Ang sanaysay na ito ay isang deskriptibong pagbasa sa To Be in History: Dark Days of Authoritarianism na pinatnugutan ni Melba Padilla Maggay, sa lente ng “kuwentong buhay,” partikular na ang bersyon nito na dinalumat ni Clemen Aquino, isa sa mga pangunahing tagapagtaguyod ng Sosyolohiyang Pilipino. Sisiyasatin ang saysay ng mga kuwentong buhay na nilalaman ng akda sa konteksto ng mga kontemporaryong reyalidad ng lipunang Pilipino, tulad ng rehimeng Duterte, pagsuporta ng mga Kristiyano sa mga represibong administrasyon, at pambabaluktot ng (...) kasaysayan. (shrink)

Introduksiyon -/- 50-50. Fifty-fifty. Sa bigkas ng mga Pinoy, “pipti-pipti.” Sa kontekstong Pilipino, pantukoy ito sa kalagayan ng taong nasa kritikal na kalagayan. Limampung porsyento ng tsansang makaligtas, limampung porsyento ng tsansang masawi. Kilala ito sa iba pang katawagan sa Pilipinas bilang “naghihingalo,” “nasa bingit ng kamatayan” o “nag-aagawbuhay.” Ganito mailalarawan ang kalagayan ng lipunang Pilipino sa ilalim ng Batas Militar ni Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. Para sa mga pabor sa Batas Militar at mga loyalista ni Marcos, (...) 50-50 dahil sa banta raw ng komunismo at tangkang pagpapabagsak sa Republika. Para sa mga kritiko’t lumaban sa diktadura, 50- 50 dahil sa pang-aabuso’t paniniil ng rehimen laban sa taumbayan. 50-50. Ito ang sa tingin nami’y nababagay na pamagat ng aklat na ito. Una, ginugunita ng sambayanang Pilipino ngayong 2022 ang ika-50 taong anibersaryo ng Batas Militar. Idineklara ni Marcos noong Setyembre 21, 1972 ang Proclamation 1081 na naglagay sa buong bansa sa ilalim ng kamay na bakal. Pangalawa, itinatampok ng aklat ang 50 personalidad na may mga direkta at aktibong papel para o laban sa Batas Militar. Dalawampu’t lima (25) ang nagmula sa bakuran ng rehimeng Marcos. Bukod sa diktador at kanyang pamilya, sila ang mga pangunahing tagapagbalangkas at tagapagpatupad ng Batas Militar. Kasabwat sila sa kabuuang operasyon ng mga mekanismo ng awtoritaryanismong ito – mapapulitikal, ekonomiko o sosyokultural man. Sila rin ang mga nakinabang, kung hindi man nagpakasasa, sa lahat ng mga ganansyang dulot ng kolaborasyon at paglilingkod sa diktadura. Ang nalalabing 25 ay binubuo naman ng mga humamon at nanindigan laban sa kamay na bakal. Magkakaiba ang kanilang pinagmulan, mga adhikain at dulog sa pagtindig laban sa Batas Militar – armadong pakikibaka, pagkilos sa mga lansangan, paglaban mula sa pulpito, at iba pa. (shrink)

This book introduces readers to the legal epistemology that is advocated within Twelver Shi'ite usul al-fiqh (legal theory). It critically surveys the epistemological underpinnings upheld by post-19th century Uṣūlīclerics that impel them to mainly deduce and interpret Sharia using scripture and literalist hermeneutical methods. An evaluation of these underpinnings uncovers the important juxtaposition that exists between the seminarian discourses of usul al-fiqh and philosophy. The book hypothesises that usul al-fiqh has both space and historical precedence to accept alternative epistemological theories (...) that may enable orthodox Shi'ite clerics to display greater dynamism in deducing and interpreting Sharia. (shrink)

Anthology of Sanskrit maxims with Sanskrit explanation, chiefly presenting the Nyaya school in Indic philosophy.

Abstract‘Yellow Rain’, an alleged biological warfare agent thought to be utilized in parts of both South East Asia and Afghanistan, may be composed in part of the mycotoxins, trichothecenes. However, more recent analyses suggest that the ‘Rain’ was mainly honey bee excreta. The history of the controversy together with the biological effects, chemistry as well as the fungi producing these mycotoxins and agricultural commodities affected by trichothecenes are reviewed.

