The endless waves of migrants that have swept across Europe and North America have led several countries to tighten border controls and tighten immigration criteria. How, moreover, can we ignore the human distress of millions of migrants fleeing war, persecution or food insecurity? How can we reconcile the compelling obligation to help strangers in need with the legitimate and essential need to build a " place to call home "? Therein lies the paradox of hospitality. This book examines how the (...) religious canon, particularly the Golden Rule - "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you" - deals with the tension created by the two polarities of the hospitality paradox. The Quebec model of interculturalism is presented as satisfying the dual requirements of hospitality: equal respect for the host's " homeland " and the guest's alterity. (shrink)

In Is Quebec Nationalism Just? contributors explore Quebec's relationship with the rest of Canada from a normative perspective. The case of Quebec is interesting, both politically and philosophically, because it epitomizes the puzzle of liberal nationalism. While nationalism is often assumed to be inherently illiberal and regressive, the authors of these essays argue that Quebecers' desire to control their own political destiny is not fuelled by hostility to liberalism. On the contrary, they conclude that Quebecers are at least as deeply (...) committed to liberal values, institutions, and practices as people in the rest of Canada. (shrink)

This article presents the results of a research that aimed to examine the phenomenon of student cheating on exams in faculties of education in Quebec universities. A total of 573 preservice teachers completed an online survey in 2018. The questionnaire consisted of 28 questions with a Likert scale related to individual and contextual factors associated with the propensity to cheat on exams as well as two yes/no items on the arguments for cheating. Descriptive and hierarchical linear regression analyses highlighted the (...) existence of cheating but also how three factors influenced the students’ propensity to cheat: influence of peers, methods of cheating, and institutional context. (shrink)

Le présent article se propose d'examiner les défis que devra relever la Francophonie panaméricaine pour assurer son intégration dans la ZLÉA. La rencontre entre les deux Amériques, l'une francophone et centrée sur le Québec, l'autre créole et centrée sur la Caraïbe, n'est pas le moindre de ces défis puisqu'elle implique que la Francophonie panaméricaine fasse fi de la contradiction apparente qu'il existe à revendiquer l'exception culturelle pour se « protéger » tout en acceptant le métissage, la créolisation, de ses (...) manifestations linguistiques et culturelles. La Francophonie panaméricaine est-elle à la hauteur de cette épreuve? Il serait prétentieux de prétendre apporter une réponse ferme et définitive à ces vastes questions, mais la réflexion qui suit propose quelques pistes d'analyse, disons, prospective...This article explores the challenges faced by Panamerican Francophony in order to ensure its integration within the FTAA. The meeting of two Americas, one Francophone and centred on the Province of Québec, the other Creole and centered on the Caribbean, is not the least of the challenges. It also essential that Panamerican Francophony transcends the apparent contradiction which exists between, on the one hand, the need for its cultural distinctiveness to be recognised in order to be better protected and, on the other, the acceptation of the process of creolisation and métissage of language and culture. Is the Panamerican Francophony capable of rising to the challenge? It would be pretentious to say one can provide an unequivocal answer to these broad-ranging questions, but the following discussion suggests a few lines of thought and, perhaps, possible outcomes.. (shrink)

BackgroundMedical assistance in dying (MAID) has been legal in Québec since December 2015 and in the rest of Canada since July 2016. Since then, more than 60 people have donated their organs after MAID. Such donations raise ethical issues about respect of patients’ autonomy, potential pressure to choose MAID, the information given to potential donors, the acceptability of directed donations in such a context and the possibility of death by donation. The objective of this study was to explore (...) class='Hi'>Québec professionals’ perspectives on the ethical issues related to organ donation after MAID.MethodsWe conducted semi-directed interviews with 21 health care professionals involved in organ donation such as intensivists and intensive care nurses, operating room nurses, organ donation nurses and coordinators.ResultsThe participants were all favourable to organ donation after MAID in order to respect patients’ autonomy. They also favoured informing all potential donors of the possibility of donating organs. They highlighted the importance of assessing donors’ reasons for requesting MAID during the assessment. They were divided on directed donation, living donation before MAID and death by donation.ConclusionOrgan donation after MAID was widely accepted among the participants, based on the principle of respect for the donor’s autonomy. The findings of this study only provide the perspectives of Québec health care professionals involved in organ donation. Future studies are needed to gather other stakeholders’ perspectives on this issue as well as patients’ and families’ experiences of organ donation after MAID. (shrink)

