ABSTRACTThis study aimed to investigate the relationships among the middle school students’ perceptions of science teacher support, students’ motivation and students’ engagement in learning science...

This book provides an overview of recent debates about critical theory from Pierre Bourdieu via Luc Boltanski to the Frankfurt School. Robin Celikates investigates the relevance of the self-understanding of ordinary agents and of their practices of critique for the theoretical and emancipatory project of critical theory.

This article argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobedience is a much more radical political practice. It is transformative in that it aims at the politicization of questions that are excluded from the political domain and at reconfiguring public space and existing institutions, often in comprehensive ways. Focusing on the reconstitution of the political community also allows us to reconceptualize constituent power. Rather than portraying it as a quasi-mythical force erupting only in extraordinary (...) moments, constituent power can be conceptualized as a dynamic situated within established orders, transgressing their logic and reconfiguring them from within. Civil disobedience as a transformative and potentially comprehensive practice aimed at reconstituting the political order can then be seen as an internal driving force keeping this dialectic in play. A concrete example can be found in protests and border struggles by irregularized migrants. They show how unexp... (shrink)

The goal of this article is to show that mainstream liberal accounts of civil disobedience fail to fully capture the latter’s specific characteristics as a genuinely political and democratic practice of contestation that is not reducible to an ethical or legal understanding either in terms of individual conscience or of fidelity to the rule of law. In developing this account in more detail, I first define civil disobedience with an aim of spelling out why the standard liberal model, while providing (...) a useful starting point, ultimately leads to an overly constrained, domesticated and sanitized understanding of this complex political practice. Second, I place the political practice of civil disobedience between two opposing poles: symbolic politics and real confrontation. I argue that the irreducible tension between these poles precisely accounts for its politicizing and democratizing potential. Finally, I briefly examine the role of civil disobedience in representative democracies, addressing a series of recent challenges made in response to this radically democratic understanding of disobedience. (shrink)

The incorporation of neural-based technologies into psychiatry offers novel means to use neural data in patient assessment and clinical diagnosis. However, an over-optimistic technologisation of neuroscientifically-informed psychiatry risks the conflation of technological and psychological norms. Neurotechnologies promise fast, efficient, broad psychiatric insights not readily available through conventional observation of patients. Recording and processing brain signals provides information from ‘beneath the skull’ that can be interpreted as an account of neural processing and that can provide a basis to evaluate general behaviour (...) and functioning. But it ought not to be forgotten that the use of such technologies is part of a human practice of neuroscience informed psychiatry. This paper notes some challenges in the integration of neural technologies into psychiatry and suggests vigilance particularly in respect to normative challenges. In this way, psychiatry can avoid a drift toward reductive technological approaches, while nonetheless benefitting from promising advances in neuroscience and technology. (shrink)

In this paper, we develop an understanding of recognition in terms of individuals’ capacity for conflict. Our goal is to overcome various shortcomings that can be found in both the positive and negative conceptions of recognition. We start by analyzing paradigmatic instances of such conceptions—namely, those put forward by Axel Honneth and Judith Butler. We do so in order to show how both positions are inadequate in their elaborations of recognition in an analogous way: Both fail to make intelligible the (...) fundamental nexus between relations of recognition and individuals’ capacity for conflict. We then move on to reconsider aspects of Hegel's view of recognition—ones that, from our viewpoint, have been unjustly neglected in the debate about recognition: his focus on the constitution of relations of recognition in conflict and on the status of being an author of acts of recognition. On this basis, we then spell out in a more systematic way what we take to be a more convincing conception of recognition. This puts us in the position to gesture at some consequences of this conception in practical contexts, above all with regard to the justification, role and structure of political institutions. (shrink)

In this article, I offer a politico-philosophical perspective to reassess the much-contested role of truth in politics to put forth a principle of political action that will make sense of a “right to unmanipulated factual information,” which Hannah Arendt understands as crucial for establishing freedom of opinion. In developing a principle of epistemic responsibility, I will show that “factual truth” plays a key role in Arendt’s account of political action and provides a normative order that can extricate her account from (...) charges of immoralism. The article will be divided into three sections: section 1 deals with the distinction between rational truths and factual truths, and the question of their validity, section 2 deals with what a principle of political action is, and lastly, section 3 proposes a principle of “epistemic responsibility” that becomes action-guiding in the political sphere, in order to shed new light on the 2013 Gezi Park protest, one of the recent democratic uprisings of our century. (shrink)

