Year:

  1.  2
    Hayek’s Vicarious Secularization of Providential Theology.Tim Christiaens - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (1):71-95.
    Friedrich Hayek’s defense of neoliberal free market capitalism hinges on the distinction between economies and catallaxies. The former are orders instituted via planning, whereas the latter are spontaneous competitive orders resulting from human action without human design. I argue that this distinction is based on an incomplete semantic history of “economy.” By looking at the meaning of “oikonomia” in medieval providential theology as explained by Giorgio Agamben and Joseph Vogl, I argue how Hayek’s science of catallactics is itself a secularization (...)
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  2.  3
    The Place of the Iranian Revolution in the History of Truth: Foucault on Neoliberalism, Spirituality and Enlightenment.Patrick Gamez - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (1):96-124.
    In this article I want to argue that Foucault’s engagement with the Iranian Revolution was neither romantic fascist atavism nor does it presage any sort of transformation of his thought. Indeed, Foucault’s investigations of neoliberalism and subsequent work on spirituality, truth-telling and ethics are fully continuous with his critical genealogy of power. This is an important point, as we shall see, insofar as Foucault’s journalism on the Iranian Revolution occurs in the midst of his Collège de France lectures on biopolitics (...)
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  3.  1
    The Poetics of Meaningful Work: An Analogy to Speech Acts.Todd Mei - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (1):1-21.
    Meaningful work refers to the idea that human work is an integral part of the way we think of our lives as going well. The concept is prevalent in sociology and business studies. In philosophy, its discussion tends to revolve around matters of justice and whether the State should take steps to eradicate meaningless work. However, despite the breadth of the recent, general literature, there is little to no discussion about how it is in fact the case that work is (...)
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  4.  1
    Public Reason: A Stranger in Non-Liberal and Religious Societies?Dara Salam - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (1):3-26.
    The article contributes to the discussion of political reasoning in general, and public reason in particular, analysed from the vantage point of comparative political theory. It aims to bring out the complexity and diversity of actual political reasoning, and it serves as a corrective to some over-simplified discussions of public reason, by defenders and critics alike. I argue that the notion of public reason can be extended to and is operative in non-liberal and religious societies, with the acknowledgment that it (...)
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  5.  1
    Affinity and Antagonism: Structuralism, Comparison and Transformation in Pluralist Political Ontology.Ben Turner - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (1):27-49.
    This article develops a comparative and recursive approach to political ontology by drawing on the ontological turn in anthropology. It claims that if ontological commitments define reality, then the use of ontology by recent pluralist political theorists must undercut pluralism. By charting contemporary anthropology’s rereading of structuralism as part of a plural understanding of ontology, it will be shown that any political ontology places limits on the political, and thus cannot exhaust political experience. This position will be established through an (...)
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  6.  4
    On Günther Anders, Political Media Theory, and Nuclear Violence.Babette Babich - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (10):1110-1126.
    Günther Anders was a philosopher concerned with the political and social implications of power, both as expressed in the media and its tendency to elide the citizenry and thus the very possibility of democracy and the political implications of our participation in our own subjugation in the image of modern social media beginning with radio and television. Anders was particularly concerned with two bombs dropped on Japan at the end of World War II, and he was just as concerned with (...)
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  7.  2
    Democracy Disembedded.Nenad Dimitrijevic - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (10):1049-1070.
    Democracy is in serious difficulties. Three features of the crisis stand out. First is the dominant culture of disillusionment in democracy, which transpires as the mistrust in constitutionalist institutions and values. Second, political authority, both at domestic and international levels, is largely substituted by the rule of non-transparent and unpredictable social powers. Third, democratic states are deprived of much of their capacity to govern, but they retain a non-negligible capacity to coerce.The article is structured as follows. Section I introduces Karl (...)
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  8. The Fourth Estate: The Construction and Place of Silence in the Public Sphere.Ejvind Hansen - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (10):1071-1089.
    The main narratives of prevailing ideas of the Fourth Estate were articulated in the era of traditional mass media, and these traditional narratives are challenged by the changing media landscapes. This raises the question whether traditional narratives of the Fourth Estate should be maintained. We will argue – through a close reading of Derrida’s reflections on the relationship between communicative significance and silence, combined with a deliberative ideal for democracy – that the new structures of communication call for a Fourth (...)
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  9.  5
    From Biopower to Necroeconomies: Neoliberalism, Biopower and Death Economies.Fatmir Haskaj - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (10):1148-1168.