As philosophers such as Fendler, Bauman and Young have shown, the concept of community poses significant challenges for diversity by reinforcing similarity, necessarily bracketing that which is viewed as outside, other or strange. In this paper, I interrogate the concept of community as it applies to Québec's intercultural context. I explore how intercultural dialogue, a mechanism to promote intercultural community building has, through a number of public displays of xenophobia, reinforced a discourse of intolerance in Québec's public sphere. (...) Québec's Geography, History, and Citizenship education course is aimed at creating an intercultural ‘micro-society’ in which students practice the demands of intercultural citizenship, such as dialogue. As a curricular requirement, intercultural dialogue places educators with the responsibility of perpetuating an intolerant discourse of difference. (shrink)

Cet article porte sur la reconstruction des relations entre Hydro-Québec et la Nation crie de 1994 à 2015. En 1994, le report sine die du projet hydroélectrique de Grande-Baleine par le premier ministre Jacques Parizeau marque à la fois une « victoire » pour les Cris opposés à ce projet et le paroxysme du conflit entre ces derniers et Hydro-Québec. Par contraste, deux décennies plus tard, en 2015, les deux parties s’accordent à décrire comme excellentes et constructives les (...) relations entre la société d’État et la Nation crie. L’intérêt distinctif de cette contribution qui vise à analyser le processus de transition de rapport conflictuel à partenariat réside dans le fait qu’elle a été coécrite par deux des protagonistes, l’un d’Hydro-Québec, l’autre du gouvernement de la Nation crie, et par deux chercheurs, dans le but de favoriser une compréhension commune de ces événements. Cet effort « d’écrire l’histoire à plusieurs mains », au-delà des clivages passés et présents, représente un effort de synthèse qui vise à enrichir notre compréhension des processus et des démarches d’acceptabilité sociale. (shrink)

ABSTRACT I argue that people have a right to self‐determination when they are plainly predominant in a certain territory and do not violate the civil liberties of minorities. But there is no self‐determination without the preservation of self‐identity and the cultural preservation that goes with its secure existence. So to preserve autonomy and self‐determination people must preserve their cultural identity and this cannot be securely sustained in modern conditions without a nation‐state concerned to nourish that identity. Such considerations support a (...) right to secession when certain conditions are met. The conditions are that the people in question have a cultural identity, live in a distinct territory which they have inhabited for a long time, form an extensive majority, and respect the civil liberties of the minorities living in that territory (as well as elsewhere). Where they are such a group they have a right to secede from a larger state to which they are historically attached. These conditions, I argue, are met in Quebec. (shrink)

This photo album contains images from a trip to Quebec city and Montreal, on the occasion of an international scientific conference I attended in the sumer of 2006. -/- Cet album photo contient des images d'un voyage à Québec et Montréal, à l'occasion d'une conférence scientifique internationale à laquelle j'ai participé l’été de l’année 2006.

