Animals can be used in many ways in science and scientific research. Given that society values sentient animals and that basic research is not goal oriented, the question is raised.

It is one of the central aims of the philosophy of science to elucidate the meanings of scientific terms and also to think critically about their application. The focus of this essay is the scientific term predict and whether there is credible evidence that animal models, especially in toxicology and pathophysiology, can be used to predict human outcomes. Whether animals can be used to predict human response to drugs and other chemicals is apparently a contentious issue. However, when one empirically (...) analyzes animal models using scientific tools they fall far short of being able to predict human responses. This is not surprising considering what we have learned from fields such evolutionary and developmental biology, gene regulation and expression, epigenetics, complexity theory, and comparative genomics. (shrink)

Nouvelle édition critique et traduction française annotée de la _Lettre à Marcella_ de Porphyre. Le philosophe néoplatonicien Porphyre (234-305) y adresse à sa femme un témoignage unique sur la manière dont une vie philosophique peut être conduite et se préserver. This book presents a new annotated and translated edition of neoplatonist 3rd-century Greek philosopher Porphyrius’ _Letter to Marcella_. This letter, adressed to his wife, gives a unique account on the ways and principles along which a philosophical life should be (...) led so as to perpetuate itself. (shrink)

Reinterprets the ancient wisdom of the Greek philosopher Aristotle for the modern world, exploring the interconnections among morality, psychology, and spirituality and showing how they lead to meaning, joy, and fulfillment.

This collection of essays, by Reding, in the emergent field of Sino-Hellenic studies, explores the neglected inchoative strains of rational thought in ancient China and compares them to similar themes in ancient Greek thought, right at the beginnings of philosophy in both cultures. Reding develops and defends the bold hypothesis that Greek and Chinese rational thinking are one and the same phenomenon. Rather than stressing the extreme differences between these two cultures - as most other writings on these (...) subjects - Reding looks for the parameters that have to be restored to see the similarities. Reding maintains that philosophy is like an unknown continent discovered simultaneously in both China and Greece, but from different starting-points. The book comprises seven essays moving thematically from conceptual analysis, logic and categories to epistemology and ontology, with an incursion in the field of comparative metaphorology. One of the book's main concerns is a systematic examination of the problem of linguistic relativism through many detailed examples. (shrink)