    The deaths of millions from war, genocide, poverty and famine are symptomatic of a crisis that extends beyond site-specific failures of governance, culture or economies. Rather than reiterate standard critiques of capitalism, uneven development and inequality, this article probes and maps a shift in both the global economy and logic of capital that posits death as a central activity of value creation. “Crisis,” then, is more than an accidental failure or inconvenient side effect of either global economy or political reality, (...)
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  10.  7
    On Guilt and Post-Truth Escapism: Developing a Theory.Ignas Kalpokas - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (10):1127-1147.
    This article provides a framework for understanding post-truth politics by employing the ideas of Nietzsche and Schmitt. It posits pre-moral and pre-economic guilt and debt, relating human non-self-sufficiency, at the heart of social and political existence and alleges that guilt and debt are the hey bonds that hold human groupings together. Following Schmitt, romantic attitudes to politics are seen as negating this underlying reality, opting instead for escapist fantasy of self-mastery and unlimited creative potential. The author claims that these promises (...)
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  11.  5
    A Thousand Healths: Jean-Luc Nancy and the Possibility of Democratic Biopolitics.Sergei Prozorov - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (10):1090-1109.
    This article addresses the relationship between ontology and politics in Jean-Luc Nancy’s theory of democracy by probing the implications of his latest ontological innovation, the concept of struction. We argue that Nancy’s democracy is a mode of politics that makes the radical pluralism of struction legitimate, opening and guarding a political space for the coexistence of the incommensurable. From this perspective, and despite Nancy’s own skepticism about the concept of biopolitics, the notion of struction opens a pathway for theorizing democracy (...)
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  12.  6
    Stability and the Sense of Justice.Colin Grey - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (9):927-949.
    In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls’s first argument for the inherent stability of a well-ordered society seeks to establish that citizens of such a society would come to share the same or similar senses of justice. In his late work, Rawls significantly revised his second argument for stability, but he repeatedly pronounced himself satisfied with the first. However, the pluralism that so drastically reoriented Rawls’s mature theory also creates destabilizing forces absent in Theory. These destabilizing forces suggest that a (...)
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  13.  4
    Habermas’s Discourse Ethics and Hegel’s Critique of Kant: Agent Neutrality, Ideal Role Taking, and Rational Discourse.David Martínez - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (9):997-1014.
    In this article I follow James Gordon Finlayson who claims that a Hegelian criticism applies both to Kant and also to Habermas, namely, the criticism of the will as a tester of maxims. The issue is that Kant cannot connect the will of morality and the will of the particular agent and this leaves the empirical will unaffected. According to Finlayson, Habermas can be charged with this criticism, insofar as he draws a distinction between agent-neutral and agent-relative reasons. The upshot (...)
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  14.  2
    “Already/Not Yet”: St Paul’s Eschatology and the Modern Critique of Historicism.Vassilios Paipais - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (9):1015-1038.
    This paper interrogates some prominent post-Marxist engagements with St Paul’s messianism by reading them in the theological context of the anti-historicist revival of Pauline eschatology in the twentieth century. In both readings, the means through which the critique of historicism is delivered is the revival of the eschatological core of Paul’s proclamation. Paul is read as inaugurating a “new world” of freedom, love and redemptive hope as opposed to the “old world” of oppression, sorrow, death and despair. And yet, it (...)
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  15.  4
    Globalizing Human Rights, Transforming Global Capitalism. A Review of David Ingram’s World Crisis and Underdevelopment: A Critical Theory of Poverty, Agency, and Coercion.Andrew Pierce - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (9).
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  16.  1
    Agency and Will in Agamben’s Coming Politics.Gavin Rae - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (9):978-996.
    Those commentators who accept that Agamben offers an affirmative political project tend to hold that its realization depends upon pre-personal messianic or ontological alterations. I argue that there is another option based around the notion of individual agency that has received relatively little attention, but which clarifies whether or not Agamben holds that the transition is one that agents can participate in. By engaging with the texts “On Potentiality,” “Bartleby, or On Contingency,” and Opus Dei, I first show that he (...)
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  17.  1
    Kant, Race, and Natural History.Stella Sandford - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (9):950-977.
    This article presents a new argument concerning the relation between Kant’s theory of race and aspects of the critical philosophy. It argues that Kant’s treatment of the problem of the systematic unity of nature and knowledge in the Critique of Pure Reason and the Critique of the Power of Judgment can be traced back a methodological problem in the natural history of the period – that of the possibility of a natural system of nature. Kant’s transformation of the methodological problem (...)
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  18.  6
    Foregrounding Contingency in Caste-Based Dominance: Ambedkar, Hegemony, and the Pariah Concept.Dag-Erik Berg - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (8):843-864.