O presente artigo procura resgatar um dos períodos mais intensos e menos estudados da Guerra Fria no Brasil, quando duas correntes militares antípodas política e ideológicas atuaram na perspectiva de influenciar através de suas entidades de classe um projeto de nação. Entretanto, essa reflexão tem por foco, os militares nacionalistas e de esquerda, oficiais e praças das forças armadas cuja intervenção foi bem sucedida ao final, com a vitória da Tese do Monopólio Estatal do Petróleo e não intervenção brasileira no (...) conflito coreano, embora ao custo de uma repressão sobre centenas de militares, muitos deles presos e torturados e até hoje não anistiados, demonstrando em última instância, a fragilidade da democracia e do Estado Democrático e de Direito no Brasil.The Military and the Cold War in Brazil The present article seeks to recover one of the most intense and least studied period of the Cold War in Brazil, when two military antipodal political and ideological currents acted in the perspective of influencing through its class entities a nation project. However, this reflection is focused on the nationalist and leftist military, officers and squares of the armed forces whose intervention was successful in the end, with the victory of the Thesis of the State Petroleum Monopoly and not Brazilian intervention in the Korean conflict, although at cost of a crackdown on hundreds of soldiers, many of them imprisoned and tortured and still unamused, demonstrating in the last instance the fragility of democracy and the Democratic State and Law in Brazil. Resumen Los Militares y la Guerra Fría en Brasil El presente artículo busca rescatar uno del período más intensos y menos estudiados de la Guerra Fría en Brasil, cuando dos corrientes militares antípodas políticas e ideológicas actuaron en la perspectiva de influenciar a través de sus entidades de clase un proyecto de nación. Sin embargo, esta reflexión tiene por foco, los militares nacionalistas y de izquierda, oficiales y plazas de las fuerzas armadas cuya intervención fue exitosa al final, con la victoria de la Tesis del Monopolio Estatal del Petróleo y no intervención brasileña en el conflicto coreano, aunque al costo de una represión sobre cientos de militares, muchos de ellos presos y torturados y hasta hoy no aniquilados, demostrando en última instancia, la fragilidad de la democracia y del Estado Democrático y de Derecho en Brasil. (shrink)

On the life and works of Śaṅkarācārya, religious reformer and exponent of the Advaita Vedanta school in Hindu philosophy; includes an account of the institutions founded by him.

Throughout, Latin America retained its primacy in global planning. As Washington was considering the overthrow of the Allende government in Chile in 1971, Nixon's National Security Council observed that if the US cannot control Latin America, it cannot expect "to achieve a successful order elsewhere in the world." That policy problem has become more severe with recent South American moves towards integration, a prerequisite for independence, and establishment of more varied international ties, while also beginning to address severe internal disorders, (...) most importantly, the traditional rule of a rich Europeanized minority over a sea of misery and suffering. (shrink)

The decade-long search for Osama bin Laden—in which a manhunt was conducted as part of a full-scale war—was a watershed moment for US foreign policy in the twenty-first Century. Bin Laden was not simply elusive, but ephemerally ghost-like. Similar Militarized Interstate Manhunts (MIMs) are also deeply ingrained in the security politics of the US at its Southwestern border. Specifically, the militarized cross-border pursuits of Pancho Villa in the 1910s and The Apache Kid in the 1890s, serve as analogs to the (...) “War on Terror,” especially regarding the allegedly-novel chasing of “ghostly” targets. Building on Jacques Derrida, we explore the role of an “absent/presence” by analyzing the claims of the ghostliness of the target in the context of concurrent claims about the unprecedented nature of events. These cases highlight the importance of the “absent/presence” in making military manhunts thinkable, and explain how the pursuit of “spectral” bodies authorizes exceptional military acts that would otherwise be violations of state sovereignty. (shrink)

Tocquevilles Auseinandersetzung mit militärischen Fragen geschieht sozusagen auf zwei Fronten, der theoretischen und der praktischen bzw. tagespolitischen. Im dritten Teil der zweiten Démocratie widmet er die fünf letzten Kapitel der militärischen Frage. Dort untersucht er, wie demokratische Gesellschaften sich gegenüber dem Krieg positionieren und wie das Heer in solchen Gesellschaften aussieht und funktioniert. Auf praktischer Front befasste sich Tocqueville mit zwei kriegerischen Episoden, in die sein Heimatland unmittelbar involviert war, nämlich der Krimkrieg einerseits und der Eroberungskrieg in Algerien andererseits.

Tocquevilles Auseinandersetzung mit militärischen Fragen geschieht sozusagen auf zwei Fronten, der theoretischen und der praktischen bzw. tagespolitischen. Im dritten Teil der zweiten Démocratie widmet er die fünf letzten Kapitel der militärischen Frage. Dort untersucht er, wie demokratische Gesellschaften sich gegenüber dem Krieg positionieren und wie das Heer in solchen Gesellschaften aussieht und funktioniert. Auf praktischer Front befasste sich Tocqueville mit zwei kriegerischen Episoden, in die sein Heimatland unmittelbar involviert war, nämlich der Krimkrieg (1854–1856) einerseits und der Eroberungskrieg in Algerien andererseits.