The originals of great classical Greek statuary—cult idols (agalmata) raised in the cella of a temple, or ex-voto (anathemata, offerings) dedicated in a sanctuary, or even, more rarely, political dedications erected in public places, were not destined to be copied and only the pure chance of history, from the fall of Greece to Rome and the emergence of a taste for these works of art, gave rise to a process of copying that would snowball. The Urbild of a Roman (...) imperial effigy was never to remain unique. Quite the contrary, it was, by its very nature, destined to be multiplied from the moment of its completion, for the sake of propaganda and thorough distribution of the emperor's image. At first, we cannot imagine a situation more different. However, today, the historical value of these copies is the same, the original having disappeared in one case as in the other. This is not the only paradox. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Jean Wyatt THE CELEBRATION OF EROS: GREEK CONCEPTS OF LOVE AND BEAUTY IN TO THE LIGHTHOUSE A voracious reader all her life, Virginia Woolf stored up patterns and images which she naturally wove into the fabric of her novels.1 Integrating literature of the past into her own works was also an affirmation of her belief that "everything comes over again a little differently," as Eleanor says in (...) The Years. Acutely aware of the prevailing fluidity of human life, Virginia Woolf sought a counterbalance in the principle of eternal recurrence. The whole chain of human history forms a "gigantic pattern, momentarily perceptible." It becomes perceptible when elemental forces in human life coincide with the forms of individuals, "making them symbolical, making them representative."3 In Mrs. Ramsay, Virginia Woolf combines a personal portrait of her mother with an evocation of eternal life forces in the "symbolical outline" (p. Ill) of Aphrodite, goddess of love, beauty and marriage, that Mrs. Ramsay irradiates. Events, too, can be "symbolical, and therefore perhaps permanent," in the words of Bernard in The Waves, when they reflect the continuity of human experience. The dinner party in To the Lighthouse contains ritual elements, reminders that it is one in a series of communal feasts. The search for truth in the midst of human pleasures, by means of human love, recalls one such banquet in particular, the Symposium.'' The central concerns of the Symposium are those of To the Lighthouse: striving for knowledge through love; the desire to create that beauty arouses; the paradox of the eternal in the midst of the transitory. The figures and patterns of Greek literature were part of Virginia Woolf's mental formation. She began learning Greek at King's College in 1897, at the age of fifteen.6 For the next few years, Greek was her chief refuge from a stifling Victorian society. From 10:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m. every day she read Greek: Homer, Aeschylus, Euripides, all of Sophocles, Plato. Twice a week she met for Greek lessons, first 160 Jean WyATT161 with Clara Pater, then with Janet Case. Her letters speak of Greek as "the greatest of comforts to me" (April, 1900), "my daily bread, and a keen delight to me" (June, 1900); it "has so much attraction for me... that I don't want to do anything else" (February, 1905).8 A diary entry from 1924 shows how Greek "worked its way" into her life. Upon meeting a herd of cattle, "I waved my stick and stood at bay; and thought of Homer.... some mimic battle. Grizzle grew more and more insolent and excited and skirmished about yapping. Ajax? That Greek, for all my ignorance, has worked its way into me." Seeing Grizzle as Ajax is not different in kind from transforming Mrs. Ramsay into Aphrodite, Mr. Carmichael into Poseidon. Greek was in the forefront of Virginia Woolf's mind in 1924 because she had been reading Greek steadily since 1922 in preparation for the article "On Not Knowing Greek." "The amount of reading... that went into the production of that essay... was remarkable," comments Quentin Bell. She published the essay in 1925, the year she began To the Lighthouse. "On Not Knowing Greek" shows that Virginia Woolf knew the Symposium well: she discusses it for four pages, not with the analytical lens of a literary critic, but with loving familiarity. She first read the Symposium when she was about sixteen, but her intimacy with it suggests that she must have read it more than once. At the center of the Symposium is Diotima's doctrine: man has to work through a series of human loves to arrive at the eternal. Lily pursues a similar quest for knowledge through love. She loves Mrs. Ramsay, but, unable to satisfy her love on a personal level, casts about for a way of reaching "the spirit in her, the essential thing" (p. 76). She finally finds a way of loving that takes her to the essence of things when, ten years after Mrs. Ramsay's death, she sees and loves a Mrs. Ramsay who transcends the individual to become the form of love and beauty. To understand the... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern PhilosophyJean-Robert ArmogatheRiccardo Pozzo, editor. The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern Philosophy. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2004. Pp. xvi + 336. Cloth, $69.95.The status of a "great" philosopher is to stand out for centuries, asking questions in such a way that the answers can never be definitive. Not so many of them are able to stand such a severe (...) proof. Aristotle phrased some questions we are still groping to answer. It was a very good idea to ask thirteen scholars to deliver a lecture series at the Catholic University of America during the Fall 1999 about the reception of Aristotle's theory of intellectual virtues (Nich. Ethics VI). The speakers did not stick to this issue, and enlarged their purpose to a general approach of Aristotle's receptions in various moments of Western modern philosophy.Edward Mahoney complements Charles Schmitt's basic introduction to Aristotle and the Renaissance, with some very valuable pages about Cardinal Bessarion's contribution to the Byzantine debate aroused in 1439 by Plethon's comparison between Plato and Aristotle (in favor of the former). Along with Charles Schmitt, Antonino Poppi is the best specialist of the Paduan tradition, and wrote a very qualified paper about Zabarella (1533-89), who shaped Aristotelianism into the rigorous science of the schoolbooks: for centuries, Aristotle is read through Zabarella's glasses. Apart from a bird's view on recent Galilean studies (where Alistair Crombie is not mentioned), William A. Wallace makes his point about Aristotle's influence on Galilean logics, linking Galileo's 1640 letter to Liceti (where he states that, in matters of logic, he has been an Aristotelian all his life) to the scientist's deep knowledge as revealed by the logical questions in one of the juvenile treatises (ms 27 in Florence, more thoroughly studied in Wallace's book, Galileo's Logic of Discovery and Proof [Dordrecht, 1992]). John Doyle, a specialist of Late Scholastic Philosophy, figures out a [End Page 209] strange character, the French Jesuit André Semery (1630-1717), who taught for thirty years at the Collegium romanum. In a very anti-Aristotelian way, he holds a definite belief in metaphysical beings of reason. The boundary between what we can think and say is quietly stepped over, when Semery and other Jesuits begin to think about thinking, opening a very modern path which leads to Brentano and Quine. Christia Mercer states that Leibniz's combination of a Platonist epistemology with an Aristotelian conception of nature brings a very innovative view in ethics. A very forceful paper by Richard L. Velkley compares Rousseau's politics to Aristotle's view of man (the paper became a chapter of his 2002 impressive book Being after Rousseau), while Riccardo Pozzo gives a short presentation of Aristotle's reception in modern Germany, and an elaborate analysis of Kant's debt to Aristotle for the intellectual virtues. Hegel's appropriation of Aristotelian intellect is presented by Alfredo Ferrarin, while Michael Davis reconstructs Nietzsche's path from Aristotle to the tragedy and back, in a very convincing way. Husserl (Richard Cobb-Stevens), Heidegger (Stanley Rosen), Wittgenstein (Daniel Dahlstrom) and Gadamer (Enrico Berti) conclude brilliantly the series, showing how the thought of the Stagirite fertilized contemporary philosophers, in a permanent dialogue of disagreement or borrowing, never at rest, and never leaving anyone indifferent. The old Greek man remains a vivid debater for our age of anxiety.Jean-Robert ArmogatheThe University of Paris-SorbonneCopyright © 2005 Journal of the History of Philosophy, Inc.... (shrink)

This volume covers Beaufret's development of Heidegger's approach to Greek thinking in six essays "The Birth of Philosophy," "Heraclitus and Parmenides," "Reading Parmenides," "Zeno," "A Note on Plato and Aristotle," and "Energeia and Actus ...