    This paper focuses on how revolts against caste-based oppression in India have been made invisible due to conceptual legacies in European social and political theory. Weber’s and Arendt’s conceptualization of Pariah agency is a case in point. Arendt’s main understanding of Pariah agency is individualized and inadequate to study freedom struggles among untouchable castes. This article argues that one not only needs to move away from analyzing individual to collective action, but it is also crucial to foreground how collective mobilization (...)
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  19.  5
    Open Thinking: Adorno’s Exact Imagination.Deborah Cook - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (8):805-821.
    Adorno thought that substantive change was not just desirable but also possible. He also offered ideas about what positive change might look like on the basis of his determinate negation of damaged life. This paper begins by exploring Adorno’s ideas about possibility and determinate negation. It also discusses his views about the sort of changes that might be made. Given Adorno’s ideas about the possibility of change, the paper ends by challenging Fabian Freyenhagen’s reading of Adorno as a methodological, epistemic, (...)
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  20.  3
    Arguing with the Enemy: A Dialectical Approach to Justifying Political Liberalism.Andreas H. Hvidsten - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (8):822-842.
    I consider the problem of political pluralism for political liberalism: that not everybody agrees on fundamental political principles. I critically examine three defenses of liberal principles in situations of political pluralism—the realist defense, the pragmatic defense, and Gerald Gaus’ “justificatory liberalism”—all of which I find wanting. Instead, I propose a dialectical approach to justifying political liberalism. A dialectical approach is based on engaging contradictory positions through conceptual investigation of key concepts claimed by both sides. Through such dialectical engagement, I seek (...)
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  21.  2
    Immanence, Transindividuality and the Free Multitude.Daniela Voss - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (8):865-887.
    Since the late 1960s there has been a resurgence of interest in Spinozism in France: Gilles Deleuze was among the first who gave life to a ‘new Spinoza’ with his seminal book Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza. While Deleuze was primarily interested in Spinoza’s ontology and ethics, the contemporary French philosopher Étienne Balibar focuses on the political writings. Despite their common fascination for Spinoza’s relational definition of the individual, both thinkers have drawn very different consequences from the Spinozist inspiration regarding the (...)
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  22.  1
    Freedom – A Silent but Significant Thread Across Taylor’s Oeuvre.Ruth Abbey - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):790-792.
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  23.  1
    Enlarging the Dialogue.Richard J. Bernstein - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):779-780.
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  24.  2
    Mapping Charles Taylor.Ulf Bohmann, Gesche Keding & Hartmut Rosa - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):725-733.
    The extensive, profound and influential oeuvre of Charles Taylor has inspired generations of thinkers. But how can we explore such a body of work? As we try to show in this Special Issue: by understanding him literally and making use of his notion of moral maps – or, differently put, by ‘mapping’ Charles Taylor. As he is far too modest a person to reveal to us his own moral atlas, we have decided to seize the occasion of his 85th birthday (...)
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  25.  2
    Thinking Better of Ourselves.Craig Calhoun - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):771-772.
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  26.  3
    Higher Goods and Common Goods: Strong Evaluation in Social Life.Maeve Cooke - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):767-770.
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  27.  2
    Essays in Retrieval: Charles Taylor as a Theorist of Historical Change.Paolo Costa - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):787-789.
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  28.  1
    Charles Taylor, Today, Yesterday, and Tomorrow.William E. Connolly - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):739-740.
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  29. The Art of Holding Opposites Together.Alessandro Ferrara - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):745-747.
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  30.  2
    For Charles Taylor: An Appreciation.Nancy Fraser - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):759-760.
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  31.  1
    Resonance – A Key Concept in the Philosophy of Charles Taylor.Jürgen Goldstein - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):781-783.
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  32.  3
    The Power of Recognition: When Charles Taylor Parsed Personal Identity.Amy Gutmann - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):793-795.
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  33.  8
    A Letter to an Old Friend and Colleague on His Birthday.Jürgen Habermas - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):800-801.
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  34.  7
    Taylor’s Hegel.Axel Honneth - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):773-774.
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  35.  2
    Charles Taylor as Polemicist.Hans Joas - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):756-758.
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  36.  1
    Seeing Differently, Or: How I Discovered the Sources of the Self.Michael Kühnlein - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):748-750.
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  37. Charles Taylor at the Front Line in Canadian Politics.Guy Laforest - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):796-799.
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  38.  2
    Philosophy and Self-Expression.Arto Laitinen - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):764-766.
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  39. A Capacious Mind.Steven Lukes - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):736-738.
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  40.  12
    Charles Taylor and Dramatic Narrative: Argument and Genre.Alasdair MacIntyre - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):761-763.
