O texto busca refletir criticamente sobre alguns fenômenos sociais contemporâneos, fortemente imbricados, notadamente as tendências contemporâneas de entrincheiramento e achatamento do eu; o reforço da iconomania e da compulsiva produção de avatares de si, em meio a bolhas narcísicas digitais, franqueadas pelas recentes tecnologias de informação e comunicação; e a virtual destruição da intimidade e da privacidade, diante da emergência de panópticos digitais e da vigilância algorítmica. Para tanto, toma-se como ponto de partida proposições apresentadas por Christopher Lasch em sua (...) obra _The Minimal Self: Psychic Survival in Troubled Times_, publicada originalmente em 1984, em particular a própria noção de mínimo eu, as quais são, então, entretecidas com argumentos de Christophe Dejours, Günther Anders, Theodor Adorno, Hebert Marcuse, Jonathan Crary, entre outros. Em acréscimo, busca-se salientar a ancoragem desses processos à hodierna dinâmica de acumulação de capital, a partir da crítica da economia política, perspectiva que atravessa todo o texto, bem como assinalar a atualidade do pensamento de Lasch. (shrink)

Marc Richir é, sem dúvida, um dos leitores mais profundos e atentos dos textos de Edmund Husserl. A capacidade deste autor para entrar em diálogo com o filósofo alemão, cujo valor, mas igualmente as limitações soube reconhecer, coloca‑o no centro do discurso filosófico da segunda metade do século XX e até hoje. O vigoroso caminho fenomenológico de Richir começa durante os anos 80, quando as obras do filósofo começam a tomar forma de um discurso denso e articulado em torno dos (...) níveis arquitetónicos que estão atrás e por debaixo da experiência natural e intersubjetiva do mundo. De entre as possíveis objeções a Husserl, devemos reconhecer, segundo Richir, o paradoxo que gera o próprio conceito de fenómeno, ao qual o filósofo belga trata de tentar chegar mediante uma nova e mais radical forma de époché. Desde aí, abre‑se um horizonte de investigação novo, feito de uma fenomenalização considerada no seu aparecer instantâneo e intermitente, em nome do qual o filósofo deve estar disposto a renunciar à presença do eu constituinte enquanto condição da toda a experiência e conhecimento. Entre os temas que compõem o universo richiriano está aquele que se dirige à investigação dos conteúdos mínimos da experiência que se organizam antes da conceptualização. Retomando o conceito merleau‑pontyano de Wesen selvagem durante os anos 90, Richir coloca o espaço no centro do seu discurso e, em particular, a forma na qual este se encontra intimamente misturado com o tempo na constituição do mundo dos fenómenos. O modo como chegamos a introduzir‑nos no mundo como seres que sabem e conhecem não pode entender‑se sem as noções husserlianas de corpo vivido e intersubjetividade. Richir falará, então, da matriz arcaica da chôra, a partir da qual, mediante um certo tipo peculiar de esquematismo, se gerará a primeira fenomenalização do mundo que é reflexo da relação originária entre mãe e filho. A Leiblichkeit será então o pinto de dissensão, o lugar de um espaço transicional, interfático, que subjaz a toda a espacialização. (shrink)

El término “gobernanza” en boga, alude a modalidades participativas de gestión del poder, opuestas al tradicional Estado centralizador. Esto ocurre en contextos de intensificación de la globalización e interconexión mundial, “crisis de la deuda” y agudización de la pobreza extrema en el Hemisferio Sur, ascenso de las mafias, desequilibrios medioambientales, inseguridad planetaria y desastres humanitarios sin precedentes. Junto a ello, prospera la arremetida liberal contra el “Estado social” sospechoso de ineficiencia, proteccionismo, despilfarro y corrupción. La goodgovernance reclamada por el Banco (...) Mundial a los países deudores, legitima una intervención directa en sus políticas económicas y sociales. Pero el preconizado “Estado mínimo” parece agudizar los males preexistentes: desintegración y exclusión social, desocupación endémica, desprotección e inseguridad ciudadana crecientes. (shrink)

This article examines whether restrictions on access to welfare rights for EU immigrants are justifiable on grounds of reciprocity. Recently political theorists have supported some robust restricti...

