Spontaneous mirror self-recognition is achieved by only a limited number of species, suggesting a sharp “cognitive Rubicon” that only few can pass. But is the demarcation line that sharp? In studies on monkeys, who do not recognize themselves in a mirror, animals can make a difference between their mirror image and an unknown conspecific. This evidence speaks for a gradualist view of mirror self-recognition. We hypothesize that such a gradual process possibly consists of at least two independent aptitudes, the ability (...) to detect synchronicity between self- and foreign movement and the cognitive understanding that the mirror reflection is oneself. Pigeons are known to achieve the first but fail at the second aptitude. We therefore expected them to treat their mirror image differently from an unknown pigeon, without being able to understand that the mirror reflects their own image. We tested pigeons in a task where they either approached a mirror or a Plexiglas barrier to feed. Behind the Plexiglas an unknown pigeon walked at the same time toward the food bowl. Thus, we pitched a condition with a mirror-self and a foreign bird against each other, with both of them walking close toward the food bowl. By a detailed analysis of a whole suit of behavioral details, our results make it likely that the foreign pigeon was treated as a competitor while the mirror image caused hesitation as if being an uncanny conspecific. Our results are akin to those with monkeys and show that pigeons do not equal their mirror reflection with a conspecific, although being unable to recognize themselves in the mirror. (shrink)

In this article, I will look into the possibilities of ‘authenticity’ in sports participation, based on the discussions of previous papers published on the topic and suggest some new ideas. For the...

Aristotle, who has come to the forefront with the significant contributions to the development of logic throughout the history, has been the source of different perspectives for his subsequent studies with his philosophical system and logic. Many thinkers and logicians, including Russell, have come face to face with Aristotle and his ideas, regardless of whether they are positive or negative. The aim of this study is to explain the meaning of Aristotle's syllogism theory from Russell's point of view. In accordance (...) with this aim, firstly the effects of the theory of syllogism on the development of logic and then Aristotle's own explanations are given. The study continues by examining the formal and contextual details of syllogism inferences from Russell's consideration. In the conclusion part, it is stated how studies in logic, which grew in size with the important contributions of Aristotle, reached a different point with the tradition in which Russell was involved. In the light of all these explanations, it will be seen that Aristotle and Russell look for ways to think correctly and consistently in their work, and they want to express the validity of inferences according to formal patterns. (shrink)

Dil, dünya ile düşünce ilişkisini dil aracılığıyla kurma ve dil bağlamında bilgiye açıklık kazandırma amacını güden mantıkçı pozitivizm, 20. yüzyılın önemli düşünsel eğilimlerinden biridir. Bu anlayışa göre başta felsefe olmak üzere disiplinlerdeki çeşitli konu ve problemler, yeni mantığın metotları eşliğinde geliştirilen dilsel çözümleme bağlamında tahlil edilmelidir. Bu çerçevede, bilgi değeri taşıyan anlamlı tümceler ile bilgi değeri taşımayan anlamsız tümceler arasına çizilebilecek sınırın işareti olan “anlam kriteri”, mantıkçı pozitivist düşünürlerin temel meselesi haline gelmiştir. Buna dayanarak bilgi değeri taşımamaları ve anlamsız olmaları (...) nedeniyle metafiziğin tümcelerini, felsefeden elimine etme girişimleri ortaya çıkmıştır. Çalışma içerisinde dikkate alınacak olan hususlar, bahsi geçen bu girişimin ilk oluşturucularından olan ve anlamı, yeni mantık çerçevesinde öncelikli bir şekilde inceleyen Frege, Russell ve Wittgenstein’ın yaklaşımlarını incelemektir. Öyle ki bu düşünürlerin izinden giden mantıkçı pozitivistler, anlam sorunu etrafında metafiziğin felsefeden elenmesi çabasını taşımış ve ilerletmişlerdir. Dolayısıyla “anlam”ın yeni mantığın metotları bağlamında nasıl temellendirildiği konusu, bu girişimin kökenlerinin açıklığa kavuşturulması noktasında oldukça mühim bir yere sahiptir. Çalışmanın sınırları içerisinde mantıkçı pozitivist düşünürlerden, dilin mantıksal sentaksına bağlı bir şekilde “doğrulama ile anlam” arasındaki ilişkiyi vurgulayan Carnap’ın ve “anlam kriteri ile doğrulama ilkesi” arasında kurulan bağ ile ön plana çıkan Ayer’in düşüncelerine değinilecektir. (shrink)