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  41.  4
    A Strong Evaluator.Jocelyn Maclure - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):734-735.
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  42.  2
    The Creature of Language: Three Postcards to Chuck.Eduardo Mendieta - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):741-744.
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  43. Cultures of Democracy.Darío Montero - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):784-786.
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  44. Encounters with and Impulses From Charles Taylor.Ludwig Nagl - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):775-778.
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  45. Ordinary Life.Nicholas H. Smith - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):751-753.
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  46.  2
    Dialogical Animals.James Tully - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (7):754-755.
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  47.  1
    From the Freedom of the Seas to No Borders: Reading Grotius with Deleuze and Nancy.James A. Chamberlain - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (6):682-700.
    Taking inspiration from the legal doctrine of the freedom of the seas, this paper makes the case for No Borders. To do so, it revisits Grotius’s arguments for the freedom of the seas. Analysis of contemporary bordering practices in the Mediterranean Sea reveals the weakness of what appears to be Grotius’s most plausible argument, namely that the ocean cannot be occupied and should therefore be free. While Grotius’s argument for the freedom of the seas based on the idea of divinely (...)
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  48.  14
    Normativism and Realism Within Contemporary Democratic Constitutionalism.Valerio Fabbrizi - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (6):1-21.
    The renewed interest on political realism can offer a new reading of the traditional dichotomy between normative and realist conception of constitutionalism. The purpose of this article is to analyse this renewed discussion, especially by focusing on the relationship between “political realism” and “political constitutionalism,” in the light of some theorists and authors—such as Richard Bellamy and Jeremy Waldron. After a brief introduction in which political realism will be discussed, especially through Bernard Williams’ reinterpretation, the article proposes a rereading of (...)
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  49.  3
    Memories of Exclusion: Hannah Arendt and the Haitian Revolution.Jennifer Gaffney - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (6):701-721.
    This article examines Hannah Arendt’s concern for remembrance in political life in light of contemporary discourses regarding the memory of slavery and colonization in the African diaspora. Arendt’s blindness to questions of exclusion within this context has given way to a set of critical debates in Arendt studies concerning the viability of her political project. In this paper, I give further contour to these debates by considering Arendt’s discourse on revolution in light of an analysis of the Haitian Revolution. In (...)
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  50.  2
    Contingency and Responsibility in Confucian Political Theory.Sungmoon Kim - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (6):615-636.
    In this article I investigate the Confucian sense of responsibility from the framework of “moral economy,” understood as a causal relationship between one’s virtue and non-moral goods including political position/success, and “contingency,” the failure of moral economy, and argue that early Confucians’ astute understanding of the contingent nature of the political world enabled them to subscribe to the non-causal sense of responsibility. Contrary to the common argument that Heaven was invoked by the Confucians in order to shield themselves from responsibility (...)
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  51.  5
    Byproductive Labor: A Feminist Theory of Affective Labor Beyond the Productive–Reproductive Distinction.Shiloh Whitney - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (6):637-660.
    My aim in this paper is to introduce a theory of affective labor as byproductive, a concept I develop through analysis of the phenomenology of various affective labor practices in dialog with feminist scholarship, both on gendered and racialized labor, and on affect and emotion. I motivate my theory in the context of literature on affective and emotional labor in philosophy and the social sciences, engaging the post-Marxist literature on affective and immaterial labor and emphasizing feminist critiques. I argue that (...)
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  52.  3
    An Immanent Critique of the Prison Nation: The Contradictions of Carceral “Anti-Violence”.Eva Boodman - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):571-592.
    More women are currently incarcerated than at any other time in US history. Though the United States has begun to acknowledge mass incarceration as an international embarrassment, the discourse has centered on men of color, and the experiences and consequences of US mass incarceration for women of color have been largely ignored. This is the case in spite of a now strong mainstream, institutionalized movement to end violence against women, and a growing prison reform movement ostensibly meant to help vulnerable (...)
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  53.  1
    An Immanent Critique of the Prison Nation.Eva Boodman - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):571-592.
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  54.  7
    Bergson’s Theory of War: A Study of Libido Dominandi.Michael R. Kelly & Brian T. Harding - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):593-611.
    Bergson scholars such as Leonard Lawlor, Alexander Lefebvre, Philip Soulez, and Frederic Worms have recently argued that Bergson “places the phenomenon of war at the center of his analysis” in Two Sources of Morality and Religion. We want to contribute to this line of interpretation. We claim that Bergson’s account of the causes of, and solution to, the problem of war can be effectively understood in light of a central tenet of classical political philosophy, namely, the City of God, both (...)