O texto apresenta a ideia de um mínimo existencial como condição de possibilidade para a realização dos direitos e liberdades fundamentais incluídos no primeiro princípio de justiça de Rawls. Mostra, no entanto, a sua insuficiência para o exercício pleno da cidadania. Daí decorre a necessidade de ampliação da noção de "mínimo social" (mínimo existencial) para a ideia de "bens primários", considerando a concepção política de justiça. The text presents the idea of an existential minimum as a condition (...) of possibility for the realization of the basic rights and liberties included in the first principle of justice of Rawls. It shows, however, to be insufficient for the full exercise of citizenship. Hence the need to expand the notion of "social minimum" (existential minimum) to the idea of "primary goods", considering the political conception of justice. (shrink)

The importance of the specifi relationship between the US and the EU is determined by the role they play in solving international problems. The purpose of the article is to study the impact of common and distinctive position in US and EU foreign policy on the development of their relations and ability to effectively solve the world’s problems. At the beginning of the XXI century relations between the US and the EU have been developing in various spheres of foreign policy. (...) The priorities were security cooperation, the fiht against international terrorism and the development of economic relations. US and EU are mutually benefiial and priority partners for each other. This is determined in the foreign policy instruments of the United States and the European Union. However, this does not preclude the existence in the United States and the European Union different approaches to solving international problems and competition between them. The biggest differences between the US and the EU are shown in approaches to the settlement of military conflcts, the fiht against global warming and the greenhouse effect. The largest component of competitive relations is manifested in the development of the Arctic region. The US seeks to engage the EU foreign policy implementation taking into account American interests. However, at the beginning of the XXI century the EU had its own foreign policy program. The EU has an unhappy tendency towards US methods of solving world problems and unilateral actions in the international arena. The bipolar system was dominated by bilateral cooperation between the US and individual states of the European Union, but during the presidency of Barack Obama, the United States prefer relations with European politicians who represent the agreed position of 28 EU member states. The US in implementing its foreign policy should take into account the position of individual states and the European Union as a whole entity. This affects the process of solving international problems. Despite the existence of contradictions in the relations of the United States and the European Union, cooperation will continue to contribute to this long-term relationship, similarities in approaches to building political and economic systems and similarities in mentality. (shrink)

This paper provides a realist analysis of the EU's legitimacy. We propose a modification of Bernard Williams' theory of legitimacy, which we term critical responsiveness. For Williams, 'Basic Legitimation Demand + Modernity = Liberalism'. Drawing on that model, we make three claims. (i) The right side of the equation is insufficiently sensitive to popular sovereignty; (ii) The left side of the equation is best thought of as a 'legitimation story': a non-moralised normative account of how to shore up belief in (...) legitimacy while steering clear of both raw domination and ideological distortions. (iii) The EU's current legitimation story draws on a tradition of popular sovereignty that sits badly with the supranational delegation and pooling of sovereign powers. We conclude by suggesting that the EU's legitimation deficit may be best addressed demoicratically, by recovering the value of popular sovereignty at the expense of a degree of state sovereignty. (shrink)

Cuestiones vinculadas a la responsabilidad social empresaria y la presencia de valores éticos en las empresas han cobrado especial importancia. Si bien no siempre se manifiestan concretamente, al menos se han hecho presentes en los aspectos a considerar en las organizaciones sociales. Pero los mayores inconvenientes al tratar el tema de la ética en la empresa, no residen en señalar si hay o no valores que rigen la práctica de las organizaciones sociales, porque en sentido amplio todos estaríamos de acuerdo (...) en que los hay, sino en determinar cuál es el contenido de la ética a la que se hace referencia cuando se habla de ética de la empresa; donde el concepto " valor " , ya no es entendido en sentido amplio, y " se convierte " en " determinados valores éticos " que ordenan o " debieran ordenar " el quehacer de las organizaciones sociales. Con el fin de señalar el contenido propio de esta ética, y siguiendo la propuesta de Adela Cortina, intentaremos penetrar en esto que la autora ha llamado ética de mínimos, sobre la que se apoya la ética de máximos que permite a las personas alcanzar la felicidad. (shrink)