It is rather difficult to detail the history of Abyssinian Judaism. Although there is no clear information on the subject, the existence of a Jewish ethnic group in Abyssinia is generally explained as the result of contact with members of the ancient Jewish community. Recent research point out a much more different and complex picture of Judaism in Abyssinia. First of all, it is important to know that in the early stages of Abyssinia, an ethnically and religiously differentiated (distinguishable) Jewish (...) community has yet been encountered. What should be questioned in the study of Abyssinian Judaism is the Ethiopian Orthodox Tawhid Church (Abyssinian Orthodox Church) itself, which for many years served as a vehicle for transmitting Hebrew elements. In that sense Abyssinian Orthodox Christianity offers one of the most unique expressions of world Christianity; is still observing the Sabbath and still continuing to circumcise boys. Moreover, it maintains the belief that the Ark of the Covenant was brought to Ethiopia before the destruction of the Solomon’s Temple. If Abyssinian Christianity which has a Judeo-Christian tradition is to be igno-red and a separate history of Abyssinian Judaism (as a community) is to be established with evidence, it is understood that the starting point could be after the 14th century. The claim of the study is that the formation process of Abyssinian Juda-ism may have been a development formed by Abyssinia's own choice with the acceptance of Christianity rather than a direct continuation of a Jewish group. The weight of Jewish influence in the Falasha community, which is claimed to be the present representative of Abyssinian Judaism, is related to the orientation of the local monks after the 15th century and the result of the texts they convey (transfer). When the ethnic and religious positions of the Falashas are evaluated objectively, the Falashas are directly embedded in the Judeo-Christian tradition of Abyssinia. Therefore, it is understood that Falashas cannot be held responsible for Jewish influence in the face of Abyssinian Christianity which has followed a Judeo-Christian tradition for many years. (shrink)

Osmanlı sanatçıları tarafından, zamanla bozulan nüshalardan çıkarmak suretiyle ya da müzayedelerde satışa sunulan hat ve minyatürleri bir şekilde temin edip, daha fazla yok olmalarının önüne geçmek amacıyla uygulanan onarım işlemine vassale tekniği, bu tekniği uygulayan sanatçıya da vassal adı verilmiştir. XVII. yüzyılda Kalender Paşa tarafından hazırlanan I. Ahmed Albümü ile öne çıkan vassalecilik, XVIII. yüzyılda gelişerek devam etmiş, özellikle koleksiyoner Mehmed Emin Efendi ve adı bilinmeyen vassallar tarafından onarım tekniği olarak uygulanmıştır. Ancak onarım işlemi olarak başlayan bu teknik, Kalender Paşa (...) ile birlikte sanata dönüşmüş ve başta murakkalar olmak üzere çok sayıda resimli nüshalar hazırlanmıştır. Bu makalede, XVIII. yüzyılda Osmanlı kitap sanatlarında karşılaşılan farklı bir şekilde uygulanması nedeniyle, önemli bir yere sahip vassale tekniğinin incelenmesi amaçlanmaktadır. Bu kapsamda, söz konusu yüzyıllarda karşılaşılan ve kitapları onarmak amacıyla kullanılan vassale tekniğinin yüzyıllara bağlı olarak sanatçılar ve koleksiyonerler tarafından uygulanış biçimi, Osmanlı kitap sanatları içinde önemli bir yeri olan murakka ve resimli elyazmaları üzerinden seçilen örnekler ışığında incelenmiştir. Araştırma kapsamında ulaşılan örnekler arasından seçilen nüshalar; “Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi B.408 numaralı I. Ahmed Albümü, H.1115 numaralı Hamse-i Nizami, H.2155 numaralı Albüm, H.2135 numaralı Murakka ve İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesi Türkçe Yazmalar Koleksiyonu 06131, 06132, 06133 numaralı Şehnâme Tercümesi” adlı koleksiyonlarda yer almaktadır. (shrink)