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  55.  4
    Beyond Eurocentrism: Trajectories Towards a Renewed Political and Social Theory.Ina Kerner - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):550-570.
    Over the last few years, the idea that we live in a globalized world has significantly gained ground. Across various disciplines, this had led to severe critiques not only of methodological nationalism, but also of methodological Eurocentrism. But what does it mean to leave Eurocentrism behind? What kind of theorizing can and should we engage in when we attempt to provincialize, decenter, or even decolonize our thinking? This article distinguishes, presents, and critically discusses four trajectories beyond Eurocentrism in political and (...)
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  56.  8
    Rescuing Politics From Liberalism: Butler and Mouffe on Affectivity and the Place of Ethics.Alexandra Morrison - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):528-549.
    Both Judith Butler and Chantal Mouffe challenge liberal conceptions of politics based on their ontological descriptions of the political. Mouffe argues that the failure of liberalism to grasp the agonistic character of political life means that properly political conflicts get translated into moral terms. Mouffe thinks that the way to correct our “post-political” problems is to avoid translating political conflicts into a moral register. I challenge Mouffe’s separation of ethics and politics by invoking Butler’s more nuanced account of the ethical (...)
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  57.  7
    Representation as a Political-Theological Concept: A Critique of Carl Schmitt.Alessandro Mulieri - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (5):507-527.
    In his 1923 work, Roman Catholicism and Political Form, Carl Schmitt claims that representation is a complexio oppositorum and incarnates a hierarchical form of political authority, which is alternative to liberalism. This article shows that Carl Schmitt’s interpretation of the political theology of representation is based on a misreading. Schmitt selectively overlooks some meanings of the theology of repraesentatio to build his decisionistic political agenda. An investigation of the original conceptual meanings of representation in Tertullian, the first Christian author who (...)
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  58.  5
    Bread, Dignity and Social Justice: Populism in the Arab World.Lisa Anderson - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):478-490.
    Although they produced vastly more turmoil, the uprisings in the Arab world shared many characteristics with other early 21st-century popular protests on both the left and the right, from Spain’s Indignados and Occupy Wall Street to the anti-elite votes for Brexit and Trump. The conviction that political elites and the states they rule, which were once responsible for welfare and development, now ignore and demean the interests and concerns of ordinary citizens takes many forms, but is virtually universal. The Arab (...)
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  59.  5
    The Populist Catharsis: On the Revival of the Political.Albena Azmanova - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):399-411.
    I argue that populism is not the cause of the erosion of diversity capital in contemporary democracies, it is its outcome. Focusing on the process of politicization of the social grievances articulated by populist parties and movements, I offer a diagnosis of the state of the political in contemporary democracies, in order to discern populism’s capacity to reboot democratic politics.
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  60.  10
    Reflections on Three Populisms.Akeel Bilgrami - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):453-462.
    Akeel Bilgrami’s paper considers the populist surges of our times in three countries: Trump’s America, Brexit Britain, and Modi’s India, distinguishing the special features of each, and philosophically and politically analyzing the relations that populism bears to both liberalism and the capitalist political economies of liberal-democratic societies.
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  61.  3
    Ad Hominem Argumentation in Politics.Murat Borovali - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):426-436.
    A healthy and robust public political culture is generally regarded as being of utmost necessity for the maintenance of a stable democratic environment. Especially when a country is facing significant challenges and is in the process of devising and implementing radical reforms, the presence of satisfactory collective deliberation can ensure durability and stability. This article will focus on one type of argumentation that stands in the way of such healthy deliberation. It will explore the various forms that ad hominem arguments (...)
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  62.  4
    Neoliberal Populism and Governmentality in Turkey: The Foundation of Communication Centers During the AKP Era.Cemil Boyraz - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):437-452.
    This article is based on the question “How does the current governing party in Turkey, namely Justice and Development Party, reproduce its social power?” In order to answer this question, it is suggested that a combination of the different techniques of governmentality of the ruling party should be analyzed, with particular reference to the policies and institutions reconfiguring the role of the state and the notion of public deliberation in the midst of the rising discontents of neoliberalism in Turkey. As (...)
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  63.  9
    How Turkey’s Repetitive Elections Affected the Populist Tone in the Discourses of the Justice and Development Party Leaders.Tuğçe Erçetin & Emre Erdoğan - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):382-398.
    Perceived uncertainty and anger lead people to investigate with respect to the establishment, and politicians who are seen as reckless within society. In this sense, populist discourse paved a way to respond by glorifying one group of people and scapegoating others that emerge as group differentiation. Critical moments especially illustrate mutual constructive identification through the discourse of political actors. This article explores a contextual change in the populist discourse of the Justice and Development Party leaders by observing the successive elections (...)