Neste artigo analisamos o conceito de eu quantificado a partir na Perspectiva de Segunda Pessoa, segundo a qual a eu-dade, ou pessoalidade, é atualizada em relações contexto-dependentes de total ou parcial transparência cognitiva não redutíveis aos aspectos considerados nas perspectivas de primeira ou de terceira pessoa. O eu quantificado designa o indivíduo que realiza medições sobre si mesmo por meio de tecnologias ubíquas em rede para obter um suposto maior autoconhecimento, instanciando, segundo alguns autores, um ponto de vista de Quarta (...) Pessoa constituído por relações de alteridade (pessoa-máquina-pessoa) emergentes, em especial, em um cenário sociocultural permeado por tecnologias ubíquas e análises de big data. Procuraremos problematizar a tese de que o automonitoramento digital promoveria um aprofundamento do autoconhecimento, defendida pelos postuladores da quantificação do eu. Procuraremos mostrar que a coleta de dados sobre si mesmo por meio de tecnologias ubíquas não favorece necessariamente a constituição/atualização da pessoalidade porque o automonitoramento digital mediado pode interferir significativamente nos modos de interação social da Segunda Pessoa e no autoconhecimento que tal interação pode promover. (shrink)

The European Union is one of the ‘big ideas’ of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries and has been built on the idea of the European Community, which it supersedes. Seen in this light the emergent law of the European Union is becoming omnipresent in so many ways and yet it does not appear to have been the subject of as much semiotic study as it deserves. This paper takes a multilingual stance and explores emerging EC and EU law from a (...) perspective of a lawyer-linguist practitioner in the field. The purpose is to describe a range of practitioner ‘realities’ and to explore how semiotics provides a tool for analysis and insights for a better understanding and awareness of EU law, with particular emphasis on the legislative, or law-making aspects. (shrink)

This chapter discusses the application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to EU military operations outside of the European Union (EU). It describes where the Union has performed best: promoting the development, acceptance, and respect of IHL by others. EU restrictive measures may be taken in its commercial policy, its foreign and security policy, and its development cooperation policy. A field in which the European Union may have a direct impact on violations of IHL is the export of arms. EU member (...) states continue to be involved in armed conflicts, but EU law did not govern their involvement. Therefore, the relationship between IHL and EU law is fortunately not (yet) an issue of daily concern for practitioners and EU institutions. In the instances in which the European Union has been a military actor abroad, IHL arguably did not apply because the Union had not become a party to an armed conflict. (shrink)

From the political point of view, European Union (EU) integration implies some kind of unity in the community constituted by EU citizens. Unity is difficult to attain if the diversity of citizens (and their nations) is to be respected. A thick bond that melts members' diversity into a 'European pot' is therefore out of the question. On the other hand, giving up unity altogether makes political integration impossible. Through a meta-theoretical analysis of normative positions, this paper proposes a composed notion (...) of European identity that links without binding. It contains four facets – cultural, political, social, external – with nuances, expressed in three binaries, that cut across all of them – history-project, ethos-achievement, commonness-uncommonness. I will submit that a workable European identity (and the related concepts of unity, polity and citizenship) can be better conceived as analogical – a mid way between blending unity and irreconcilable diversity. (shrink)

This article argues that the practical difficulties and normative dilemmas at stake in the European refugee crisis as a crisis of EU integration extend beyond refugee policies into what we may call ‘the citizenship regime’ of the European Union in ways that are consequential for refugees, member states, and the European Union. It advances arguments for the relatively rapid access to citizenship of refugees, demonstrates that this norm has at least some acknowledgment in the policies of EU member states and (...) considers what further differentiation of refugees from other classes of migrant might be a part of developing a just and legitimate Common European Asylum Regime. It argues that there are some reasons to favour a CEAS in which refugees receive EU citizenship prior to national citizenship in a member state. (shrink)

In line with Ken Manders’s seminal account of Euclid’s diagrammatic method in the “The Euclidean Diagram,” two proof systems with a diagrammatic syntax have been advanced as formalizations of the method FG and Eu. In a paper examining Eu, Nathaniel Miller, the creator of FG, has identified a variety of technical problems with the formal details of Eu. This response shows how the problems are remedied.