Genel olarak İslam düşüncesini özel olarak da fıkıh düşüncesini derinden etkileyen isimlerden biri de hiç şüphesiz Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’dır (öl. 415/1025). Hayatının çoğu hicrî 4./11. yüzyılda geçen ve Basra Mu’tezilesi’nin Cübbâî’lerden sonra en önemli temsilcisi olan Abdülcebbâr, hem kelam hem de fıkıh usûlü alanındaki eserleriyle sadece Mu’tezilî çevrelerde değil Sünnî muhitlerde de çığır açıcı bir âlim olarak görülmüştür. Birçok Sünnî usûlcünün ortak kanaatine göre İmam Şâfiî’den sonra fıkıh usulü alanındaki en önemli isimlerden biri Abdülcebbâr’dır. Teoloji ve metodoloji alanlarında bu denli etkili (...) olan Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın amelî hayatını hangi sistematik çerçevede sürdürdüğü ve öğrenciliği sırasında benimsemiş olduğu Şâfiî mezhebine bağlılığını devam ettirip ettirmediği merak konusu olmuştur. İlgili literatürde Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın hayatı boyunca Şâfiî mezhebini benimsediği iddiası çokça dillendirilmiştir. Öyle ki Şâfiî fakihlerin tanıtıldığı tabakât eserlerinde Abdülcebbâr’a bir Şâfiî olarak yer verilmiştir. Günümüze kadar devam eden bu anlayış akademik çalışmalarda da devam eden bir kabul halini almıştır. Acaba gerçek böyle midir? Bu sorunun peşine düşen elinizdeki araştırma, şu adımlarla konuyu incelemiştir: Önce Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın fıkıhta takip ettiği yol ile ilgili olarak literatürde zikredilen iddialar sergilenmiş, ardından Abdülcebbâr’ın Mu‘tezile usûlündeki konumu ortaya konmuştur. Mu’tezilî bir âlimin benimsediği iddia edilen mezhebin kurucu imamının yani Şâfiî’nin (öl. 204/820) Mu‘tezile’ye olan mesafesi ve hatta onunla mücadelesine değinildikten sonra Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın İmam Şâfiî’nin meşhur usûl görüşlerine muhalif tavırları tespit edilmiştir. Abdülcebbâr’ın usûl görüşlerini İmam Şâfiî’nin usûl görüşleriyle mukayese ederek ilerleyen işbu araştırma, onun amelî sahada Şâfiî mezhebini benimsemiş olduğu iddiasının çok isabetli olmadığı sonucuna ulaşmıştır. Mukayeseyi, Şâfiî usûl düşüncesinin en ayırt edici 6 (altı) meselesi üzerinden yürüten araştırma Abdülcebbâr’ın İmam Şâfiî’ye ve Şâfiî usûlcülere açıkça muhalefet ettiğini göstermektedir. İslam hukuk metodolojisinin en önemli tartışma konuları arasında yer alan bu altı mesele şunlardır: Kur’ân ve Sünnet’in birbirilerini nesh edip edemeyeceği, Peygamber’den nakledilen söz ve fiillerin kabulünün ön şartı olarak bunların Kur’an’a arzı yani delil olabilmesi için Kur’an’ın ilgili düzenlemesiyle uyumlu olup olmadığının tespiti hususu, kıyas sonucu ulaşılan hükmü bir gerekçeye dayanarak terk edip başka bir hüküm koymak demek olan istihsân, çözüm bekleyen yeni meselenin iki veya daha fazla asla/makîsün aleyhe birden benzemesi halinde birçok açıdan en çok benzediği düşünülen aslı dikkate alarak söz konusu yeni meseleye bu aslın hükmünü vermek demek olan şebeh kıyası, mefhûmu’l-muhâlefenin yani bir sözün ters anlamının o sözdeki meselenin tam tersi olup hükmü belirtilmeyen meseleye aktarımı anlamına gelen karşıt kavram kanıtının sahih bir istidlal sayılıp sayılmaması ve emir kipinin hangi anlama geleceği konusu. (shrink)