1 Hesiod's Myth of the Races: An Essay in Structural Analysis Hesiod's poem ' Works and Days' begins with the telling of two myths. ...

L’article, en prenant en compte la littérature médicale des Présocratiques à Galien, présente la façon dont les textes biologiques et médicaux grecs ont construit les corps masculin et féminin. Selon ces biologistes et médecins grecs, cette construction s’opère dès l’embryogenèse et au cours du développement du fœtus. Dans une pensée médicale où prédomine la physiologie, les corps masculin et féminin sont nettement opposés selon des critères connotés : en particulier, le corps de la femme est plus humide et moins chaud (...) que celui de l’homme ; il est, en outre, marqué par une particularité anatomique, l’existence de l’utérus pensé comme un être vivant. La différence entre corps masculin et féminin, qu’elle soit donnée pour radicale (différence de nature) ou relative (plus ou moins grand degré de perfection), est toujours présentée à partir d’un corps de référence, celui de l’homme, par rapport auquel celui de la femme est pensé en termes d’incomplétude ou d’inversion. Elle est par ailleurs porteuse de hiérarchie. (shrink)

Over the past few decades, the question regarding the proper understanding of Diophantus’s method has attracted much scholarly attention. “Modern algebra”, “algebraic geometry”, “arithmetic”, “analysis and synthesis”, have been suggested by historians as suitable contexts for describing Diophantus’s resolutory procedures, while the category of “premodern algebra” has recently been proposed by other historians to this end. The aim of this paper is to provide arguments against the idea of contextualizing Diophantus’s modus operandi within the conceptual framework of the ancient analysis (...) and to examine the few instances, in the preserved books of the Arithmetica, which might be regarded as linked to practices belonging to the field of analysis. (shrink)

This paper praises Martin Hägglund for his general take on Derrida, while objecting to a certain rigidity in the use of the concept of survival. This concept allowed Hägglund to reject the temptation of a ‘religious’ Derrida in Radical Atheism, but in Dying for Time, it leads to a hurried reading of psychoanalysis. My objections revolve around several forms: the role of gods for Plato and Greek thought; the reductive reading of Diotima's speech in the Sympoisum, and an all (...) too rapid rejection of the idea of the Todestrieb in Freud and Lacan. I go back to Derrida's reading of Freud in The Postcard to point out that he too had misread Freud's Beyond the Pleasure Principle. Finally, I argue that there can be something like a non-proper or improper immortality. (shrink)

A recent publication was the starting point of this discussion, whose purpose is to demonstrate the interest of a comparative history of the philological traditions of diverse cultures.

When I was preparing a paper about the problem Greek studies have with globalization of culture on the threshold of the twenty-first century, I was asked who the Greek man was, considered as a separate entity, and how future decades would see him. The question had all the appearance of a trap. The very idea of ‘the Greek man’ is disturbing, even though it is so commonplace that it is hard to trace it back to its origins. (...) Of course it contains a well-established but ill-defined consensus around the Greeks as the first free, rational human beings to found a free polity, who furthermore presided over the creation of a literature without equal in Antiquity and an exceptional and innovative body of art. A more precise answer could also echo the prestigious and much discussed title of Werner Jaeger's indispensable and troubling volume: Paideia. Die Formung des griechischen Menschen (1934), and even become, rather insidiously because of its date and the last few words of the sub-title, a parasitic echo of the period when a mythical discourse evoked Aryans and non-Aryans. But we must take care not to place the thesis of Werner Jaeger, to whom I will return, in that company, since the title is less a reflection of a suspect mode of thought than a simple coincidence of choice of language. And the reason it turns up here is that Jaeger and Dodds, whom we shall meet later, are the two opposite poles of this paper, standing in Greek studies on either side of the bloodstained struggle that transformed Europe and the West's relationship with the rest of the world for ever. (shrink)

The originals of great classical Greek statuary—cult idols (agalmata) raised in the cella of a temple, or ex-voto (anathemata, offerings) dedicated in a sanctuary, or even, more rarely, political dedications erected in public places, were not destined to be copied and only the pure chance of history, from the fall of Greece to Rome and the emergence of a taste for these works of art, gave rise to a process of copying that would snowball. The Urbild of a Roman (...) imperial effigy was never to remain unique. Quite the contrary, it was, by its very nature, destined to be multiplied from the moment of its completion, for the sake of propaganda and thorough distribution of the emperor's image. At first, we cannot imagine a situation more different. However, today, the historical value of these copies is the same, the original having disappeared in one case as in the other. This is not the only paradox. (shrink)

In this work, published here as a single volume, the authors present a disturbing and decidedly non-classical reading of Greek tragedy that insists on its radical discontinuity with our own outlook and with our social, aesthetic, and psychological categories.

The book examines the particular character Neoplatonism takes in this retrieval, and traces connections between leading figures within the French and Anglophone ...