“Eu Pedagoga Memoriando: depois do dito e revivido, quem sou agora ‘Amadurecida’?” completa a “trilogia” iniciada no Projeto de Experiências Criadoras na década de 90 junto a discentes e egressos de Pedagogia da Universidade do Estado da Bahia/UNEB. O vol. nº 03 se constitui como artigo conclusivo rodeando as mesmas inquietações, cuja provocação se deu na pergunta problema: “pensando em episódios como preconceito, discriminação, intolerância “qual dentre os fatos mais marcantes da sua vida acadêmica e/ou familiar, teve grande impacto e/ou (...) interferiu no rumo da sua existência?”. Para respondê-la, recorremos às narrativas autobiográficas, enfatizado o relato de uma egressa implicada com o UC’S, nomeada como ‘Amadurecida’ junto ao tensionamento de clássicos e contemporâneos, como Freire ; Marques ; Evaristo e Medeiros que nos ajudaram a compreender a sua convicção de que o processo de crescimento não se finda, e se soma a caminhada formacional que intervém como estratégia de retomada da direção que definiu para a sua vida. (shrink)

The article aims to assess a change in the EU’s soft power in the Western Balkan and Eastern Partnership states in the light of the crises the bloc has undergone in recent years. Generally agreeing with the common argument that the EU’s attractiveness for those countries has decreased, the author challenges the popular wisdom that such a decrease is likely to reverse those states’ pro-EU foreign policy orientations. To prove it, the author applies Joseph Nye’s and Alexander Vuving’s “power currencies” (...) approach to operationalize soft power, considering the bloc’s attraction as a combination of “brilliance” (the actor’s relationship with its work), “benignity” (the actor’s relationship with other actors) and “beauty” (the actor’s relationship with values and ideas). Elaborating on the crises’ influence on each of these currencies, the author shows that their lessening, first, has mainly taken place in absolute rather than relative terms, so the EU’s attractiveness remains strong compared to that of its competitors, and second, it has primarily affected the bloc’s soft power potential rather than its actual behavior towards the target countries. (shrink)

This paper examines the creation of independent agencies within the EU, such as the European Environment Agency and the European Central Bank. Majone and others have argued the case for European regulatory agencies. Such agencies can provide for continuity, expertise, accountability and effective authority – in short, an institutionalisation of responsibility. Against this optimism, I argue that a dilemma of institutional design naturally arises from the agencies’ situation in the EU. On the one side, we risk creating powerful agencies that (...) institutionalise monomania– that is, agencies that single-mindedly and all-too-effectively pursue narrow agendas, inadequately checked by other bodies. On the other, we are also likely to encounter relatively impotent agencies which institutionalise schizophrenia– that is, agencies that must scout around for audience and support, and hence are unable to act effectively. (shrink)

Populists in the EU often call for restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights. These calls are often demagogic and parochial. This paper aims to show what exactly is both distinct and problematic with these populist calls from a normative point of view while not necessarily reducible to demagogy and parochialism. The overall aim of the paper is not to argue that all populists call for such restrictions nor to claim that all calls for such restrictions are populist. The (...) purpose of the paper is rather humble. It only aims to show that populist calls for restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights are characterised by two normatively problematic arguments that target two different subsets of the citizenry: what I dub for the purpose of this paper the moralists and the immoralists. It is the way populists address these two subsets of the citizenry, as well as the fact that they could simultaneously appeal to the concerns of both groups, that makes populist approaches to welfare rights both conceptually distinct to other approaches as well as potentially politically appealing to a more diverse population of voters. (shrink)

A major goal of the Republic of Serbia's foreign policy since 2000 has been the country's integration into the EU. In this respect, in 2012, Serbia became a candidate for EU membership. However, there has been a growing skepticism among the Serbian people about this objective. This ambivalence can be correlated not only with the recent economic crises in some EU countries but also with what are regarded as profound differences in cultural and religious values between Serbia and the EU. (...) This is particularly significant since the majority of Serbia's population are adherents of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which is widely regarded as the defender of traditional values, as well as a staunch opponent of Kosovo's independence, secularization and “so called’ modern Western values. Nevertheless, my recent research among a sample of Serbian Orthodox believers regarding their attitudes about the cultural ramifications of Serbia’s EU integration is far more nuanced than these attitudes might otherwise appear to be. (shrink)

European Journal of Political Theory, Volume 21, Issue 1, Page 178-186, January 2022. Few debates in political theory are challenged as much by the constant change of their empirical subject as those about democracy in the European Union. With A Republican Europe of States, Richard Bellamy responds to the EU’s post-Lisbon era, which has been characterized by the euro crisis, conflicts over migration, the rise of Euroscepticism and Brexit. Keeping an eye on these contextual conditions and the related legal and (...) political transformations, he has developed a general theory of international democracy aimed at securing non-domination between peoples and between citizens and their representatives at the international level, and elaborated its implications for the EU. The result is a distinctive version of demoi-cracy, whose firm centring on the nation-state as the natural locus of democracy is likely to be controversially discussed. In this article, I raise some critical considerations regarding the design of demoi-cratic institutions, the adequate understanding of EU citizenship and the normative credentials of differentiated integration. (shrink)