COVID-19 is a new type of coronavirus that has spread all over the world and has caused a global epidemic that affected all parts of society. Healthcare professionals that are involved in the diagnosis, treatment, and care of patients diagnosed with coronavirus have been under a heavy burden both physically and psychologically during the fight against this disease. Articles published on protecting the mental health of healthcare professionals during the epidemic have stated that healthcare professionals should be supported to prevent (...) the negative effects of the epidemic on them. This new situation requires developing appropriate strategies for coping with the COVID-19 pandemic, due to the given heavy burden by healthcare professionals. Therefore, the determination of effective approaches for the protection of mental health of healthcare professionals and increasing their protective factors, such as psychological resilience, has got great importance. Positive religious coping contents can be seen among the protective factors that affect the psychological resilience of healthcare professionals. Positive religious coping behaviors, such as refuge in Allah, praying, and reading Qur'an, not only provides a spiritual strength against the troubles of life but also provides a sense of control, peace, and security. This research aims to examine the relationship between religious coping and psychological resilience in healthcare professionals during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ethical approval for this research was obtained from Atatürk University Social and Human Science Ethics Committee (12.04.2021 dated and 88656144-000.E.2100103436 numbered). Descriptive research and correlational methods were used in the study. The population of the research consists of personnel working in health facilities operating throughout the country. The sample consists of doctors, nurses, pharmacists, midwives, and other health workers working in these health institutions. The Snowball sampling method was used in this study. For this aim, a Google Forms was established and 293 health workers in more than 40 provinces have filled this form. Personal Information Form, Religious Coping Scale, and Brief Psychological Resilience Scale were used as data collection tools. These data collection tools were used to determine whether positive and negative religious coping and psychological resilience differs according to gender and age. In addition to the above-mentioned aim, the relationship between positive and negative religious coping and resilience was examined in this study. T-test and ANOVA were applied in the analysis of demographic variables. Correlation and regression analysis were used to test the relationship between the variables. Findings obtained from this study have revealed that the levels of religious coping and psychological resilience of healthcare professionals differ according to their demographic characteristics. Results have shown that while there is no significant difference between women and men in terms of using positive religious coping methods, men use negative religious coping methods more frequently than women. Results have also revealed that positive coping methods are used more frequently as age increases and psychological resilience increased with age. Correlation analysis has shown that there is a significant relationship between positive religious coping and psychological resilience. Results of regression analysis have shown that positive religious coping is a significant predictor of psychological resilience. This result shows that positive religious coping is an important variable that affects psychological resilience. Results have suggested that there is a need to develop a program with religious/spiritual content that can help healthcare professionals to overcome this difficult process more easily by increasing their psychological resilience. Results obtained from this study may not only contribute to other rehabilitative studies that can be carried out for healthcare professionals during and after the pandemic but also provide scientific data for possible academic studies on this subject. (shrink)

It is a fact that the reception of European codes into Turkish law was done bravely and without looking back. How and to what extent the European codes that were adopted in this way have affected social life is one of the difficult problems of sociology of law and philosophy of law. The above-mentioned historical perspective brings with it the following consequences: • The necessity of a uniform law; • The necessity to create a legal system that will deal satisfactorily (...) with new events and developments; and • The necessity of a uniform law uniting me national body as the key to meeting the obligation of absolute independence in order to get rid of external pressures. The Turkish Revolution started with these targets and has been progressing in the same direction without any changes in its substantial content. (shrink)