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  64.  11
    Can Political Liberalism Help Us Rescue “the People” From Populism?Alessandro Ferrara - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):463-477.
    Within the author’s long-term project of updating John Rawls’s paradigm of “political liberalism” to a historical context different from the original one, this paper focuses on how political liberalism can help us understand populism and help liberal democracy survive the populist upsurge. In the first section, political liberalism is argued to be of help in directing our attention to three constitutive aspects of all sorts of populism: the conflation of “the people” with the electorate and the electorate with the nation, (...)
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  65.  3
    Conspiracy Theories and Populist Narratives: On the Ruling Techniques of Egyptian Generals.Amr Hamzawy - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):491-504.
    Soon after the 2013 military coup, state-sponsored violence and human rights abuses have begun to shake Egyptian society. The regime of president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has attempted to rationalize them, claiming that this is the only path to save the most populous Middle Eastern country from civil unrest, terrorism, and economic decay. Al-Sisi, the former army chief during the 2013 coup, initially portrayed his ascendency to power as the only way to restore security and end the threat of terrorism. Egypt’s (...)
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  66.  6
    Populism and the Crisis of Liberalism.Volker Kaul - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):346-352.
    The article addresses the following question: if an extensive period of globalization and also democratization after the fall of the Berlin Wall has been followed by populism, does this mean that there is something wrong with liberalism itself? Must liberalism be substituted by alternative economic and political concepts? The article presents three alternatives to liberalism that are supposed to counter populism: a new communitarianism, a renewal of the democratic project as much as novel conceptions of social justice. However, it takes (...)
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  67. The Paradigms of Religious and Philosophical Plurality: The Return of “Spirituality” in China Today.Tiziana Lippiello - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):371-381.
    The beginning of the twentieth century marked the confutation and negation of traditional Chinese values by intellectuals, who thought that Confucianism, and in general traditional Chinese culture, had hindered scientific, economic, and social progress. Nonetheless, we are now witnessing a revival of the tradition, from a political and cultural perspective, aiming to address and provide resolutions to the contradictions and issues of contemporary societies. Which are the most valuable traditions in China today, and what is their impact on Chinese society? (...)
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  68.  1
    Annotations.David Rasmussen, Volker Kaul & Alessandro Ferrara - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):345-345.
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  69.  7
    What is an Open Mind?Adam Adatto Sandel - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):360-370.
    In this article, I suggest that an open mind wholly unburdened by preconceptions and prejudgments is a mistaken ideal. Not only is it unrealistic; it deprives us of context and background knowledge relevant to judging well. I begin with two cases that show how the ideal of the “prejudice-free” mind, though appealing, may end up thwarting good judgment: blind assessment and “blank-slate” jury selection. I then trace the prejudice-free ideal to the Enlightenment, exposing its roots in the subject-object worldview. Drawing (...)
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  70.  63
    Populism, Liberalism, and Democracy.Michael J. Sandel - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):353-359.
    The right-wing populism ascendant today is a symptom of the failure of progressive politics. Central to this failure is the uncritical embrace of a neo-liberal version of globalization that benefits those at the top but leaves ordinary citizens feeling disempowered. Progressive parties are unlikely to win back public support unless they learn from the populist protest that has displaced them —not by replicating its xenophobia and strident nationalism, but by taking seriously the legitimate grievances with which these ugly sentiments are (...)
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  71.  6
    The Right to Be Right: Recognizing the Reasons of Those Who Are Wrong.Luigi Vero Tarca - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (4):412-425.
    Worldwide wisdom teaches, and philosophy demonstrates, that universally valid is only the perspective able to recognize everybody’s right to be treated in a just manner. From this point of view we have to recognize that all propositions are in some sense true, and hence that even those who are wrong are, from a particular point of view, right. Therefore, we have the duty to understand in which sense even populist stances are, at least in some sense, true. For instance, they (...)
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  72.  19
    Opposition Instead of Recognition: The Social Significance of “Determinations of Reflection” in Hegel’s Science of Logic.Arash Abazari - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):253-277.
    Axel Honneth reconstructs Hegel’s social and political philosophy on the basis of the concept of recognition. For Honneth, recognition is a constitutive relation between individuals that is in principle symmetrical. By conceiving recognition through symmetry, Honneth effectively bans the inclusion of power within recognitive relation. He thus regards the relations of power as cases of non-recognition or misrecognition. In this paper, I develop an alternative theory of the constitutive relation between individuals for Hegel, one that is based on the asymmetrical (...)