This article explores EU gender policy through the lens of the `Wollstonecraft dilemma', a guiding conceptual device that helps to summarize women's difficult path towards equality in a patriarchal system. EU gender policy reflects the contradictions women must face in their struggle for equality, which are common to most public gender policies. All provisions devised to progress in gender equality have negative retroactive effects on women, due to the patriarchal context in which they are applied. Empirical evidence from the Spanish (...) case offers further support to the argument, showing how EU gender policy is still trapped in the `Wollstonecraft dilemma'. A more holistic approach to EU gender policy, able to tackle all the areas of which patriarchy is composed, and an improved monitoring of EU gender policy implementation in the member states, could both generate a more effective gender policy in the EU and make further progress in solving the dilemma. (shrink)

The paper’s aim is to underline the growing phenomenon of categorization of EU migrants despite the existence of a common EU citizenship. It addresses legal categorization deriving from EU legislation and the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union, but also factual categorization arising from host member states’ practices. The legal categorization of EU migrants reveals a clear differential treatment between economically active and inactive EU mobile citizens. Member states’ practices very often go further than legal categorization (...) by excluding poor mobile citizens, viewed as abusers of rights or as a potential threat to local public order or security. This paper also investigates the incompleteness of EU citizenship, being unable to prevent categorization of EU migrants. (shrink)

Os primeiros seis parágrafos de O Desespero humano, de Kierkegaard, estão entre as passagens mais densas e difíceis de interpretar em toda sua obra. Nelas, ele expõe a natureza do eu em termos de relações e muitos têm interpretado isso como uma expressão da dialética de Hegel. Nesse artigo, leio aqueles parágrafos da lógica das relações de Peirce e mostro que Peirce nos permite entender Kierkegaard muito mais claramente do que Hegel. Além disso, apesar de tudo que Peirce e Hegel (...) têm em comum, Peirce o critica severamente com respeito à realidade da Segundidade. Analisando essa crítica e também o que Peirce e Kierkegaard dizem sobre a importância da dúvida vis-à-vis consciência, eu mostro que uma leitura Peirciana de Kierkegaard é bem mais frutífera do que a estruturaHegeliana que Kierkegaard conhecia. No final, eu reflito sobre a possibilidade de falar sobre um Kierkegaard semiótico e um Peirce existencialista. (shrink)

This article aims to highlight the theoretical and philosophical debate on hospitality underlining the normative elements of framing migrants and refugees as individual agents in the light of hospitality theory and migration governance. It argued the critiques of the neo-Kantian hospitality approach and the EU welcome culture with regard to refugees in the EU from a philosophical perspective. The “No human being is illegal” motto is proposed to be conceived as a principle of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. The (...) cosmopolitan right to visit and the universal right to reside were discussed in the context of human rights and co-responsibility. Linking the hospitality approach with migration governance enables the reconstruction of reception policies and practices, diversification of non-state actors that engage in migration governance mechanism, and polarization of political initiatives (e.g., politics of allocation and dispersal, readmission negotiations, convergence/divergence of priorities and strategic interests). The research findings highlight that the EU adopted a neo-Kantian hospitality approach that combines both “co-responsibility” and “vertical/heterarchical relations.” The EU’s “New Pact on Migration and Asylum” was considered proof of how the EU follows neo-Kantian hospitality that is manifested in dualism and contradictory approach. The study presents a typology that splits co-responsibility into individual/institutional actions and human rights/migration governance. (shrink)

In this paper we propose that the concept of mediatization should be used not only in the narrow sense to analyze the impact of media on the operational modes of the political system, but also in more general terms to capture the transformation of the public sphere and the changing conditions for the generation of political legitimacy. More specifically and with regard to the role of political communication on the internet, we focus on the transformative potential of online media in (...) terms of a) publicity: the capacity of the online media to focus public attention on the political process of the EU; b) participation: the capacity of the online media to include plural voices and activate the audience; and c) public opinion formation: the capacity of the online media to enable informed opinions. We test our mediatization model on the online debates that took place during the 2009 EU elections in 12 member-states and at the trans-European level. The findings confirm the mediatizing impact of online political communication on the generation of the political legitimacy of the EU. Online media constitute a virtually shared forum for political communication that political actors and users increasingly occupy developing homogenous patterns of evaluating European integration. Furthermore, the stronghold of offline media in the EU e-sphere and the tendency to discuss the EP elections within the frame of domestic politics reaffirm the key role of national political and media cultures. (shrink)