The most important reason underlying the success of the Crusaders taking Antakya from Muslims and entering the Syrian and Palestinian territories is undoubtedly the division among the Muslims. This division was not only among the dynasties, but also the cities. The Muslim rulers of Damascus have sat up alliances with the Crusaders to protect themselves from neighboring Muslim rulers. Of course, this alliance was more of a role for the Crusaders, making it easier for them to hold on to the (...) region, and strengthening them by acquiring new lands. Damascus's opposition posture caused power and time loosing to Muslim rulers, which served the Crusaders and to take the advantage of this controversy. Damascus continued its opponent position after Saladin (d. 589/1193), and quarrels within the dynasty caused the Crusaders to breathe deeply and as well as Jerusalem to fall into the hands of the Crusaders for a while again. During the Mamluks period, Damascus, who showed his opposing face for a short period of time, but afterwards he attained peace and obedience and also occupied comply with Rukn al-Dīn Baybars al-Bunduqdārī (d. 676/1277). In this article we will analyze the opposing stance of Damascus and his role in the Crusades. Summary: Pearl of Syria, Damascus has a rebellious and oppositional aspect as well. This feature of the city came into prominence further with the coming of the Crusaders to the region. Its oppositional stance and uncompromising aspect sometimes played into the hands of the Crusaders unintentionally. When the Crusaders first came to the surrounding of Antakya, the governor of Damascus, Duqāq did not provide the necessary support to Yaghisiyan who was encircled in Antakya by the Crusaders, due to his inexperience, jealousy and his hostile competition with his brother, Ridvan who is emir of Aleppo. Thus, the Crusaders used this opportunity.Atabeg of Duqāq, Tughtakīn who started to command the city after the death of Duqāq did not support especially Mawdūd who struggled against the Crusaders in Urfa, adequately. Besides, he was accused of getting Mawdūd killed by another separatist power of the region, the Assassins in the great mosque of the city. On top of it, he allied with the Crusaders, because he was troubled with the commander Porsuk sent to the region by the Sultan of Great Saljūq Empire, Mohammed Tapar. He caused the heroic warrior, Porsuk to be defeated near Tel-Dānis by the Crusaders and to die in Al Jazīrah after a short time.Soon after the above events, ‘Imāduddīn Zengī focused on Damascus and tried to establish the Islamic unity. The son of the ruler Böri, called Ismail became isolated because of the poor administration in the city. He resorted to inviting Zangī to the city. However, Ismail was killed by the opponents before the arrival of Zangī, so no result could be accomplished. Later, Zangī focused on the city again. Although he mercilessly treated the resisters in Ba’lebek after occupying there to demotivate the community of Damascus, he faced the serious resistance of the forces of Damascus. While Zangī spent all his energy to Damascus, the king of Jerusalem, Foulque improved his policy for Syria to some extent and could reestablish communication with the states of the Crusaders. The community Damascus helped the Crusaders and eased their work unintentionally once more.The Mamlūk called Uner began to govern Damascus on behalf of the forces of Bori who lost their influence in the city. Uner who developed a close relationship with the Crusaders to prevent the dominance of Zangī in the city did not hesitate to send an envoy to them. He promised to give Banyas to the Crusaders in return for moving Zangī away from Damascus. After the Franks accepted the proposal of Uner, Zangī remained in between the forces of Damascus and the Crusaders and was obliged to recede to Aleppo. In this way, the Crusaders occupied the castle of Banyas. Several locations until Buzaa were seized by the Crusaders in Antakya who found the opportunity.Zangī was martyred in front of Jaabar castle in 541/1146, so his son Nūr al-dīn became the new ruler of Damascus. Nevertheless, the following incidents caused Nūr al-dīn and Uner to get closer to each other, and the Crusaders had to move away from Damascus. First, the administrator of Havran under the control of Uner rose against his governor and turned to the Crusaders. Besides, the Second Crusade in Damascus contributed to the association of Damascus and Aleppo for a while. Following the elimination of both endangers, the association of Damascus and Aleppo resumed. Uner established a close contact with the Crusaders and made a two-year agreement with them to prevent Nūr al-dīn from seizing the city. Uner died after some time, but almost nothing changed. The new governor of the city Mucīruddin ‘Abaq kept the association of the Crusaders. An operation of Nūr al-dīn against the city was averted with the help of the Crusaders again. Mucīruddin got closer to the Crusaders after their help. Their close relationship was strengthened with the mutual visits of the committees of the Crusaders and Damascus. The Artuquid governor Timurtāsh decided to organize a military expedition to Jerusalem after a little while. However, Mucīruddin who worried about the possible dissolution of their association with the Crusaders stopped supporting him, so Timurtāsh failed in his expedition. Mucīruddin improved his relations with the Crusaders further and started to pay tribute to them following their invasion of ‘Asqalān’s in 548/1153. Even, ‘Abaq offered officially his commitment to Jerusalem. Even though the spoilt Crusaders plundered and destroyed the surrounding of Damascus, they kept the administrators of Damascus with them. Moreover, they went further and offered them to give Ba’lebek to them in return for moving Nūr al-dīn away from Damascus. Such acts provoked the community of Damascus who opposed to the dynasty of Bori in the city afterward. Nūr al-dīn welcomed this opportunity and seized Damascus in 549/1154 by means of the public without giving any chance to coming of the Crusaders. Damascus was governed by Nūr al-dīn for approximately twenty years. A disagreement arose among the community of Zangī in the city after the decease of Nūr al-dīn in 569/1174, thus leading to the dominance of Ṣalādīn Ayyubi in the city. The Ayyubids began to govern Damascus, but internal conflicts started among them with the death of Ṣalādīn in 589/1193. Similarly, Damascus was the focus of these conflicts. The Ayyubids in Egypt were the other party of the disagreement. Unfortunately, the Crusaders benefited from such rivalries. When the senior member of the family al-Adil dominated Damascus in 592/1196, the Crusaders who increased their domain had seized Beirut. Egypt and Damascus got closed temporarily during the Fifth Crusade. After the Crusaders withdrew from Damietta, two brothers, al-Muazzam and al-Kᾱmil fought with each other again. Damascus and Egypt chose the Khwarezmian dynasty and Friedrich in Sicilia as ally, respectively. Unexpected death of al-Muazzam during the preparations for the Sixth Crusade resulted in the siege of Damascus by the forces of Egypt. Friedrich reached Akkā over the course of the siege. al-Kᾱmil who played for time to seize Damascus delivered Jerusalem to the Crusaders. Later, the internal conflicts about the new dynasty which arose in Damascus weakened the Ayyubids and made the Crusaders advantageous. Finally, Damascus found tranquility with the dominance of Baybars in the city. (shrink)

