The editors conclude the volume with a study of recent German and UK reforms and their effects on personal savings.ContributorsTheodore C. Bergstrom, A. Lans Bovenberg, Antoine Bozio, Woojen Chung, Juan C. Conesa, Gabrielle Demange, Richard ...

L’ouvrage de M. Pestieau, intéressant et substantiel, s’articule autour de trois thèmes on ne peut plus actuels: la fragmentation des nations, la mondialisation de l’économie et l’impact de ces deux phénomènes sur la souveraineté de l’État et la santé des institutions démocratiques. Concernant le premier thème, l’auteur aborde entre autres les questions du nationalisme, du multiculturalisme et du droit de sécession. Au sujet du second, l’auteur traite des effets de la mondialisation sur l’emploi et la répartition des richesses, de (...) l’aide au développement, de la pertinence des interventions économiques de l’État, de la constitution de grands blocs économiques, etc. Enfin, considérant les défis soulevés par les deux thèmes précédents, l’auteur fait le point sur la démocratisation des institutions et associations internationales, le fédéralisme, le patriotisme constitutionnel et le nationalisme culturel. Sur toutes ces questions, le propos se veut général et universel, mais les cas du Canada et du Québec servent souvent d’exemples. Accompagne cette ambitieuse table des matières, une bibliographie considérable que l’auteur semble tout à fait maîtriser. (shrink)

Bien des difficultés que nous éprouvons à comprendre les oeuvres philosophiques des Anciens proviennent souvent du fait que nous commmettons en les interprétant un double anachronisme: nous croyons que, comme beaucoup d'oeuvres modernes, elles sont destinées à communiquer des informations concernant un contenu conceptuel donné et que nous pouvons aussi en tirer directement des renseignements clairs sur la pensée et la psychologie de leur auteur. Mais en fait, elles sont très souvent des exercices spirituels que l'auteur pratique lui-même et fait (...) pratiquer à son lecteur. Elles sont destinées à former les âmes. Elles ont une valeur psychagogique. (shrink)

In traditional epistemology, psychological self-knowledge is taken to be the paradigm of privleged a priori knowledge. According to an influential incompatibilist line of thought, traditional epistemic features attributed to psychological self-knowledge are supposed to be inconsistent with content externalism. In this paper, I examine one prominent compatibilist response by an advocate of content externalism, i.e., Fred Dretske's answer tot he incompatibilist argument, based on the model of displaced perceptual knowledge. I discuss the costs and benefits of his answer.

Pierre Bourdieu is arguably one of the twentieth century’s greatest socio-philosophical thinkers and his writings have much to offer anyone interested in the ways that people value, consume and produce architecture. Bourdieu spent much of his life attempting to understand cultural consumption and production through detailed empirical research that included studies of dwellings, art, museums, photography and aesthetics. This book introduces the architectural reader to Bourdieu’s key writings on culture and outlines the ways in which they offer powerful practical (...) tools and novel conceptual frameworks for understanding architectural value, taste, and practice. (shrink)

Synthesizing forty years' work by France's leading sociologist, this book exemplifies Bourdieu's unique ability to link sociological theory, historical information, and philosophical thought. It makes explicit the presuppositions of a state of 'scholasticism', a certain leisure liberated from the urgencies of the world. Philosophers have brought these presuppositions into the order of discourse, more to legitimate than analyze them, and this is the primary systematic, epistemological, ethical, and aesthetic error that Bourdieu subjects to methodological critique. Pascalian because he, too, was (...) concerned with symbolic power, he refused the temptation of foundationalist thinking, attended to 'ordinary people', and was determined to seek the reason for seemingly illogical behavior rather than simply condemning it. Bourdieu charts a negative philosophy, whose intellectual debt to such other 'heretical' philosophers as Wittgenstein, Austin, Dewey, and Peirce, renews traditional questioning of concepts of violence, power, time, history, the universal, and the purpose and direction of existence. (shrink)

The authors develop an analysis of education. They show how education carries an essentially arbitrary cultural scheme which is actually based on power. More widely, the reproduction of culture through education is shown to play a key part in the reproduction of the whole social system.