Defenders of current restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights in host member states often invoke a principle of reciprocity among member states to justify these policies. The argument is that membership of a system of social cooperation triggers duties of reciprocity characteristic of welfare rights. Newly arriving EU immigrants who look for work do not meet the relevant criteria of membership, the argument goes, because they have not yet contributed enough to qualify as members on the grounds of (...) reciprocity. Therefore, current restrictions on their access to welfare rights are justified. In this article, I challenge this argument by showing how restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights are inconsistent with duties of international reciprocity. There are different variations of this challenge, but my focus here will be on one that uses a veil of ignorance device to support this claim. What matters from a perspective concerned with international reciprocity, I will argue, is what kind of welfare policy EU member states would choose were they not to know whether those receiving EU migrants were net contributors or net beneficiaries to the relevant scheme of international cooperation made possible by the four freedoms, and freedom of movement in particular. I argue that framing the requirement of reciprocity in this way provides a more comprehensive understanding of what should count as an ‘unreasonable burden’ on the welfare systems of host member states. The paper also examines alternative accounts of ‘unreasonable burdens’. It shows when and how the current institutional structure of the EU could take steps to deal with such burdens by preventing member states from gaming a comprehensive system of welfare rights protections across member states and by recognising the achievements of those member states that best serve them. (shrink)

In recent years consumer law has come more and more into the focus of legislation within the EU. One of the EU’s key objectives, completing the final stage of the internal market, is to place consumer rights in the centre of it. Following the adaption of various consumer law measures for some decades, the EU has undertaken a thorough review of its consumer acquis. After years of consultations, the Consumer Rights Directive 2011/83/ EU, which was supposed to set new standards (...) of consumer protection, came into force and will have to be implemented by the Member States by 13 December, 2013. Renouncing its principal practice of minimum harmonisation in the area of consumer law, i.e. allowing Member States on the basis of Directives to adopt more protective rules, the EU legislator now turned to a targeted full harmonisation approach by means of the Consumer Rights Directive, aiming at increasing the consumer protection across the EU by bringing together the currently distinct laws for distance selling and off-premises contracts as well as other types of consumer contracts in a single instrument. The article briefly introduces the background of the Directive and discusses the shift in means of harmonisation concepts. Then, it analyses the scope, concepts and content of the Directive, which mainly brings considerable reforms in the areas of information requirements and the right of withdrawal. Taking into account the Directive’s improvements and shortcomings, conclusions are drawn that further harmonisation and a uniform and universally applicable set of European consumer rights are needed. (shrink)

eJudicial cooperation is a goal of EU policy. It appears to offer procedural and technical ICT solutions to enhancing EU security. This paper outlines particular dilemmas posed by operationalising ejudicial cooperation within the EU and its member states, and assesses how political weakness is reconfigured as a problem of technical ethics. The application of biometrics and ICT based ejustice potentially bring the EU closer to the citizen without closing the confidence and trust deficit. The paper first outlines three political dilemmas (...) of ejudicial cooperation: political competence, public accountability, and globalisation imperatives. It examines the rationale for introducing biometric IDs, highlighting a general problem of ejudicial cooperation and egovernance which aggravate the trust deficit. Then, it assesses the technical and managerial procedures to ethical practices for quality justice and security to combat the trust deficits which elude open public accountability and compromise trust. (shrink)

O "eu penso" solitário de Descartes é fonte inspiradora para Pascal. Mantendo-o em sua solidáo, o autor ressalta a dificuldade de, pela razáo, estabelecer algum vínculo entre Deus e o homem. As cesuras entre o eu e Deus, resulta, em Pascal, na impossibilidade de estabelecer objetivamente a existência do eu no tempo. Nosso objetivo neste artigo é sublinhar tais questões.

Afirmar que a ética habermasiana se limita a um formalismo significa negar suas contribuições. Todavia, só é possível compreender a proposta de uma étca de mínimos e uma ética de máximos desde uma critica aos possiveis limites do procedimentalismo de Habermas.

