ao público de sua cidade, seja no que concerne às ideias, valores e ideais assumidos por nossa modernidade política. Não obstante seu profundo enraizamento na tradição republicana vinda (...) da Antiguidade – notadamente tomada a Cícero e Aristóteles – sua obra marca o momento do nascimento do republicanismo moderno, interessado antes de tudo nas formas político-institucionais, participativas e igualitárias, das sociedades democráticas. (shrink)

O presente artigo lança luz sobre as flutuações semânticas do termo “liberdade” na obra de Leonardo Bruni, buscando nuançar sua apreensão por parte da tradição anglófona de pensamento político conhecida como neorrepublicanismo. A partir da análise conceitual e estilística de diversas passagens centrais da obra do autor florentino, o artigo visa retornar aos usos e significados da palavra “liberdade” em Bruni, colocando a questão da relação entre um âmbito de utilização “teórica” e um âmbito de utilização histórica (...) ou narrativa. (shrink)

Leonardo Bruni’s De intepretatione recta has recently produced a growing body of literature which has improved our knowledge of the genesis, background and content of the work, as well as its pivotal role in the early history of translation and the humanist intellectual agenda. This article focuses on the conceptual metaphor which shapes Bruni’s understanding of the art of translation: the ‘Translation as Painting’ model. Drawing on a theoretical framework which stresses the cognitive value of metaphors, this (...) article highlights the structural function of the ut pictura metaphor in Bruni’s treatise, eliciting both its classical sources, its resonance in the early fifteenth century and its semantic-pragmatic force in characterising translation. Bruni’s novel conceptual template maps onto the larger cultural background of early humanist thought on interpretatio, imitatio and the visual arts. (shrink)

Recent developments in Europe and the United States (US) attest to an increasing fascination with and nostalgia for the strong leaders of the past – especially those that emerged in the aftermath of the creation of nation states and during the period between the First World War and the end of the Cold War era. Considerations of the “strongman syndrome” have a long lineage in premodern European and Islamic political thought. The famous Italian humanist Leonardo Bruni (ca. 1370–1444), (...) for example, provides in his History of the Florentine People a narrative of the events that led to the ascension, ten-month rule and downfall of Walter VI of Brienne in 1342 in Florence. Writing one hundred years earlier, the historian and political writer Żiyā' al-Dīn Baranī (ca. 1285–1357) in his History of Fīrūz Shāh analyzes the failed leadership of the sultan of Delhi, Muḥammad b. Tughluq (r. 1324–1351). This article presents an exploration of specific variants of autocratic leadership in Renaissance Florence and the Delhi Sultanate – as recorded in Bruni’s and Baranī’s writings, respectively – which demonstrates that both authors seek to offer reflections on the emergence and gradual degeneration of strongman rule that are embedded in a broader discussion of the didactic value of the study of history and its relevance to good government. Both Bruni and Baranī highlight the transience of political authority and the dangers that can arise when a leader is out of touch with the overall social climate, alienates his constituency and operates without popular consent. A detailed examination of premodern modes of envisioning strongman rule can yield fresh insights into the circumstances that incubate the strongman syndrome and the ascent of strong leaders that are still timely today. (shrink)

Cet article examine les choix de traduction, exposés dans deux préfaces se répondant, de deux traducteurs vers le latin de l’Ethique à Nicomaque, Joachim Périon, dont la traduction paraît en 1540, et Denis Lambin, dont le texte paraît en 1572. L’un et l’autre de ces traducteurs, à travers leur polémique, semblent en fait continuer les thèses d’un autre traducteur d’Aristote, théoricien du style de la traduction, Leonardo Bruni, dont le De interpretatione recta date de 1424-1426. Si Périon pense (...) que le seul style possible pour traduire Aristote en latin est celui des ouvrages philosophiques de Cicéron, qui a créé le seul latin philosophique, Lambin, après avoir remis en cause le principe même d’une traduction du grec vers le latin, finit par en accepter la validité, le latin restant la langue la plus riche stylistiquement, et la plus à même de rendre la richesse du grec. (shrink)

Cet article examine les choix de traduction, exposés dans deux préfaces se répondant, de deux traducteurs vers le latin de l’Ethique à Nicomaque, Joachim Périon, dont la traduction paraît en 1540, et Denis Lambin, dont le texte paraît en 1572. L’un et l’autre de ces traducteurs, à travers leur polémique, semblent en fait continuer les thèses d’un autre traducteur d’Aristote, théoricien du style de la traduction, Leonardo Bruni, dont le De interpretatione recta date de 1424-1426. Si Périon pense (...) que le seul style possible pour traduire Aristote en latin est celui des ouvrages philosophiques de Cicéron, qui a créé le seul latin philosophique, Lambin, après avoir remis en cause le principe même d’une traduction du grec vers le latin, finit par en accepter la validité, le latin restant la langue la plus riche stylistiquement, et la plus à même de rendre la richesse du grec. (shrink)

La relation qu’entretient Leonardo Bruni à sa ville d’adoption, Florence, tant comme lettré humaniste que comme personnalité politique, est complexe. Elle constitue une « entrée » pertinente pour s’interroger sur le statut moral de la richesse privée à Florence au début du xve siècle. Peut-on être riche et bon citoyen ? En s’interrogeant sur les motivations qu’avait Leonardo Bruni en offrant une nouvelle traduction du traité pseudo-aristotélicien l’Économique à Cosimo de Médicis, on comprend que ce geste (...) s’inscrit dans un débat vivace, marqué par des prises de position théologiques et séculières initialement favorables à la pauvreté, mais aussi par une évolution de la relation entre l’Église et les marchands à Florence. En rupture avec toute idéalisation morale de la vie à la campagne, Bruni avance que la recherche privée de la richesse n’est pas nécessairement un vice. Il entend en proposer la démonstration à travers la peinture d’un homme qui réalise ses vertus dans la cité, en prônant par l’exemple une vie dans l’aisance et en contribuant à la prospérité et à la puissance de la cité. (shrink)

