Esta ponencia presenta un avance parcial de la investigación sobre la democracia en los municipios colombianos desde la adopción de la elección popular de los alcaldes. A partir de una conceptualización básica y operacional de la democracia se determinan sus principales dimensiones y se presentan los resultados obtenidos para algunas variables significativas que se han procesado, aplicando técnicas de análisis multivariado. El objetivo final (aún en elaboración) es generar un índice de calidad democrática que permita comparar y explicar los avances (...) y retrocesos de la democracia en los muy diversos municipios colombianos. (shrink)

As corporate social responsibility (CSR) grows increasingly well known and accepted worldwide, organizations attempt to make sense of their social strategies bridge the gap between their current situation and what their stakeholders expect of them. If social strategies represent a potential stepping stone to more sophisticated forms of CSR, then research must investigate the strategies that organizations have adopted. After defining a framework for classifying and analyzing organizations' social strategies, this article considers empirical evidence from 10 case studies in (...) class='Hi'>Colombia to reveal how organizations might build on their social involvement to engage in more sophisticated CSR practices. The framework also suggests some different trajectories that organizations might follow. (shrink)

En el presente trabajo se muestra cómo la filosofía política práctica se materializa en técnicas gubernamentales que han generado una institucionalidad que busca tener un impacto de pacificación, tolerancia, democratización y búsqueda de la equidad en la sociedad colombiana. La investigación se centra en el influjo del modelo democrático deliberativo en Colombia y su contribución a la configuración de la Constitución Política de 1991. La metodología empleada implica, en primer lugar, la conceptualización de la democracia deliberativa. A continuación, se (...) analiza la recepción de este modelo en Colombia, destacando las ideas que influyeron en la redacción constitucional. Finalmente, se exploran los impactos concretos de la democracia deliberativa en la mencionada Constitución, revelando cómo esta filosofía política práctica ha dejado su huella en la estructura normativa del país. (shrink)

This paper maps and systematizes the different discourses around peace in the public sphere in Colombia during the context of the latest peace negotiations between the government and the guerrilla group FARC-EP. The analysis of the discourses of peace is boiled down to four main approaches: a. Peace is understood as a relational dynamic that allows for the deconstruction of the binary friend-enemy and the recognition of the other; b. peace is seen as a condition that enables security and (...) the deepening of economic development through neoliberal policies; c. peace is re-signified through the signifier ‘territory’, to refer to the need of local involvement to define and implement peace policies in order to take into account the needs from those living and being in the territories; and d. peace is proposed as the consecution of social and environmental justice, accompanied of an alternative development that ensures the autonomy of indigenous, black communities, and peasants to decide how they want to live, how they want to exist. The ultimate goal of this paper is to explore the power-resistance dynamics at play in the re-definition of peace during the window of opportunity that the peace dialogues represented. (shrink)

Dada la especie de clausura al que las historias de las ideas en Colombia han llevado al expediente sobre las relaciones entre positivismos y tradicionalismos, y ante la necesidad de construir unos criterios de reconocimiento del "positivismo", creo necesario hacer un trabajo preliminar de reproblematización de esas relaciones en el nivel global, utilizando los aportes de historiadores y filósofos europeos y colombianos, a lo que dedicaré las páginas siguientes. Lo que sorprende en la literatura más reciente sobre las relaciones (...) entre tradicionalismos y positivismos es el señalamiento de una serie de singulares parentescos, contra lo que hemos pensado habitualmente. Quisiera entonces pasar revista a esos parentescos, para luego extraer algunas conclusiones que permitan reorientar nuestras investigaciones. [Fragmento]. (shrink)