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  73.  5
    Normative Engagement Across Difference: Pragmatism, Dialogic Inclusion, and Social Practices.Clayton Chin - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):302-325.
    This article addresses the problem of inter-normative engagement, of constructing dialogical interaction across substantive normative difference. Focusing on how this affects democratic and pluralistic contexts, it argues that a social-practice-based approach to normativity and reasoning offers unique resources to understand and frame such encounters. It specifically draws on pragmatism and the work of Richard Rorty to reframe normativity, authority, identity, and reason, linking these understandings to recent trends to deliberative political inclusivism in democratic theory. The upshot is that framing inter-normative (...)
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  74.  4
    The Political Import of Wittgenstein’s Philosophical Investigations.Dimitris Gakis - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):229-252.
    The present article aims at investigating the political aspects of Wittgenstein’s later philosophy, focusing mainly on the Philosophical Investigations. This theme remains rather marginal within Wittgensteinian scholarship, facing the key challenge of the sparsity of explicit discussions of political issues in Wittgenstein’s writings. Based on the broader anthropological and synecdochic character of Wittgenstein’s later philosophy, the main objective of the article is to make explicit the implicit political import of some of the main themes of the Philosophical Investigations. This is (...)
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  75.  3
    Care and its Constraints: Will Care Work Pass Through Pettit’s Gate?Simon Laumann Jørgensen - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):278-301.
    Welfare states are in a care crisis both in the sense of a practical care gap and in the new movement to limit care to mere rehabilitation. Few political theorists pay attention to these developments, and those who do say little about the potential limits to care. This article discusses Philip Pettit’s theory of social justice in relation to questions of public care provisions. Pettit’s theory has been praised by feminists for its attention to social injustices and because it highlights (...)
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  76.  11
    Emancipatory Advocacy: A Companion Ethics for Political Activism.Melissa A. Mosko - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (3):326-341.
    In this paper, I take up the challenge that political activism runs the risk of generating abstract freedoms for oppressed subjects and neglecting the effects of oppression on the development of subjectivity. I argue that a political activism in concert with a companion ethics of advocacy and listening is best positioned to improve the political and economic conditions of individuals as well as ensure that they are able to realize their freedom in meaningful action. In this paper I distinguish political (...)
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  77.  6
    Is It Enough to Just Say No to Nazis? Comments on Stephen White’s A Democratic Bearing.Simone Chambers - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):121-125.
    In this paper I pose two questions for Stephen White and his aspirational model of citizenship. The first is to ask what ethical sources do citizens need to oppose the presence of Nazis in our public sphere. The second is to question White’s deep suspicion of foundationalism and theism as sources of an open and democratic bearing and indeed as sources from which we can build strong opposition to Nazis.
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  78.  4
    Proprietors and Parasites: Dependence and the Power to Accumulate.Patrick J. L. Cockburn & Mikkel Thorup - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):179-199.
    This article introduces the idea of ‘dependence subtexts’ to explain how the stories that we encounter in property theory and public rhetoric function to make some actors appear ‘independent’, and thus capable of acquiring property in their own right, while making other actors appear ‘dependent’ and thus incapable of acquiring property. The argument develops the idea of ‘dependence subtexts’ out of the work of legal scholar Carol Rose and political theorist Carole Pateman, before using it as a tool for contrasting (...)
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  79.  9
    Committed Critical Theory: Some Thoughts on Stephen White’s A Democratic Bearing.Rainer Forst - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):126-130.
    In this article, I comment on Stephen White’s version of critical theory as presented in A Democratic Bearing. I specifically focus on his version of the “colonization thesis” and the social analysis this leads to. I also scrutinize his normative framework, especially the claim of non-foundationalism and the difference between his view and Kantian discourse theory.
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  80.  9
    Epistemic Injustice: A Role for Recognition?Paul Giladi - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):141-158.
    My aim in this article is to propose that an insightful way of articulating the feminist concept of epistemic injustice can be provided by paying significant attention to recognition theory. The article intends to provide an account for diagnosing epistemic injustice as a social pathology and also attempts to paint a picture of some social cure of structural forms of epistemic injustice. While there are many virtues to the literature on epistemic injustice, epistemic exclusion and silencing, current discourse on diagnosing (...)
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  81.  5
    Citizenship for a New World.Sharon R. Krause - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):131-134.
    This paper highlights contributions of A Democratic Bearing, especially its conceptualization of domination and the demos, and argues that the liberal limitation of power is an important supplement to deliberative democracy in sustaining the ‘democratic bearing’ model of citizenship that the book calls for.
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  82.  10
    Ethics, Politics and the Transformative Possibilities of the Self in Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault.Lenka Ucnik - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):200-225.