Les transformations des philosophies hellénistiques constituent, dans l'histoire de la pensée morale entre Renaissance et Lumières, un phénomène d'une fécondité extraordinaire, capital à beaucoup d'égards pour l'étude des "transferts" entre mondes antiques et Europe de la première modernité. Le cas du scepticisme offre de ce point de vue un terrain d'investigation de premier ordre. Or les relations entre scepticisme et pensée morale envisagées dans la longue durée et dans la multiplicité de leurs variations, entre philosophie et littérature, n'ont pas été (...) jusqu'ici étudiées avec l'attention qu'elles méritent. La présente enquête collective a pour ambition de remettre en évidence la finalité essentiellement éthique du scepticisme."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

La vision des sages de la Grèce archaïque est sortie profondément transformée par la réflexion qu'a menée tout au long de sa vie Jean Bollack. Son ambition est ici de surmonter la fragmentation d'un poème exceptionnel que nous avons perdu. Il construit un ensemble avec des pleins et des vides à remplir. Le caractère initiatique de cet exercice de méditation facilite la tâche du déchiffrement ; tout s'y tient et le lecteur moderne peut se conformer à ses lois. L'analyse (...) du langage prime. La pensée s'y libère et découvre un référent sûr. Une cosmologie s'y projette, des astres à la vie des hommes, de l'Etant au Monde, dont ce livre s'applique à dégager les correspondances. (shrink)

Since the ancient Greeks, philosophers have often mounted arguments for political or moral conclusions by invoking the idea of a ‘social contract’, either between the people and the ruler, or among the people themselves, or both. The contractarian form of argument became popular in the seventeenth century, and its popularity continues to this day. Advocates of this approach tell us to resolve answers to moral and political issues by asking what a group of rational persons could all agree to, or, (...) alternatively, what such people would be unreasonable to reject. (shrink)

New commentary on Hadrian’s second letter to Dionysiac artists. A thorough study of the text structure and vocabulary reveals that the emperor has not always altered the schedule of Greek games. His main concern is to insert the competitions he himself has created and to avoid conflicts between the cities. He certainly didn’t offend the susceptibilities of the Greeks, but he probably also resisted numerous requests. He has favoured considerably Athens. The understanding of the end of the text can (...) be improved. The dates provided by Hadrian in the solar Julian calendar must be reinterpreted in light of a lunar calendar. (shrink)

Alors que le renouveau des idees politiques, sociales, morales a Athenes conduit l'education, vouee surtout au projet oratoire et formel des sophistes, vers une exigence intellectuelle plus authentique, Isocrate, en 393, et Platon, en 387, ouvrent successivement leur " ecole ". Des lors s'installe pour longtemps entre la philosophie et la rhetorique un equilibre instable, fait de rivalites et d'affrontements, mais aussi d'apparentements et de mutuelles seductions. L'oeuvre d'Isocrate correspond a la mise en place de cette tension, qui est ainsi (...) des l'origine au coeur du debat sur l'education. Mais l'apprentissage de l'eloquence, d'abord " simple " acquisition de l'art oratoire, vise une education politique, puis parce que la voie apparement rectiligne choisie par Isocrate comporte aussi, comme l'itineraire platonicien, son " detour " un ideal de culture, dont toute l'histoire de l'education, jusqu'a nous, porte la marque. Isocrate, rhetorique et education, retrace a travers l'etude de la pedagogie puis, plus largement, de la paideia isocratique, la naissance et le developpement d'un projet majeur d'education rhetorique, rival souvent heureux, au cours de l'histoire, de l'education " philosophique " : Isocrate a ouvert une ecole qui, en Occident, n'a plus jamais ferme ses portes... (shrink)

Rethinking the meaning of mechanism in antiquity Content Type Journal Article Category Essay Review Pages 1-6 DOI 10.1007/s11016-011-9599-0 Authors Jean De Groot, School of Philosophy, Catholic University of America, 420 Michigan Ave., NE, Washington, DC 20064, USA Journal Metascience Online ISSN 1467-9981 Print ISSN 0815-0796.

Ces deux formes de représentations mettent en évidence le phantasme de pouvoir se reproduire seul, ce que l'on peut appeler le complexe de Zeus, tant ce dieu semble en avoir été particulièrement investi.

Starting from the Greek definition of philosophy as the love of wisdom, and from the semantic richness of the Arabic word ikma, several fourth- and fifth-century writers tried to establish the position of philosophy in the Islamic cultural system by identifying it with wisdom. For them this wisdom is tantamount to the recorded in the ancient books and taught by the prophets. Philosophers are described as the prophets' disciples or witnesses. However, depicting philosophy as eternal wisdom only gives the (...) discipline an illusory advantage. Ultimately it reduces it to pure repetition and therefore precludes any change. (shrink)