O genocídio indígena esteve presente na ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985), assim como em todos os períodos após as invasões portuguesas de 1500. A partir do uso dos ideais coloniais e da estrutura capitalista, as políticas de desenvolvimentismo com as invasões às terras indígenas culminaram no genocídio que foi protagonizado pelo Exército Brasileiro. Segundo a Comissão Nacional da Verdade, mais de 8.350 indígenas foram mortos durante o período de 1946 a 1988, número este que pode ser bem maior, dado que (...) o levantamento da CNV contabilizou apenas 10 povos –, dentre eles, 2.650 do povo Waimiri Atroari. O principal evento em que as mortes dos Waimiri Atroari ocorreram foi a construção da BR-174 que liga Manaus a Boa Vista. A Comissão Nacional da Verdade, estabelecida com a Lei 12.528/2011, teve o objetivo de examinar e esclarecer as graves violações de direitos humanos praticadas no período de 1946 a 1988. Por meio do campo teórico-metodológico da História do Tempo Presente foi possível analisar os temas elencados para apontar as feridas ainda abertas na história e memória nacional. (shrink)

Subject to severe financial constraints while operating within a regime of moral panics driven by the `war on terrorism', higher education in the United States faces both a legitimation crisis and a political crisis. With its increasing reliance on Pentagon and corporate interests, the academy has largely opened its doors to serving private and governmental interests and in doing so has compromised its role as a democratic public sphere. This article situates the development of the university as a militarized knowledge (...) factory within the broader context of what I call the biopolitics of militarization and its increasing influence and power within American society after the tragic events of September 11, 2001. Highlighting and critically engaging the specific ways in which the forces of militarization are shaping various aspects of university life, this article focuses on the growth of militarized knowledge and research, the increasing development of academic programs and schools that serve military personnel, and the ongoing production of military values and subject positions on US campuses. It also charts how the alliance between the university and the national security state has undermined the university as a site of criticism, dissent and critical dialogue. (shrink)

The measurement of light and colour has always been a peripheral science. Light became a 'disciplined' quantity over the period of a century, but the specialist communities that measured it did not. The quantification of visible light (photometry), colour (colorimetry), and radiant intensity (radiometry) involved distinct communities of physicists, psychologists, technicians and engineers. -/- This chapter of _Science in the Shadows_ examines how the measurement of non-visible light became the domain of post Second World War military engineers and classified development (...) programmes. (shrink)

La educación militar y el tratamiento pedagógico se muestran afectados a través del adiestramiento recibido por el Colegio Militar Leoncio Prado La ciudad y los perros, al igual que el fallo de la ética y la religión. No se pudo precisar que hubiera señales de que la formación del estudiante se hallase en buenas condiciones y óptimo cuidado, puesto que en esa institución no se eliminaron los posibles riesgos perjudiciales del medio. Se imparte también una educación violenta (con (...) la imposición de un poder y una cultura arbitrarios); no hay un modelo de educador carismático o liberador; por lo tanto, se concibe, en términos de Pierre Bourdieu y Passeron, una educación informal, por la que el proceso continuo de adquisición de conocimientos y competencias no se ubica en ningún cuadro institucional. Además, se encuentra afectada la enseñanza por el problema tercermundista y la falta de democracia. (shrink)

De 1964 a 1985 o Brasil viveu sob um regime de governo ditatorial que de acordo com a historiografia mais recente foi sustentado, em grande parte, pela própria sociedade civil (MELO, 2012; COMISSÃO, 2014). Mais recentemente, a partir dos anos 1980, cresce o movimento de criação de espaços de memória corporativos com o objetivo de tornar pública a trajetória histórica das empresas (COSTA; SARAIVA, 2011). Dentre estes espaços, adquire relevância os Centros de Memória e documentação como lugares de armazenamento e (...) lembrança de memória organizacional, que ajudam a construir simbolicamente a imagem organizacional e a fornecer um senso de coerência e trajetória linear (RIBEIRO; BARBOSA, 2007). Neste contexto, e com base na documentação disponibilizada pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade, a presente pesquisa tem por objetivo identificar como o Museu Histórico da Fundação Bradesco retrata (ou deixa de retratar) o relacionamento da empresa Bradesco com o governo brasileiro no período da ditadura civil-militar. FIRMS, BRAZILIAN CIVIL-MILITARE DICTATORSHIP, AND MEMORY AND CORPORATIVE DOCUMENTATION CENTERS: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY From 1964 to 1985, Brazil lived under a dictatorial system of government that according to the latest historiography was sustained largely by civil society (MELO, 2012; COMISSÃO, 2014). More recently, since the 1980s, it is possible to be noticed the growing movement of creation of corporate memory spaces in order to make public the historical trajectory of the companies (COSTA and SARAIVA, 2011). Among these spaces, acquires relevance the Corporate Documentation and Memory Centers, which help to symbolically build the organizational image and to provide a sense of consistency and linear trajectory (RIBEIRO and BARBOSA, 2007). In this context, and based on documentation provided by the National Commission of Truth, this research aims to identify how the History Museum of Bradesco Foundation portrays (or does not portray) the relationship between Bradesco company and the Brazilian government in the period of civil-military dictatorship. (shrink)