Summary Today's “Topkapi” in Istanbul is generally accepted as the Gate of Saint Romanos. A newly noticed inscription on the lintel above the entrance of so called fourth minor gate clearly indicates that not Topkapi but this gate was originally the Gate of Saint Romanos.

Im Garten des Museums von Afyon, dem antiken Akronion, befinden sich zwei Teile eines monumentalen Kapitells. Seine beträchtlichen Maße und das Kaisermonogramm (s.u.) lassen in ihm den Rest eines Ehrenmonuments erkennen (Höhe ca. 1.00 m, obere Breite ca. 1.00 m). Nach Auskunft der Museumsleitung wurde es Mitte der 80er Jahre in Huhut (das antike Synada, 26 km südlich von Akronion/Afyon) bereits beschädigt entdeckt und war während des Transports ins Museum in zwei Teilen zerbrochen. Weitere Schäden enstanden an der Halspartie, an (...) zwei Schauseiten sowie an der oberen Platte. Auf der Oberseite befinden sich keinerlei Einlassungen für eine Statue oder einen Kämpfer. Das Kapitell wurde aus „synadischem Marmor” gefertigt, der tatsächlich in den Marmorbrüchen des phrygischen Dokimaion (heutige Isçehisar, 21 km nordöstlich von Afyon) gewonnen wird. Der weiße Marmor von Dokimaion wird im heutigen türkischen Sprachgebrauch als „Afyon-Kaymak/Afyon-Sahne”, „Afyon-Beyaz/Afyon-Weiss” oder „Afyon-Şeker/Afyon-Zucker” bzw. als „Afyon-Çizgisiz-Şeker/Afyon-Zucker ohne Linien” bezeichnet. (shrink)

John R. Searle is one of the world's leading philosophers. During his long and outstanding career, he has made groundbreaking and lasting contributions to the philosophy of language, to the philosophy of mind, as well as to the nature, structure, and functioning of social reality. This volume documents the 13th Munster Lectures on Philosophy with John R. Searle. It includes not only 11 critical papers on Searle s philosophy and Searle's replies to the papers, but also an original article by (...) John R. Searle on his overall philosophical enterprise entitled "The Basic Reality and the Human Reality." "I think Munster is probably unique among contemporary universities in its ability to produce such a high level of philosophical production from their philosophy students." - John R. Searle". (shrink)