Un nouveau mode de rapport au monde est ne en Grece ancienne: l'attitude critique, laquelle a marque durablement l'histoire occidentale pour ensuite s'imposer de plus en plus a l'echelle mondiale. Des ce moment beaucoup s'est joue, car l'independance de la pensee, le rapport questionnant au monde, le pur interet pour le connaitre, la tradition de la discussion critique et du franc-parler individuel - c'est-a-dire la tradition du rapport critique a la tradition - allaient non seulement penetrer a l'interieur meme des (...) doctrines juive, chretienne et musulmane pour en inflechir le cours, mais gagner a l'epoque moderne puis contemporaine leur espace propre dans la Cite. Inventeurs de la democratie et de la philosophie, les Grecs ont donne naissance a cet ethos-critique dont le mode d'etre, le pli culturel si l'on veut, n'allait plus nous quitter. En depit des detours et de tous les meandres, les Lumieres du XVIIIe, de meme qu'auparavant la Renaissance, se comprennent donc comme les fruits lointains des Lumieres antiques. Dit autrement, il n'y a rien d'absolument inedit dans la critique generale des croyances et l'atheisme moderne lui-meme, dans la recherche d'un fondement anthropologique a la Cite et a ses lois, dans la decouverte de la relativite des connaissances mais aussi des valeurs d'une culture a l'autre, dans l'exercice de la libre pensee, dans le questionnement radical porte sur la nature du lien politique et les meilleurs moyens d'assurer le bien-vivre-ensemble mais quelque chose comme le prolongement et l'elargissement dans l'espace moderne, de ce dont l'Athenes democratique a fourni le premier germe et la premiere impulsion. A relire les Grecs, generation apres generation, tous a des degres divers, Romains, Juifs, Chretiens, Musulmans, etc., s'inoculerent et se transmirent les uns les autres ce germe critique qui, selon les differents sols et les differentes periodes historiques, epousa des formes variees. Le present essai propose donc une relecture du monde moderne fondee sur une reinterpretation de l'input antique grec, une analyse qui tient compte de la nouvelle humanite, critique et reflechie, decouverte en Grece, et qui prend donc ses distances vis-a-vis des approches proposees par des auteurs comme H. Blumenberg (la Modernite releve d'une auto-affirmation absolument originale, d'une curiosite theoretique sans precedent dans l'histoire), M. Gauchet (le desenchantement du monde est un phenomene essentiellement moderne, la democratie d'aujourd'hui tout autre chose que la democratie antique), et R. Brague (l'Occident tient davantage de la Rome christianisee et hellenisee que d'Athenes). A partir de l'examen de cas concrets, tels que l'idee de creativite artistique dans l'Antiquite, l'agnosticisme ou l'atheisme, la satire sociale tous azimuts d'un Lucien de Samosate, on peut constater que la culture contemporaine n'est pas essentiellement differente mais reprend bien plutot le fil d'interrogations et d'audaces anciennes. Le monde moderne a rompu avec certains aspects de sa tradition, mais il n'a pas rompu avec son passe, celui plus ancien, qu'il redecouvre de maniere plus libre aujourd'hui. Le but de l'ouvrage n'est d'ailleurs aucunement de sacraliser l'hellenisme, mais de montrer que le potentiel critique, inscrit dans la dynamique meme de cette culture, peut nous aider a mieux faconner la societe ouverte de demain. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern PhilosophyJean-Robert ArmogatheRiccardo Pozzo, editor. The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern Philosophy. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2004. Pp. xvi + 336. Cloth, $69.95.The status of a "great" philosopher is to stand out for centuries, asking questions in such a way that the answers can never be definitive. Not so many of them are able to stand such a severe (...) proof. Aristotle phrased some questions we are still groping to answer. It was a very good idea to ask thirteen scholars to deliver a lecture series at the Catholic University of America during the Fall 1999 about the reception of Aristotle's theory of intellectual virtues (Nich. Ethics VI). The speakers did not stick to this issue, and enlarged their purpose to a general approach of Aristotle's receptions in various moments of Western modern philosophy.Edward Mahoney complements Charles Schmitt's basic introduction to Aristotle and the Renaissance, with some very valuable pages about Cardinal Bessarion's contribution to the Byzantine debate aroused in 1439 by Plethon's comparison between Plato and Aristotle (in favor of the former). Along with Charles Schmitt, Antonino Poppi is the best specialist of the Paduan tradition, and wrote a very qualified paper about Zabarella (1533-89), who shaped Aristotelianism into the rigorous science of the schoolbooks: for centuries, Aristotle is read through Zabarella's glasses. Apart from a bird's view on recent Galilean studies (where Alistair Crombie is not mentioned), William A. Wallace makes his point about Aristotle's influence on Galilean logics, linking Galileo's 1640 letter to Liceti (where he states that, in matters of logic, he has been an Aristotelian all his life) to the scientist's deep knowledge as revealed by the logical questions in one of the juvenile treatises (ms 27 in Florence, more thoroughly studied in Wallace's book, Galileo's Logic of Discovery and Proof [Dordrecht, 1992]). John Doyle, a specialist of Late Scholastic Philosophy, figures out a [End Page 209] strange character, the French Jesuit André Semery (1630-1717), who taught for thirty years at the Collegium romanum. In a very anti-Aristotelian way, he holds a definite belief in metaphysical beings of reason. The boundary between what we can think and say is quietly stepped over, when Semery and other Jesuits begin to think about thinking, opening a very modern path which leads to Brentano and Quine. Christia Mercer states that Leibniz's combination of a Platonist epistemology with an Aristotelian conception of nature brings a very innovative view in ethics. A very forceful paper by Richard L. Velkley compares Rousseau's politics to Aristotle's view of man (the paper became a chapter of his 2002 impressive book Being after Rousseau), while Riccardo Pozzo gives a short presentation of Aristotle's reception in modern Germany, and an elaborate analysis of Kant's debt to Aristotle for the intellectual virtues. Hegel's appropriation of Aristotelian intellect is presented by Alfredo Ferrarin, while Michael Davis reconstructs Nietzsche's path from Aristotle to the tragedy and back, in a very convincing way. Husserl (Richard Cobb-Stevens), Heidegger (Stanley Rosen), Wittgenstein (Daniel Dahlstrom) and Gadamer (Enrico Berti) conclude brilliantly the series, showing how the thought of the Stagirite fertilized contemporary philosophers, in a permanent dialogue of disagreement or borrowing, never at rest, and never leaving anyone indifferent. The old Greek man remains a vivid debater for our age of anxiety.Jean-Robert ArmogatheThe University of Paris-SorbonneCopyright © 2005 Journal of the History of Philosophy, Inc.... (shrink)