Development Agencies established with the Law on the Establishment, Coordination and Duties of Development Agencies No. 5449 dated 08.02.2006 on the condition that the pre-accession financial assistance program can be utilized in the 2003 European Union Accession Partnership Certificate, were obliged to increase the regional and rural development capacity of the region and to provide support to the projects in this context. The aim of this study is to show how and in what way Development Agencies contribute to rural development. (...) In order to make this assessment available from the current 26 Development Agencies in Turkey; West Mediterranean Development Agency (BAKA), Eastern Anatolia Development Agency (DOĞAKA), Eastern Black Sea Development Agency (PJC), the South Aegean Development Agency (REER), the Silk Road Development Agency (ICA), KARACADAĞ and Trakya Development Agency (TRAKYAKA)'s activity reports and regional plans for 2016 were scanned and interviews were conducted with experts. (shrink)

ABSTRACTEmotion differentiation, the ability to describe and label our own emotions in a differentiated and specific manner, has been repeatedly associated with well-being. However, it is unclear exactly what type of differentiation is most strongly related to well-being: the ability to make fine-grained distinctions between emotions that are relatively closely related, the ability to make larger distinctions between very distinct emotions, or the combination of both. To determine which type of differentiation is most predictive of well-being, we performed a comprehensive (...) meta-analysis across six datasets. We examined the correlations between these three types of differentiation and several indicators of well-being. Results showed that individuals differentiated most between very distinct emotions and least between more related emotions, and that an index computed across emotions from both the same and di... (shrink)

Interviewet er lavet i juli 2021. Dets formål er at belyse emner, der er centrale i Celikates’ tænkning, f.eks. den voksende højrefløjspopulisme, migration, voldelige versus ikke-voldelige protester, civil ulydighed og den kritiske filosofis rolle i dag. -/- When Celikates and I sat down digitally in July 2021, the interview’s primary purpose was to examine topics central to Celikates’ thinking, such as the rise of right-wing populism, migration, violent versus non-violent protest, civil disobedience, and the role of critical philosophy today.

Academic integrity is a vital pedagogical responsibility that educational institutions should explicitly address. One of the best ways to uphold academic integrity is to create a culture of academic integrity throughout the school. This is especially imperative at high schools where students develop their moral identity because students who act dishonestly at high school will likely behave accordingly in post-secondary education and ultimately be dishonest in familial and professional settings. Creating a culture of academic integrity is a challenging, long and (...) multifaceted journey. In this respect, this exploratory case study set out to create a culture of academic integrity at a high school in Türkiye and explore what facilitates and impedes the process. We followed Stephens’ (2016) Multilevel Intervention Model and implemented a School-Wide Education program to guide us through the process. We conducted various activities throughout one academic year, from seminars to competitions. At the end of the term, we conducted individual and focus group interviews with the members of the school community and analyzed the interview data to identify facilitators and barriers of the process. The analysis yielded five facilitators (1) creating buy-in, (2) administrative embracement and support, (3) activities that promote student involvement, (4) external expert and school collaboration as praxis, and (5) policy as the blueprint and five barriers (1) deficiencies in responding academic misconduct, (2) prioritization of academic success over academic integrity, (3) teacher resistance against change, (4) exam-based assessment design, and (5) timing of the activities. Each theme was discussed in detail, and recommendations were made for high schools which set out on a journey of creating academic integrity culture. (shrink)

It is possible to talk about dominant concepts in modern political definitions. Among these concepts; power, violence, hierarchy, security and resource allocation are the prominent ones. For many, politics is how power and authority is distributed and used. When politics is defined in relation to pure power, violence appears to be one of the effective means of politics. Even, with a further extent, violence is seen as an expression of power. As said by C. W. Mills’ “politics is a struggle (...) for power, the ultimate kind of power is violence” or the way Mao Zedong puts it “politics is war without bloodshed, while war is politics with bloodshed” are the most typical examples of violence and politics together. It is inevitable for politics, which is defined as art of ruling, obtaining power and maximizing power, to see violence as legitimate. User of this formulation most commonly tend to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate violence. Making this distinction confirms the legitimization of violence as a political action. There are also criticisms of the dominant approach that defines politics through power and violence. These criticisms, by asking whether it is possible to provide a different definition, try to emerge an alternative understanding of politics. Hannah Arendt is one of the prominent thinkers of this current. Through distinguishing the fake and authentic politics, she places action at the center of authentic politics. Action is the ability to initiate and interrupt processes that enables people to realize themselves, make them authentic and live with other humans. In this respect, politics is the act of living together, discussing public issues and taking action for the common world. Acting in the public sphere before their peers causes the person to show uniqueness. In this respect, equality and plurality are the condition of politics. Arendt places not only action, but also “speech” at the center of politics. For Arendt, political life is based on action. The association of politics with the speech clearly excludes violence. According to Arendt, violence is mute and never has the ability to initiate and be creative of the process caused by action, which is the center of politics. The aim of this paper is to rethink politics through Arendt’s views and discussing the possibility of a new definition for politics. (shrink)