The struggle for peace and social progress was and remains a strategic policy of the Soviet state. As the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, M.S. Gorbachev, stated it at the Extraordinary March Plenum of the Central Committee, it is now vital to reach agreement "on an immediate end to the arms race—particularly nuclear arms—on earth and the banning of it in space.".

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo fazer uma reflexão da ditadura civil militar brasileira com os conceitos filosóficos políticos de Giorgio Agamben. Procuramos analisar os conceitos de vida nua, estado de exceção e campo os quais serão elementos essências que nos permitirão fazer uma reflexão sobre a Ditadura civil militar brasileira sobre um ponto de vista filosófico político.

El involucramiento del Estado en la producción de políticas de memoria durante los gobiernos kirchneristas (2003-2015) fue objeto de fuertes polémicas. Nos proponemos abordar este proceso considerando los perfiles, prácticas y lógicas de identificación de los “trabajadores de la memoria”, es decir los agentes estatales que tuvieron a su cargo el desarrollo de un conjunto de las políticas de memoria que se implementaron: ¿cuáles eran sus trayectorias? ¿Cómo entendieron su quehacer específico en relación con la memoria? ¿De qué saberes, narraciones (...) y /o recursos simbólicos se sirvieron? Utilizando una metodología cualitativa, veremos cómo se anudaron, a lo largo de todo el período, un modo de habitar las agencias estatales signado por el “compromiso militante”, una causa —entendida como la demanda por “memoria, verdad y justicia”— y una identidad política anclada en el kirchnerismo, con sus respectivos marcos de interpretación del pasado. (shrink)

This work explores the increasing militarization of borders throughout the world, particularly the United States border with Mexico. Rather than further rhetoric of "border security," this work views increases in guards, technology and the building of walls as militarized action. The goal of this essay is to place the onus upon states to justify their actions at borders in ways that do not appeal to tropes of terrorism. This work then explores how a logic of security infiltrates philosophical discussions of (...) "the right to exclude," thereby curtailing the ability to see borders in any other way than as a locale that must be militarized. Specifically, I analyze the work of Michael Blake and his juridical theory of immigration restrictions. I argue that his work necessitates the walling of borders and removal of those who create new obligations for current members of existing political institutions. (shrink)

Southeast Asia has numerous religions and diverse forms of state-governance, so the populations largely have the freedom to express themselves within the context of their society. Expressing oneself can occur within the context of their religion, using the language they have been cultured within, if they remain in their cultural-context. This paper explores the context of Buddhist nations using militarized-language, seen as problematic by Dr. Matthew Kosuta, who professes in his masters-thesis that it is a contradiction. A portion of my (...) article refutes his position, on the grounds that Buddhism developed within the Hindu-Brahmanism context and caste was normalized in regions influenced by such culture. Equally, it could be noted, the Buddha also used a language that was suitable for agriculturalists, merchants, Brahmins, so a militarized-language was just one way to speak to some people within their own social context, which was understandable not just to them, but to anyone interested in attaining Nibbāna. (shrink)

Die Beiträge des Sammelbandes beschäftigen sich mit dem Spannungsfeld von Physik, Krieg und Friedensengagement. Ausgehend von der physikalischen Gemeinschaft im Ersten Weltkrieg diskutieren die Autoren Rüstungsforschung jenseits der großen Brennpunkte wie Atomwaffen – von Röntgenblitzen bis zum Laser. Zum anderen setzen sich die Autoren mit den ethisch begründeten Debatten und daraus resultierend mit dem zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagement von Physikern wie Albert Einstein und Hans Thirring auseinander, sei es individuell oder organisiert wie in der Pugwash-Bewegung.

O autor incursiona no campo da sociologia militar, com um texto contendo exemplificações e citações de episódios históricos relevantes aos transes vividos nos dias de hoje. É de interesse para militares, civis e pesquisadores especialmente àqueles que desejam compreender 'a mentalidade' militar.

50 ANOS DO GOLPE MILITAR FASCISTA DE 1º DE ABRIL DE 1964.