When I was preparing a paper about the problem Greek studies have with globalization of culture on the threshold of the twenty-first century, I was asked who the Greek man was, considered as a separate entity, and how future decades would see him. The question had all the appearance of a trap. The very idea of ‘the Greek man’ is disturbing, even though it is so commonplace that it is hard to trace it back to its origins. (...) Of course it contains a well-established but ill-defined consensus around the Greeks as the first free, rational human beings to found a free polity, who furthermore presided over the creation of a literature without equal in Antiquity and an exceptional and innovative body of art. A more precise answer could also echo the prestigious and much discussed title of Werner Jaeger's indispensable and troubling volume: Paideia. Die Formung des griechischen Menschen (1934), and even become, rather insidiously because of its date and the last few words of the sub-title, a parasitic echo of the period when a mythical discourse evoked Aryans and non-Aryans. But we must take care not to place the thesis of Werner Jaeger, to whom I will return, in that company, since the title is less a reflection of a suspect mode of thought than a simple coincidence of choice of language. And the reason it turns up here is that Jaeger and Dodds, whom we shall meet later, are the two opposite poles of this paper, standing in Greek studies on either side of the bloodstained struggle that transformed Europe and the West's relationship with the rest of the world for ever. (shrink)

N’a-t-on pas jusqu’à l’excès opposé l’exégèse allégorique d’Alexandrie à l’exégèse historico-littérale des Antiochiens ? Si l’on se réfère au débat des années 50 autour du « sens spirituel » des Écritures, ne peut-on pas penser que l’on a été tenté de le plaquer sur les auteurs anciens, enrôlés pour la circonstance dans l’un ou l’autre camp ? Il vaut donc la peine de rouvrir sans passion le dossier. En réalité, la contestation de l’exégèse spirituelle d’Origène, reprise à l’époque moderne, est (...) fort ancienne : elle se rattache au débat, plus ancien encore, autour de l’allégorie des poèmes homériques et des mythes grecs. Mais précisément le texte biblique peut-il être traité comme les fables des Grecs ? Les exégètes d’Antioche le nient énergiquement. Pourtant, s’ils refusent de faire de l’allégorie une méthode d’exégèse, ils ne renoncent pas, sous certaines conditions, à dépasser la lettre du texte et son sens historique. Ce sens supérieur ou spirituel qu’Origène découvre par l’allégorie – quel que soit du reste le mot qu’il utilise -, les exégètes d’Antioche cherchent à l’atteindre grâce à l’explication dite typologique. Il s’agira donc ici de préciser la frontière entre ces deux modes d’explication.Was not the opposition between the allegorical exegesis of the School of Alexandria and the historic-literary analysis of the School of Antioch pushed to the extreme? If we think back to the 1950s debate about the “spiritual meaning or sense” of the Scriptures, might we not discern there a temptation to project this debate back onto the ancient authors, forced to fit into one camp or the other? It is thus quite worthwhile to open up this file again in a more dispassionate way. In fact, the arguments against Origen’s spiritual exegesis, taken up in modern times, is very old and is connected with the even older debate about the allegorical nature of the Homeric poems and Greek myths. However, is it possible to deal with the Biblical text in the same way as with the Greek fables? The Antioch exegetes denied this vehemently. Still, although they refused to take allegory as a method of exegesis, they did not renounce – in some circumstances – looking beyond the letter of the text and its historical meaning. This superior or spiritual meaning which Origen discovered through allegory – whatever might be the term he utilized – was sought for by the Antioch School through the so-called typological explanation. (shrink)