Cambrai, Bibl. munic. 940, ff. 1-59 [integralement reproduit]--Bibl. Vatic. Reg. Lat. 689 A, ff. 334-353.--Bibl. Vatic. Reg. Lat. 1653, ff, 1v-2v (feuilles de garde), ff. 3r, 29r-35r.--Pièces justificatives.

According to an influential view, one function of mirror neurons (MNs), first discovered in the brain of monkeys, is to underlie third‐person mindreading. This view relies on two assumptions: the activity of MNs in an observer’s brain matches (simulates or resonates with) that of MNs in an agent’s brain and this resonance process retrodictively generates a representation of the agent’s intention from a perception of her movement. In this paper, I criticize both assumptions and I argue instead that the activity (...) of MNs in an observer’s brain is enhanced by a prior representation of the agent’s intention and that their task is to predictively compute the best motor command suitable to satisfy the agent’s intention. (shrink)

Martin Heidegger's overt alliance with the Nazis and the specific relation between this alliance and his philosophical thought--the degree to which his concepts are linked to a thoroughly disreputable set of political beliefs--have been the topic of a storm of recent debate. Written ten years before this debate, this study by France's leading sociologist and cultural theorist is both a precursor of that debate and an analysis of the institutional mechanisms involved in the production of philosophical discourse. Though Heidegger is (...) aware of and acknowledges the legitimacy of purely philosophical issues, Bourdieu points out that the complexity and abstraction of Heidegger's philosophical discourse stems from its situation in the cultural field, where two social and intellectual dimensions--political thought and academic thought--intersect. Bourdieu concludes by suggesting that Heidegger should not be considered as a Nazi ideologist, that there is no place in Heidegger's philosophical ideas for a racist conception of the human being. Rather, he sees Heidegger's thought as a structural equivalent in the field of philosophy of the "conservative revolution," of which Nazism is but one manifestation. (shrink)

Are there any advantages to thinking and speaking about ethical business in the language of citizenship? We will address this question in part by looking at the possible relevance of a vast literature on individual citizenship that has been produced by political philosophers over the last fifteen years. Some of the central elements of citizenship do not seem to apply straightforwardly to corporations. E.g., “citizenship” typically implies membership in a state and an identity akinto national identity; but this connotation of (...) citizenship is obviously problematic for multinational corporations. However, the language of citizenship does help to focus our attention on various legal and political virtues for corporations—topics that have been largely neglected by discussions under other rubrics, such as CSR or sustainability. We finish with an evaluation of the potential benefits and costs of conceptualizing and talking about ethical business practices in thelanguage of citizenship.“Citizen” and “Citizenship” are powerful words. They speak of respect, of rights, of dignity.... We find no perjorative uses. It is a weighty, monumental, humanist word.—Fraser and Gordon 1994: 90[The rhetorical appeal to citizenship often] seems to have no purpose other than to add normative weight to a policy, institution or practice that could just asaptly be described without reference to citizenship.—Weinstock 2002: 244. (shrink)

Dans cet article, j'envisagerai quelques voies par lesquelles des sociétés dites primitives surent éviter et la soumission à l'État et la guerre généralisée.On comprend que pour opposer un front commun à leurs ennemis, des hommes soient amenés à s'allier et, pour ce faire, échangent de bons precédés, des biens et des femmes. Ainsi, les nécessités de la guerre entraîneraient la formation d'alliances.

Cet article tentera de dèfinir le fascisme. Une premiére partie rendra comptedu dernier livre deZeev Sternhell, Ni gauche ni droite. Ce livre èclaire le fascisme français d'une façon qui fut trés contestèe mais qui demeure originale. Une deuxiéme partie insistera sur l'ambiguïtè du discours fasciste et critiquera cer-taines théses de Sternhell. Une troisiéme partie s'efforcera de cerner le fascisme europèen de l'entre-deux-guerres et montrera la complèmen-taritè de diverses grilles d'analyse. Dans une quatrième partie, on trai-tera des raisons psychologiques et des (...) conditions sociales de son succés populaire. Car ce succés est une de ses caractèristiques les plus trou-blantes. Enfin, dans une cinquiéme partie, on verra que des règimes politiques trés diffèrents sont accusès de fascisme, parce que chacun, par un trait ou par un autre, ressemble au fascisme de Mussolini ou de Hitler. Mais cela ne justifie pas qu'on les rassemble sous un même vocable. On suggèrera done de restreindre l'usage de la notion de fascisme. (shrink)