This paper introduces the concept of ‘hyper-ambition’ in academia as a contributing factor to what has been termed a ‘replication crisis’ across some sciences. The replication crisis is an umbrella term that covers a range of ‘questionable research practices’, from sloppy reporting to fraud. There are already many proposals to address questionable research practices, some of which focus on the values, norms, and motivations of researchers and institutes, and suggest measures to promote research integrity. Yet it is not easy to (...) promote integrity in hyper-competitive academic environments that value high levels of ambition. I argue that in such contexts, it is as likely that a kind of hyper-ambition is fostered that (inadvertently or otherwise) prioritises individual success above all, including to the detriment of scientific quality. In addition, efforts to promote values like integrity falter because they rely on sufficient uniformity in motivations or tendencies. Codes and guidance promoting integrity are, however, likely to influence those for whom such values are not optional, while others simply find ways around them. To demonstrate this I offer a thought experiment in which we consider the imaginary working situations of two ordinary academics. I conclude that tackling questionable research practices in the light of the replication crisis requires robust ‘top down’ measures that expect and accommodate a broader range of academic values, motivations, and tendencies, while challenging those that help to promote hyper-ambition. (shrink)

In light of the recent political events, it is clear that democracy itself has come to be contested and modified in a plethora of democratic practices that have expanded the very articulation of equal citizenship. My argument in this article is twofold: first, I rearticulate Arendt’s conception of “revolution” found in her On Revolution by insisting on its “beginning” and “founding” dimensions for the appearance of freedom. Coupled with Jean-Luc Nancy’s insight into a “spirit of democracy” that does not reside (...) in its “form, institution, regime,” I then develop a principle of democratic responsibility that consists in opening up a revolutionary space that enjoins us to become a demos. Such revolutionary space does not necessarily entail a “successful revolution,” but more so an attitude towards our existence together.À la lumière des événements politiques récents, il est clair que la démocratie elle-même en est venue à être contestée et modifiée en une myriade de pratiques démocratiques qui étendent l’articulation de la citoyenneté égalitaire. Mon argument dans cet article est double. Premièrement, je réarticule la conception arendtienne de « révolution » telle qu’on la retrouve dans De la révolution en insistant sur ses dimensions de « commencement » et de « fondation » pour l’apparition de la liberté. À l’aide de l’idée, articulée par Jean-Luc Nancy, d’un « esprit de la démocratie » qui ne réside pas dans une « forme, institution, ou régime », je développe, dans un deuxième temps, un principe de responsabilité démocratique qui consiste à ouvrir un espace révolutionnaire dans lequel nous sommes appelés à devenir un demos. Un tel espace n’implique en rien le « succès » de la révolution mais plutôt une attitude envers notre existence en commun. (shrink)

Working with Hannah Arendt’s implicit argument about place and visibility, this article develops an account of recognition in order to rethink the nature of community. I argue for an Arendtian recognitive politics, a two-tiered account of recognition, which takes into account social identities as the condition of possibility for the free political action that so animated Arendt. If we require a place to act freely, in other words, we are visible to another in that place. Claims such as Arendt’s “right (...) to have rights” consequently understate the vital conditions of visibility and the role such visibility plays in the political sphere where agents are recognized as equals. The two-tiered account of recognition developed in this article allows me to argue that (1) the performance of visibility in relation to the recognition of one’s social identity is what in turn allows for (2) the possibility of recognizing one’s unique political identity in the political space. (shrink)