This chapter examines the role of law in European Union (EU) external relations from two perspectives. First, it examines the EU as a rule‐based (international) actor Law and focuses mainly on EU law‐ governs both the extent of the European Union's external powers and their exercise, the constitutional foundations of EU external relations and the legal principles that govern external action. Second the chapter turns to the European Union's characteristic use of law as an instrument and objective of its foreign (...) policy, the European Union as a promoter of a rule‐based international order. The role of the Parliament in the conclusion of international treaties, which are often regulatory or quasi‐legislative in character, brings to the final theme of this contribution: the role played by law as both an instrument and a goal of EU foreign policy. (shrink)

resumo O presente artigo tem por objetivo tomar partido diante do texto de Guéroult Fichte et Schopenhauer, abordando as diferenças entre ambos ao enfrentarem a questão do eu. Partimos do problema da coisa-em-si kantiana, considerada como causa do fenômeno, e as respectivas soluções propostas por Fichte e Schopenhauer, para nos posicionarmos em relação às críticas de Guéroult a Schopenhauer, que evidenciam sobretudo as incoerências do idealismo desse último. O nosso propósito é afinal, não deixando de dar razão a Guéroult, realçar (...) a especificidade da filosofia schopenhaueriana no que se refere ao “eu”, mostrando que a força e originalidade de seu pensamento estaria justamente na falha que comete ao abandonar o rigor do idealismo de Fichte, salientado e louvado por Guéroult. palavras-chave coisa-em-si; idealismo; sujeito; objeto; fenômeno; causalidade. (shrink)

O presente artigo tem por objetivo tomar partido diante do texto de GuéroultFichte et Schopenhauer, abordando as diferenças entre ambos ao enfrentarem a questão doeu. Partimos do problema da coisa-em-si kantiana, considerada como causa do fenômeno,e as respectivas soluções propostas por Fichte e Schopenhauer, para nos posicionarmos emrelação às críticas de Guéroult a Schopenhauer, que evidenciam sobretudo as incoerênciasdo idealismo desse último. O nosso propósito é afinal, não deixando de dar razão aGuéroult, realçar a especificidade da filosofia schopenhaueriana no que (...) se refere ao “eu”,mostrando que a força e originalidade de seu pensamento estaria justamente na falha quecomete ao abandonar o rigor do idealismo de Fichte, salientado e louvado por Guéroult. (shrink)

This article argues that only a limited form of EU citizenship is available to transgender people. As the paper demonstrates, transgender Union citizens face numerous difficulties when they exercise their right to free movement, despite such movement being the core of Union citizenship. Rather, transgender individuals only have access to a considerably restricted form of EU citizenship which is guaranteed as part of their fundamental status conferred by EU Treaties. The article points out that the current approach of including transgender (...) discrimination in the purview of discrimination on the grounds of sex fails to tackle the issue because it is conceptually problematic and largely ineffective. As a solution to remedy the issue, the paper suggests overhauling the existent approach to trans discrimination in a way that makes it capable of ensuring that transgender persons enjoy their Union citizenship to its fullest extent. (shrink)

The European System of Financial Supervision (ESFS) was established by the EU at the beginning of 2011. Participating in its operation are national authorities and EU bodies (or agencies), which are known as European Supervisory Authorities (ESAs). Under the ESFS, day-to-day supervision remains overwhelmingly a matter for national authorities, but the ESAs are vested with certain intervention powers over national authorities and, exceptionally, over market actors. The aim of this article is to ask questions about the division of labour between (...) the ESAs and the national authorities. Thereby, it seeks to participate in the debate on what ought to be the future direction of the ESFS. Specifically, it seeks to open the debate on whether intervention-based supervision or EU day-to-day supervision should be preferred. Focusing mainly on the European Securities and Markets Authority (as one of the ESAs), the article concludes that intervention-based supervision has prima facie more to offer. (shrink)

The gradual development of European Union (EU) immigration and asylum law has been characterized by two related, ongoing tensions: the conflict between EU competence in this field and national sovereignty, and the friction between immigration control and the protection of human rights. The EU's approach to resolving the two key tensions in this area are assessed by examining the four key subjects addressed by immigration law: visas and border controls, irregular migration, legal migration, and asylum. The European Union has been (...) more active in the fields of visas and border controls than in any other area of immigration and asylum law owing to the early development of a legal framework, originally in the form of the Schengen Convention. As for irregular migration, the European Union's initial piecemeal approach has been supplemented by the adoption of the fairly comprehensive Returns Directive. (shrink)