N’a-t-on pas jusqu’à l’excès opposé l’exégèse allégorique d’Alexandrie à l’exégèse historico-littérale des Antiochiens ? Si l’on se réfère au débat des années 50 autour du « sens spirituel » des Écritures, ne peut-on pas penser que l’on a été tenté de le plaquer sur les auteurs anciens, enrôlés pour la circonstance dans l’un ou l’autre camp ? Il vaut donc la peine de rouvrir sans passion le dossier. En réalité, la contestation de l’exégèse spirituelle d’Origène, reprise à l’époque moderne, est (...) fort ancienne : elle se rattache au débat, plus ancien encore, autour de l’allégorie des poèmes homériques et des mythes grecs. Mais précisément le texte biblique peut-il être traité comme les fables des Grecs ? Les exégètes d’Antioche le nient énergiquement. Pourtant, s’ils refusent de faire de l’allégorie une méthode d’exégèse, ils ne renoncent pas, sous certaines conditions, à dépasser la lettre du texte et son sens historique. Ce sens supérieur ou spirituel qu’Origène découvre par l’allégorie – quel que soit du reste le mot qu’il utilise -, les exégètes d’Antioche cherchent à l’atteindre grâce à l’explication dite typologique. Il s’agira donc ici de préciser la frontière entre ces deux modes d’explication.Was not the opposition between the allegorical exegesis of the School of Alexandria and the historic-literary analysis of the School of Antioch pushed to the extreme? If we think back to the 1950s debate about the “spiritual meaning or sense” of the Scriptures, might we not discern there a temptation to project this debate back onto the ancient authors, forced to fit into one camp or the other? It is thus quite worthwhile to open up this file again in a more dispassionate way. In fact, the arguments against Origen’s spiritual exegesis, taken up in modern times, is very old and is connected with the even older debate about the allegorical nature of the Homeric poems and Greek myths. However, is it possible to deal with the Biblical text in the same way as with the Greek fables? The Antioch exegetes denied this vehemently. Still, although they refused to take allegory as a method of exegesis, they did not renounce – in some circumstances – looking beyond the letter of the text and its historical meaning. This superior or spiritual meaning which Origen discovered through allegory – whatever might be the term he utilized – was sought for by the Antioch School through the so-called typological explanation. (shrink)

La question platonicienne est traversée par une énigme qui défie les interprètes depuis les travaux de Léon Robin, qui datent de plus d'un siècle. Platon a-t-il élaboré une doctrine, ou sa pensée est-elle tout entière contenue dans les dialogues? Autrement dit, y a-t-il un enseignement secret de Platon qui n'apparaîtrait pas dans son oeuvre écrite? Le témoignage des doxographes, à commencer par Aristote, laisse entendre que Platon a bien enseigné une doctrine, mais comment expliquer le silence des dialogues? Analysant l'étrange (...) passage du Timée qui s'articule sur la gamme pythagoricienne, J.-J. Duhot, qui a aussi été musicien professionnel, en a décrypté la clef, qui avait échappé aux interprètes : le Même code l'octave, soit le rapport 2, et l'Autre code la quinte, soit le rapport 3/2. Cette clef, indiscutable en elle-même, comme le démontre J.-J. Duhot, permet d'établir la grille de lecture qui éclaire toutes les obscurités du passage. On a donc là une double équivalence, entre métaphysique (Un/Multiple), acoustique (octave et quinte), et mathématiques (construction arithmétique de la gamme). J.-J. Duhot montre que c'est la matrice sur laquelle Platon construit son oeuvre et met en place le postulat de mathématicité du monde, qui sera la base de toute la science moderne, à partir de Galilée. La gamme du Timée offre un modèle mathématique, la division de 2 en produits de facteurs dans un système logarithmique, qui résout (métaphoriquement) les problèmes de l'Un et du Multiple. On voit ainsi apparaître un "cycle éléatique" dans lequel, au fil des dialogues, Parménide, Théétète, Sophiste et Politique, se met en place une véritable doctrine platonicienne. Doctrine secrète qui s'offre au lecteur qui sait en décrypter le code. (shrink)

The proposed text first appeared under the title Prélude. Quand la vérité nous donne rendez-vous as an introduction to Jean Greisch’s volume, Rendez-vous avec la vérité. However, the vortex of metaphors that ‘tell’ the ‘truth’ remains hardly reducible to a single ‘theory’ of ‘Truth’. Over the centuries, what-is-’true’ has been said in many different ways, starting with the unsolvable opposition between the truth-fidelity of the Jewish tradition and the truth-disclosure/manifestation of classical Greek thought; passing through the truth-regulating, namely (...) the truth-institution of Roman Latin culture, which ‘contractualises’ what is true; reaching up to the truths of the medieval Anglo-Saxon world (truth-correspondence, truth-coherence, truth-semantics, truth-consent, truth-interpretation). However, that the truth is not objectified does not mean that it is not an existential issue. On the contrary, this seems to be the lesson one can draw from the encounter between Pilate and Jesus: “I am the Truth”. Nevertheless, it is possible to observe that some of the best pages from the history of philosophy are not those wondering about what the truth is, but rather those pages allowing their own authors and readers to be questioned by the – sometimes sudden – encounter with the disproportion of Truth. Therefore, not theorising but encountering the truth will be a fundamental question of philosophical research. (shrink)