Working with Hannah Arendt’s implicit argument about place and visibility, this article develops an account of recognition in order to rethink the nature of community. I argue for an Arendtian recognitive politics, a two-tiered account of recognition, which takes into account social identities as the condition of possibility for the free political action that so animated Arendt. If we require a place to act freely, in other words, we are visible to another in that place. Claims such as Arendt’s “right (...) to have rights” consequently understate the vital conditions of visibility and the role such visibility plays in the political sphere where agents are recognized as equals. The two-tiered account of recognition developed in this article allows me to argue that the performance of visibility in relation to the recognition of one’s social identity is what in turn allows for the possibility of recognizing one’s unique political identity in the political space. (shrink)

In this dissertation, I undertake a critical analysis of the conception of community at work in what is termed “identity-based politics.” Working with Hannah Arendt’s implicit argument about place and visibility, I develop a theory of recognition in order to rethink the nature of community. The ultimate aim of my project develops a recognitive politics, a two-tiered theory of recognition, which takes into account social identities as the condition of possibility for the free political action that so animated Arendt. If (...) we require a place to act freely, in other words, we are visible to one another in that place. My theory of recognition aims to illustrate that traditional philosophical accounts of self-disclosure in political action (including those of Hegel, Marx, and Arendt) do not aim to offer a pure political agency stripped of social identities. Such an understanding of the political as the self-disclosure of our unique identities is possible only if social identities are granted visibility and the possibility of being heard in the first place. Claims such as Arendt’s “right to have rights” consequently understate this vital condition of visibility. In turn, I argue that the condition of “artificial equality” arises from its spatial aspect. The link between visibility and the “right to have rights” is crucial in establishing the conditions of a non-violent and non-identity-based politics. On my view, ‘recognitive politics’ is based on epistemic responsibility in political judgment, which becomes a reflection of our responsibility to affirm plural human existence in the world. (shrink)

This article argues that Arendt’s rich account of the political necessarily involves an implicit, but never fully worked out, phenomenological articulation of justice in her work. Arendt’s unique articulation of the role of judgment in political action provides us with the outline of an Arendtian principle of justice that relieves the tension between idealist and realist theories of justice. Building on this role of judgment, I aim to emphasize the phenomenological premise of identifying the conditions for the possibility of the (...) political in empirico-historical events rooted in her ideas of plurality and freedom. By showing that, for Arendt, justice is a phenomenon like power and equality, we can make progress on an implicit account of justice in her work. Taking seriously Arendt’s articulation of freedom-manifesting and principled political action, I will show that a principle of justice guides political action based on political judgment that is affectively oriented to the world. (shrink)

Among Turkic speaking countries there is solidarity in economic, political and military fields. Moreover, they carry out common studies within the universities of these countries. As a result, the relationship among the communities is getting stronger via these studies. This research serves as an example of this development. The problem sentence of the research; “Do students’ perceptions change about Turkey after they’ve completed an internship period in Turkey?”. In this research, it was studied to determine Kyrgyz students’ impression about our (...) country Turkey, before and after their intership period in Turkey. The study was implemented within the survey model design. Research’s universe is the students who study in Yusuf Balasagun Krygyz National University, Liberal Arts University, in Kyrgyzstan Turkey Manas University during their education in the year of 2018-2019. As for the research sampling, students who are in the city of Antalya for the purpose of internship were selected from Yusuf Balasagun Kyrgyz National University, Liberal Arts University, in Kyrgyzstan Manas University. A total of 49 students were attented the research. According to the results of the research; internship students have generally positive opinions about Turkey and Turkish people. This is pleasing result for our country. The students think that the Language Enhancement Program will be useful for them to learn Turkish better. (shrink)

Les diverses formes de vie en commun appellent des modalités de reconnaissance très différentes. Mais il s'agit toujours de combats pour une insertion sociale réussie. Voici une tentative de déclinaison de la nature sociale de l'homme de façon à saisir les grammaires de l'humain comme les grammaires de la reconnaissance. Plusieurs articles en allemand et en anglais.

Past work has shown that men’s gender identities often lead them to eschew household labour in an attempt to shore up threatened masculinity. As the COVID-19 pandemic has lead to both enormous fina...