In Turkey, populism has a homogeneous structure that includes opposing ideologies stuck between right-wing and left-wing views. In the political structure in Turkey, ‘us’ and ‘the other’ are created through populism and an exclusionary attitude towards political rivals is adopted. The present study analyzes the populist issues and populism communication processes of 4 candidates on Twitter ahead of the presidential elections in Turkey. The posts (n = 727) made by the candidates on their Twitter accounts between March 10 and 10 (...) April 2023 were analysed using the content analysis method. As a result of the study, the approaches of the political candidates towards economic, political, cultural and social issues on Twitter were analysed within the framework of populism. The topics addressed by the candidates on Twitter during the election process varied according to the candidates’ positions in power and opposition. On the other hand, it was found that the political candidates defined their populist communication style on Twitter based on the themes of ‘champion of the people’, ‘the man on the street’ and ‘sincerity’. (shrink)

The so-called Artukid bowl is the only enameled object which includes both an Arabic and a Persian inscription. According to the Arabic inscription the Artukid ruler Rukn ed Devle Davud was the owner of this object. Although its provenance is still unclear, the technique and material show similarities to several Byzantine examples. For this reason the bowl has been interpreted as a royal gift from Constantinople to the Artukid ruler. It has also been attributed to Georgia or to Mesopotamia. The (...) Arabic inscription includes a long list of titles of Rukn ed Devle Davud, like "Katl al Kafara" or "Samsam al Milla" . I, however, cannot imagine that a Christian emperor would address an Islamic ruler with such terms. The sender of the bowl was most likely another Islamic monarch. In addition, the Persian inscription leads to suspect that the sender had a close relationship with the Persian language and culture. Most probably he was a member of the royal Seljuk family in Anatolia. What was the reason for sending such a gift to a minor local ruler ? The written sources inform us that the daughter of the Seljuk Sultan Kiliç Aslan I. , Sacide Hatun , was married with Rukn ed Devle Davud, owner of our bowl. Furthermore the sources tell us that bowls were sometimes a part of the dowries. All these factors lead me to suggest that the so-called Artukid bowl was produced as a wedding gift in a Greek atelier of Seljuk Anatolia. (shrink)

English Summary The main focus of this article is a church, the picture of which is shown on a gravure by Gugas İnciciyan and called Arslanhane (Menagerie)/Nakkaşhane (House of painters). The church has a central dome, an apsis and a semi dome at the west side and looks like a little model of the Hagia Sophia. It was erected above an other building with a central arch. This resembles descriptions of the Chalke gate and the Chalke church in several written (...) sources. Some chraracteristic marks of İnciciyan's church can also be discovered on some other drawings from various artists (Matrakçi Nasuh 1537; Melchior Lorichs, 1559; Cornelius Loos, 1710). A comparison with them helps us to localise it on the southern side of the former university building of Gaspare Fossati. Written sources inform us that the so called Arslanhane/Nakkaşhane of Inciciyan was not the only the building, which was converted to a menagerie. The church of Johannes in the Diippion and an other building, near the southwest corner of the Hagia Sophia were also used as menagerie during the Ottoman period. Especially the second one can be seen on various drawings. In our opinion Mango's identification of a church drawn by Willey Reveley (1786) with the Chalke, must be reviewed, since it was probably that of Theotokos Varaniotissa, which was renewed in the late Byzantine era. (shrink)

John R. Searle is one of the world's leading philosophers. During his long and outstanding career, he has made groundbreaking and lasting contributions to the philosophy of language, to the philosophy of mind, as well as to the nature, structure, and functioning of social reality. This volume documents the 13th Münster Lectures on Philosophy with John R. Searle. It includes not only 11 critical papers on Searle's philosophy and Searle's replies to the papers, but also an original article by John (...) R. Searle on his overall philosophical enterprise entitled "The Basic Reality and the Human Reality". -/- "I think Münster is probably unique among contemporary universities in its ability to produce such a high level of philosophical production from their philosophy students." - John R. Searle. (shrink)

This article contains a brief critique of von Kutschera's conception of God, especially of the conceptual tension between divine transcendence and divine personhood, and of his response to the problem of evil.

Karakuş, Nadir, Bir İhtilalcinin Anatomisi Ebu Müslim Horasani, 2017, Neva Yayınları, 296 sayfa, ISBN 978-605-8332-83-6.