The proposed text first appeared under the title Prélude. Quand la vérité nous donne rendez-vous as an introduction to Jean Greisch's volume, Rendez-vous avec la vérité. However, the vortex of metaphors that 'tell' the 'truth' remains hardly reducible to a single 'theory' of 'Truth'. Over the centuries, what-is-‘true' has been said in many different ways, starting with the unsolvable opposition between the truth-fidelity of the Jewish tradition and the truth-disclosure/manifestation of classical Greek thought; passing through the truth-regulating, namely (...) the truth-institution of Roman Latin culture, which 'contractualises' what is true; reaching up to the truths of the medieval Anglo-Saxon world (truth-correspondence, truth-coherence, truth-semantics, truth-consent, truth-interpretation). However, that the truth is not objectified does not mean that it is not an existential issue. On the contrary, this seems to be the lesson one can draw from the encounter between Pilate and Jesus: "I am the Truth." Nevertheless, it is possible to observe that some of the best pages from the history of philosophy are not those wondering about what the truth is, but rather those pages allowing their own authors and readers to be questioned by the - sometimes sudden - encounter with the disproportion of Truth. Therefore, not theorising but encountering the truth will be a fundamental question of philosophical research. (shrink)

English summary: Within the span of a single century (from the mid-15th to the mid-16th centuries), the Greek language, which was well on its way to oblivion, became the focus of one of the most heated debates of the Renaissance period. Greek was accused by what was then a Catholic and Latin Europe of being a vehicle for ancient paganism, Byzantine schism, and even Lutheran heresy. The Council of Trent, which deemed that Roman authority was being undermined by (...) the Vulgate's philological criticism, went so far as to confirm the obvious collusion that existed between Greek and heresy. In fact, behind such accusations can be discerned the power struggles that were taking place between ecclesiastical, academic and political factions. Analysis of such confrontations and of the difficulties that Humanists had in circumventing them, infers that, despite its ultimate success, Greek literature remained suspect in Europe throughout the Counter-Reformation. In this very meticulous study, based on previously unpublished texts, of what was at stake in this anti-Greek movement (a resistance actually based on free, progressive and critical thought), the author combines the thoroughness of an historian with a mine of true anecdotes about the moral standards of that era : the censure practices, legal disputes, self-serving denouncements, etc. That, indeed, were the most evident driving forces behind the intellectual and power struggles. French description: Le grec, disparu d'Europe depuis les Grandes Invasions, fit un retour spectaculaire au XVe siecle. Mais l'enthousiasme des humanistes pour la langue d'Homere a fait oublier la violence des resistances que lui opposerent les maitres scolastiques. Lorsque Erasme osa contester la Vulgate latine au nom de la verite grecque (1516), le scandale eclata publiquement et Luther en prit argument pour contester l'autorite de Rome, si bien que les hellenistes furent accuses de faire le jeu de la Reforme. Le statut du grec se vit etroitement lie a celui de l'hebreu, l'autre langue sacree rivale du latin (l'Affaire Reuchlin). Pour extirper le mal a sa racine, le concile de Trente decida finalement d'imposer la legitimite du latin biblique (1545) et d'interdire l'acces aux sources grecques et hebraiques, puis de mettre a l'index les principaux hellenistes et leurs imprimeurs. Les etudes grecques allaient en rester durablement affaiblies dans l'Europe de la Contre-Reforme. En faisant revivre les oeuvres et les hommes qui en furent les acteurs, et en devoilant ses veritables enjeux, ce livre retrace les deux siecles de cette bataille du grec, restee un point aveugle dans l'histoire de la culture occidentale. Jean-Christophe Saladin est docteur en Histoire. (shrink)

It is well known that, in both the Monas hieroglyphica and the Mathematicall praeface, Dee drew a part of his inspiration from Pico della Mirandola’s works. However, the nature and extent of Dee’s borrowings has not yet been studied. In fact, the only work of Pico really read and used by Dee was the 900 conclusions, where he found the conception of ‘formal numbers’: that is, mystical numbers carrying magical and divinatory powers. This is very important, since Dee sees these (...) numbers as the very instruments of ‘the law of Creation.’ Pico also played a major part in the foundation of Christian cabala: in this field, his influence on Dee was mainly indirect, given that Dee—in the wake of Geofroy Tory—extended to Greek and Latin the magical and mystical properties which Pico considered as an exclusive property of the Hebrew language. Thus, Dee transforms what he calls ‘vulgar cabala’—the part of cabala that deals with language—from a christianised Jewish cabala into a truly catholic cabala. But for Dee, this is only the lower sort of cabala: above it lies ‘real cabala’, that is, the art of transmuting any physical or spiritual body into another. ‘Vulgar’ magicians and alchemists fail to achieve their aim because they do not possess the mastery of this discipline. Dee took from Pico the notion that cabala is superior to magic, and that the latter cannot be successful unless supported by ‘the work of cabala.’ Finally, Dee’s conception of the ‘metamorphosis’ of the soul taking place between the ‘horizons’ of time and eternity is derived not only from Pico, but also from Thomas Aquinas’s Summa contra Gentiles. (shrink)