Habituellement, les hommes politiques justifient ce qu'ils font en se référant à des idéaux reconnus. Il arrive que les idéaux invoqués correspondent à des intentions ou à des objectifs réels. Mais les invoquer, c'est aussi un moyen de propagande, un moyen de gagner du pouvoir. Dans cet article, il est question des ambiguïtés et des limites du discours éthique dans la pratique politique. Il s'agit non seulement de comprendre que ce discours peut être plus ou moins rusé ou mystificateur. Il (...) s'agit aussi de dénoncer des idéaux unilatéraux ou démesurés. Il en est de grandiloquents, qui mobilisent et enthousiasment jusqu'au fanatisme des partisans, qui mettent en danger la liberté de tous et la paix de la cité.Political figures usually justify their actions by referring to established ideals. Sometimes these ideals do coincide with actual aims and intentions. But reference to such ideals is also a form of propaganda, a way of gaining power. This article discusses the limitations and ambiguities of ethical reference in politics. It goes beyond the demonstration that such reference can be guileful or manipulating to denounce ideals which are unilateral or immoderate. Some of these are grandiloquent and they mobilize and enthuse their adherents to the point of fanaticism thus endangering the liberty of all and the peace of the city. (shrink)

Des contraintes qui relèvent du conformisme moral et idéologique s'imposent là où il n'y a pas de pouvoir étatique. La survie de l'humanité et la culture ne requièrent pas nécessairement l'Etat, contrairement à ce que pensait Hobbes, mais elles ne vont pas sans normes contraignantes. Celles-ci s'imposent d'autant mieux qu'elles paraissent liees à l'ordre du monde. Dans cet article, j'envisagerai d'abord comment les sociétés sans Etat conservent scrupuleusement les coutumes qui les régissent. C'est le conservatisme des traditions qui permet à (...) ces sociétés de se passer d'un pouvoir séparé d'elles-mêmes. C'est leur refus de reconnaître un tel pouvoir qui les oblige au conservatisme. Je verrai ensuite comment Rousseau qui voulait établir un contrat social sans Léviathan, en arrive également à refuser l'évolution historique et à vouloir instituer ou maintenir une organisation sociale et morale capable d'auto-régulation. (shrink)

My paper is divided into two parts. In the first one, I try to categorize the different strands in the criticism of development. In the second part, I discuss the values which could give a sound direction to development.I distinguish five different kinds of criticism.- First, the Marxist inspired approach. Development is seen as the result of imperialism, the satellization of a periphery around and for the benefit of a center or a class in a center.- Second, the criticism of (...) the extreme left. According to it, development no longer has either subjects or ends. The anonymous industrial system feeds on itself.- Third, the Greens' criticism. Ecological considerations are becoming more and more intractable limits to development.- A fourth kind of criticism is the culturalist one : development tends to suppress the originalities of the world's different cultures.- Fifth, some critics reject the technical mastery of the universe and seek a more convivial and more receptive attitude. The two last criticisms are still more radical. But we cannot turn the clock back, our only choice is to limit and repair the damage development has already done. We must redirect it, not refuse it. In the second part of my paper, I indicate the direction develop- ment should take : an utilitarian direction, that is to say, a maximization of collective utilities within a plan. But I stress three shortcomings of such an approach which need to be corrected by entrenched funda- mental rights.- First, utilitarianism aims at collective benefit but can be blind to the distribution of costs and to the rights of persons and minorities.- Second, planning inevitably ignores those ends whose beneficial consequences cannot be factored in. For example, the health of the elderly is a dead end whereas the health of the labour force of the future is desirable for the stream of benefits it promises.- Third, our values change, so planning has to be a process of constant revision. A democratic process, founded on and protected by fundamental rights can counter these three shortcomings.- First, defending each person's rights is a way to limit sacrifices imposed on individuals in the name of a collective good or development.- Second, rights of association and political expression for the poorest ensure that they have a say in choosing social policies.- Third, the respect of each person's fundamental rights is an ultimate end and gives a sense of direction to all social policies. (shrink)