Québec's complaint examination system has devoted considerable effort to supporting dissatisfied users who may wish to register complaints. It is open to question, however, whether this level of effort has, in fact, aided users in filing their complaints, and whether, once filed, the intake and processing of complaints has been rigorous and fair. Has the intake and handling of complaints at least improved? This is the question we shall attempt to answer here by presenting the results of our study (...) concerning the impact of the Complaint Assistance and Support Centers (CAAPs) on the intake of complaints. The results show that the Québec complaint examination system and its Complaint Assistance and Support Centers help make complaints more admissible and ensure that each complaint is examined. However, the system is also hindered by differences and conflicting interpretations among the various stakeholders regarding the legitimacy of complaints, respect for users’ rights, and the mission of the system. Although complaint examination systems seek to encourage users to express their points of view, users’ voices are still only partly audible. (shrink)

The notion of utopia in Quebec culture has been a formal and thematic constant since the origins of its literature and indeed French Canadian history. From the discovery and cartography of the so-called New World, as documented in the early colonial travel writings of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to twenty-first-century science fiction, both reactionary and revolutionary texts have pervaded the ideological landscape of Quebec, markedly inspired by political and religious struggles.1 The texts that constitute this diverse science-fictional body of (...) work often create a hybrid genre through a simultaneously utopian and uchronian—or alternate historical—approach. While appearing on the surface to be limited... (shrink)

While in the majority of English-speaking territories the dominant legal tradition iscommon law, in Louisiana and Quebec the native language is English and the legal system stems from continentalcivil law. Both the Louisiana Civil Code and the Civil Code of Quebec take root in the European codification movement, following Code Napoleon. Bearing in mind the link between law and language, these jurisdictions provide a unique source of Englishcivil lawterminology with well-founded conceptual background.The civil codes of Louisiana and Quebec seem to (...) be potentially useful for the translation of Polish private law into English. Yet there are some reservations which should be considered. By comparing two different translations of Article 292 of the Polish Civil Code, this paper is intended to contribute to the debate on the use of Quebec and Louisiana terminology in Polish-English legal translation. (shrink)

v. 1. Philosophy for peace and justice -- v. 2. Methods for transforming the structures of the modern world.

This important study, the first book-length treatment of an increasingly crucial topic, treats the moral issues of secession at two levels. At the practical level, Professor Buchanan develops a coherent theory of the conditions under which secession is morally justifiable. He then applies it to historical and contemporary examples, including the U.S. Civil War and more recent events in Bangladesh, Katanga, and Biafra, the Baltic states, South Africa, and Quebec. This is the first systematic account of the conditions and terms (...) that justify secession from a political union.But Buchanan also locates this account of the right to secede in the broader context of contemporary political thought, introducing readers to influential accounts of political society such as contractarianism and communitarianism, and showing how the possibility of secession fits into a more complete understanding of political community and political obligation.At both levels this is an important book. It will interest not just political and social theorists but any reader concerned with one of the most momentous issues of our day: the future of troubled political federations and other states under conditions of ethnic and cultural pluralism. (shrink)

The judgment of the Supreme Court of Canada in the Quebec Secession Reference has produced a torrent of public commentary. Given the fundamental issues about the relationship between law and politics raised by the judgment, what is remarkable is that that commentary has remained almost entirely in a pragmatic perspective, which asks how positive politics entered into the motivations and justifications of the Court, and looks at the results in terms of their political consequences, without deep or sustained reflection on (...) the ultimate grounds for the role the Court took upon itself, or on the normative sources of its reasoning. In this article, we explore the Quebec Secession Reference through the lens of constitutional theory. In particular, we highlight three unconventional aspects of the Court’s reasoning: (a) the supplementation of the written constitution through an explicit process of amendment-like interpretation to craft a new legal framework governing the secession of a province from Canada, (b) the vesting by the Court of substantial, if not exclusive responsibility for interpreting the constitutional rules on secession in particular situations or contexts with political organs, not the courts, and (c) the ascent by the court to abstract normativity, in articulating a normative vision of the Canadian constitutional order, whence it derived the legal framework governing secession. In addition to drawing attention to these unusual aspects of the judgment, we articulate the theoretical justifications that both explain and justify those features of the judgment, and identify issues for future discussion. (shrink)