The teacher of the University of Salamanca Pedro de Osma wrote a comment on the Nichomachean Ethics, following the Latin Tanslation by Leonardo Bruni, and despising the text used by St. Thomas. Due to the respect with what Pedro de Osma himself quotes the "Theological Summa" and the "Comment on the Sentences", it is about to verify how far he has also taken on account the Aquinas' Comment on the "Ethics". The comparison of the introductions written by both (...) authors to their respective comments shows such a divergence, both on the structure and method as well as on the planning and contents, that they lead us to think of the independence of the Salmantinian respect to the Aquinas. His introduction stands out for the exegetical exercise applied to the aristotelian texts; for the opening to the rest of the work by the Philosopher; for the planning of the difficulties and the discussion of different opinions. Comparatively, the text of the Angelicus is offered to us more concise and dogmatic, without dialectical eagerness and with a certain touch of theoretical elevation. (shrink)

ABSTRACT This article analyzes a polemic of Italian Humanism around Dante Alighieri (1265-1321). In that period, intellectuals such as Cristoforo Landino (1424-1498) and Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) interpreted Dante’s writing through the platonic prism of the Phaedrus, that is, as someone who was granted the grace to contemplate the divine and the power to describe it. Decades earlier, however, Coluccio Salutati (1331-1406) and Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444) had already attributed to Dante the merit of focusing on formal studies and, with (...) that, being able to develop expressive artifices to his poetry on its own. For the analysis of the different readings, excerpts in which Dante gives evidence of his path and intellectual maturity will be observed, as well as those in which it is possible to observe the poet’s role in the dissemination of formal knowledge in line with his ethical values. (shrink)

This is a one-volume edition of the original two-volume work published in 1990 with a second edition in 1991. The work falls into two main parts. Volume 1 is devoted to a series of studies describing the revival and dissemination of Plato in the Italian Renaissance. There are four main parts to the first volume. The first part treats the revival of Platonic studies in early fifteenth-century Florence. Here the figure of Leonardo Bruni looms large. Part 2 deals (...) with the revival of Platonic studies in Milan. The translations of the Republic by Uberto Decembrio and later by his son Pier Candido Decembrio receive most of the attention. Part 3 deals with mid fifteenth-century developments of Platonic studies in Rome. Here Hankins provides chapters on George of Trebizond, Pletho, Cardinal Bessarion, and a fascinating account of the dispute between Trebizond and Bessarion. Finally, volume 1 ends with an extensive discussion of the Platonism of Marsilio Ficino. Volume 2 consists of various appendices dealing with specific topics, texts by a variety of Renaissance authors dealing with the interpretation of Plato’s writings, and an exhaustive “Census of Manuscripts” designed “to document the diffusion and influence of Renaissance translations of Plato”. Of course, a review of this size can hardly begin to do justice to the breadth and richness of Hankins’s research. Instead, I shall try to point out the general trajectory of his account of the development of Platonism in the fifteenth century. Of course, Hankins’s project is not a philosophical one, as he admits. Indeed, his goal is to place the transmission of Plato within a well-constructed historical context. However, I shall suggest at the end of this review some ways in which Hankins’s study should provoke philosophers to a more careful consideration of the arguments of Renaissance Platonists. (shrink)

This chapter explores the notion of popular participation advocated by philosopher-statesmen of the past such as Marcus Tullius Cicero, Leonardo Bruni and Francesco Guicciardini, and its political outcomes in relation to the common good. It highlights the significant similarities between traditional republicanism and the ideas of Philip Pettit. Drawing on the writings of Niccolò Machiavelli, it argues that the people are much more likely than the few to make decisions that promote the common good within republics. It also (...) suggests that political democracy, owing to normative and empirical grounds, is more desirable than philosophical republicanism that empowers neutral or ‘depoliticised’ experts and representatives to act on behalf of the people. The chapter explains how popular marginalisation and elite empowerment resulted in the collapse of the regimes served by republican philosopher-statesmen. (shrink)

In this book, Christopher Celenza provides an intellectual history of the Italian Renaissance during the long fifteenth century, from c.1350–1525. His book fills a bibliographic gap between Petrarch and Machiavelli and offers clear case studies of contemporary luminaries, including Leonardo Bruni, Poggio Bracciolini, Lorenzo Valla, Marsilio Ficino, Angelo Poliziano, and Pietro Bembo. Integrating sources in Italian and Latin, Celenza focuses on the linked issues of language and philosophy. He also examines the conditions in which Renaissance intellectuals operated in (...) an era before the invention of printing, analyzing reading strategies and showing how texts were consulted, and how new ideas were generated as a result of conversations, both oral and epistolary. The result is a volume that offers a new view on both the history of philosophy and Italian Renaissance intellectual life. It will serve as a key resource for students and scholars of early modern Italian humanism and culture. (shrink)

Uberto Decembrio's Four Books on the Commonwealth (De re publica libri IV, ca. 1420), edited and translated by Paolo Ponzù Donato, is one of the earliest examples of the reception of Plato's Republic in the 15th century. This humanistic dialogue provides a thoughtful insight on themes such as justice, the best government, the morals of the prince and citizen, education, and religion. Decembrio's dialogue is dedicated to Filippo Maria Visconti, duke of Milan, the 'worst enemy' of Florence. Making use of (...) literary and documentary sources, Ponzù Donato convincingly proves that Decembrio's thought, sharing many points with the Florentine humanist Leonardo Bruni, belongs to the same world of Civic Humanism. (shrink)