    A wave of interest in Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault as bio-political thinkers was initiated by publication of Giorgio Agamben’s Homo Sacer. The intellectual connection of these two figures is, however, broader than their bio-political considerations. Arendt and Foucault both offer detailed accounts of an ethico-political self. Both Arendt’s and Foucault’s later work explores the meaning of living ethically and politically. By examining the relationship between self, ethics and politics, I suggest there are two general points of convergence in Arendt (...)
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  83.  1
    Response to Comments.Stephen K. White - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):135-140.
    I reply to criticisms of my book, A Democratic Bearing: Admirable Citizens, Uneven Injustice and Critical Theory from Simone Chambers, Rainer Forst, and Sharon Krause.
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  84.  8
    Radical Ethical Naturalism.Tom Whyman - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (2):159-178.
    In this article, I identify – and clear up – two problems for contemporary neo-Aristotelian ethical naturalism. The first I call the problem of alienation; the second the problem of conservatism. I argue that these problems will persist, both for ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ forms of ethical naturalism, unless ethical naturalists adopt what I call ‘Practical Realism’ about essential human form. Such a Practical Realism leaves open the possibility of radical social and political criticism – I therefore suggest that contemporary ethical (...)
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  85.  5
    Aporias of Courage and the Freedom of Expression.Ejvind Hansen - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):100-117.
    In this article we will suggest that the traditional account of the freedom of expression needs revision. The emergence of Internet media has shown that the traditional ideal of a plurality of voices does not in itself lead to fruitful public spheres. Inspired by Foucault’s interpretation of the Greek concept parrhesia we suggest that the plurality of voices should be supplemented with an ideal of courageous truth-telling. We will furthermore argue that the notion of courage has two dimensions that should (...)
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  86.  8
    Heidegger’s Radical Antisemitism.Jeff Love & Michael Meng - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):3-23.
    With the publication of Martin Heidegger’s Black Notebooks, it has become impossible to avoid Heidegger’s anti-Semitism. There has been the expected controversy with Heideggerians on the defensive and the philosopher’s detractors condemning his work outright. But there has been little serious exploration of the matter aside from several recent works. This article builds on this literature on Heidegger’s anti-Semitism and concludes that an anti-Semitic narrative lies at the heart of Heidegger’s history of the oblivion of Being as nihilism. Moreover, Heidegger (...)
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  87.  6
    What Brandom Won’T Make Explicit: On Habermas’s Critique of Brandom.Anna Michalska - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):41-60.
    In this contribution, I refer to a discussion between Jürgen Habermas and Robert Brandom on the latter’s normative pragmatics as advanced in Making it Explicit. Parting with Habermas, I intend to show that though both normative pragmatics and formal pragmatics postulate similar discursive ideals, the former, as compared with the latter, is not a particularly well-calibrated critical tool. I argue that whereas Brandom focuses on making conceptual norms explicit, and takes mutual recognition among participants to a linguistic practice for granted, (...)
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  88.  3
    Skepticism and Critique in Arendt and Cavell.Andrew Norris - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):81-99.
    In this article I compare and contrast Hannah Arendt’s and Stanley Cavell’s understandings of critique, focusing in each case upon the role played in it by skepticism. Both writers are decisively influenced by the later Heidegger’s thought that thinking as such is, first, the necessary turn to a practice adequate to our situation and, second, something that we shun. They also share the desire to take up this Heideggerian thought in Kantian terms: what is at stake is critical thinking. It (...)
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  89.  7
    Foucault, Nietzsche, and the Promise–Threat of Philology.Joseph Westfall - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):24-40.
    In this paper, I examine Foucault’s reading of Nietzsche—and Nietzsche’s influence on Foucault—in light of Foucault’s frequent treatment of Nietzsche as a certain kind of philologist. Running contrary to most contemporary readings of Nietzsche, which depict him as abandoning philology for philosophy relatively early on, I argue that Foucault understands Nietzsche’s distinctive philosophical style as indicative of a persistently philological approach to traditionally philosophical questions—and that this is a productive and valuable reading of Nietzsche, as well as a model for (...)
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  90.  11
    Content-Independence and Natural-Duty Theories of Political Obligation.Jiafeng Zhu - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (1):61-80.
    This paper contends that the requirement of content independence poses a pressing challenge to natural-duty theories of political obligation, for it is unclear why subjects of a state should not discharge the background natural duty in proper ways other than obeying the law. To demonstrate the force of this challenge, I examine and refute three argumentative strategies to achieve content independence represented in recent notable natural-duty theories: by appealing to the epistemic advantages of the state in discharging a natural duty, (...)
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