Introduction: -/- Walking, illegally, down main Montreal thoroughfares with students in nightly demonstrations, with neighbors whom I barely knew before, banging pots and pans, and with tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of people on every 22nd of the month since March—this was unimaginable a year ago.1 Unimaginable that the collective and heterogeneous body, which is the “manif [demonstration]”, could feel so much like home, despite its internal differences. Unimaginable that this mutual dependence on one another could enable not only (...) collective protection from traffic and police but the affective strength and audacity to take back the street—a mutual dependence that includes the masked demonstrators ready to help when gassed by police. Unimaginable too that we would be breaking the law daily,2 that blocking traffic and seeing the city from the center of the street would become habit, and that as the “printemps érable” becomes summer, we would be investing our time in neighborhood assemblies, in weaving social bonds, and in sustaining and deepening the mobilization. -/- I say these actions were unimaginable not merely because the context that motivated the enlargement of the student movement into a popular struggle combines a number of unique features. Nor were they simply unimaginable because the Quebec I previously knew was marred by the Islamophobia and cultural racism made visible during the reasonable accommodation debates, a society whose mapping excluded me and for whose sake it would have been difficult to protest.3 Rather, I say these actions were unimaginable because the possibility of this popular and inclusive mobilization had not yet been created. It is this possibility that the Quebec student movement has created, I argue, not only in quantitative terms by engaging so many, but at the level of lived subjectivities and intercorporeal solidarity. The evolution of the movement should be understood, then, both as a swelling of its popular base and as an intensification and qualitative transformation of ways of life. (shrink)

Le Canada et le Québec, à l'instar des Pays-Bas, de la France et de l'Angleterre, réfléchissent sur leurs politiques publiques, face aux défis que pose la diversité ethno-religieuse. À ce titre, la notion juridique d'« accommodement raisonnable », fondamentale pour les débats canadiens, est ici explicitée, car elle constitue une clé de compréhension de cet enjeu. On compare ensuite les situations québécoises et canadiennes, à la lumière de la distinction classique entre la sécularisation et la laïcité. Dans la réaction (...) à la diversité religieuse, on peut tenir compte de certaines caractéristiques du Québec francophone, qui se rapportent à son origine franco-catholique. L'usage qu'on y fait du concept de « laïcité ouverte » mérite à cet égard un examen sérieux: il s'y dégage une conception de l'égalité à la fois réfractaire aux « privilèges » acquis des groupes religieux majoritaires et favorable à la protection des expressions religieuses individuelles brimées par les normes générales.Canada and Quebec, like the Netherlands, France and England, reflect on their public policy challenges posed by ethno-religious. As such, the legal concept of "reasonable accommodation" fundamental to Canadian debates, is explained here, because it is a key to understanding this issue. It then compares the situation in Quebec and Canada, in the light of the classical distinction between secularization and secularism. In reaction to religious diversity, one can take into account certain characteristics of Quebec French, which relate to the Franco-Catholic. The use that it makes of the concept of "open secularism" in this regard deserves serious consideration: there is always emerges a conception of equality both refractory acquired "privileges" of majority religious groups and pro- the protection of individual religious expressions bullied by general standards. (shrink)

Based on archival and ethnographic data, this article analyzes the iconic-making, iconoclastic unmaking, and iconographic remaking of national identifications. The window into these processes is the career of Saint John the Baptist, patron saint of French Canadians and national icon from the mid-nineteenth century until 1969, when his statue was destroyed by protesters during the annual parade in his honor in Montréal. Relying on literatures on visuality and materiality, I analyze how the saint and his attending symbols were deployed in (...) processions, parades, and protests. From this analysis, I develop the sociological concept of aesthetic revolt, a process whereby social actors rework iconic symbols, redefining national identity in the process. The article offers a theoretical articulation and an empirical demonstration of how the context, content, and the form of specific cultural objects and symbols—national icons—are intertwined in public performance to produce eventful change, and shows why and how the internal material logic and the social life of these icons shape the articulation of new national identities. (shrink)