In the last decade, Venezuelans have faced a range of challenges such that by 2023, nearly 7.2 million have fled, the vast majority hosted within the region. One country particularly stands out: Colombia has accepted over 2.5 million. Colombia’s behaviour does not appear motivated by legal obligations or universal ethical principles; it is hard to make sense of in terms of international ethical and political theory. Rather, Colombian state and society make reference to mundane, localised concepts of friendship, (...) fraternity and the reciprocity of a shared history. Such everyday ethics is generally ignored in existing debates. I argue that immigration ethics could helpfully begin from concrete, everyday ethical behaviour rather than idealisation and abstraction. Instead of initially asking what states and societies should do regarding immigration, we could ask what do they already do, why and how? This article therefore explores how Colombian politicians and civil society actors understood their welcoming actions through an awareness of entangled histories, reciprocity, friendship and solidarity: everyday, vernacular ways in which responsibility-taking is rationalised and practiced. My argument is not that Colombia’s actions are normatively right, or an enactment of immigration justice. Rather, these actions were ambivalent: the messy, pragmatic result of negotiating different, competing responsibilities, principles and emotions. The results were imperfect, heavily gendered, but also unprecedented. Those advocating greater societal responsibility for immigrants would perhaps do best to look beyond the global north, shun the universal and start from local activities founded in vernacular, everyday ethics. (shrink)

Este artículo propone analizar comparativamente la guerra, el conflicto y la violencia, en Colombia y Guatemala, ya que han tomado formas específicas y el papel que el Estado ha jugado en ellos ha tenido también sus matices. También tratará sobre las diversas versiones del conflicto y las maneras de recordarlo.

In September 2020, Project South, along with numerous other organizations, released a report detailing abuses in a Georgia Detention Center – including forced hysterectomies. Whatever other factors are at play, one of them is an intrinsic connection between obstetric violence against pregnant migrants and immigration injustice. It is not incidental that these acts – in US detention centers, along the US‐Mexico border, in Colombian hospitals and clinics – are being perpetrated on immigrant bodies. And it is not accidental or random (...) which immigrant bodies are vulnerable to these violations. Understanding and confronting obstetric violence directed at pregnant migrants, though, requires reconceptualizing the nature of obstetric violence itself. In particular, we must recognize that obstetric violence against pregnant Latin American migrants in the United States and Colombia is a type of immigration injustice, a means to perpetrate immigration injustice, and a product of immigration injustice. As such, bioethicists need to collaborate with immigration scholars to resist it.After providing some background on the nature of obstetric violence and some ways it is perpetuated against pregnant migrants in the United States and Colombia, I will give a brief overview of how I conceptualize immigration justice. From there, I explain how this type of obstetric violence constitutes a type of immigration injustice, a means to perpetrate immigration injustice, and a product of immigration injustice. My hope is that this analysis motivates bioethicists throughout the Americas to engage with immigration scholars and activists to confront the issue more forcefully. (shrink)

With few exceptions, philosophers working on immigration have not taken up the topic of epistemic injustice, primarily, I imagine, because immigration justice is often too narrowly conceived of as encompassing moral and political concerns rather than epistemic ones. But the more I think about the injustices immigrants endure on a daily basis, the more I take this to be a mistake; epistemic injustices must be seen as a central aspect of immigration injustice too. In what follows, I will demonstrate how (...) this is the case. More specifically, after providing an overview of the nature of epistemic injustice, I will highlight some examples of it in the lives of displaced Venezuelan immigrants in Colombia. In doing so, I hope to show why discussions about immigration injustice must include identifying and confronting epistemic wrongs. (shrink)

Analizando el caso colombiano se procura dilucidar las características de la guerra irregular y las razones de su duración a lo largo de más de cinco décadas, mediante una breve recapitulación. En seguida se examinan algunos de los trabajos más representativos de los investigadores sociales colombianos al respecto, así como sus referentes teóricos más universales y el tipo de interpretación que se ha ido construyendo. El acento está puesto en la singularidad de una guerra irregular, de baja intensidad pero de (...) larga duración, y en sus efectos sobre la población civil en las zonas en donde la guerrilla ha logrado un grado de implantación y de manera correlativa el ejército desarrolla labores de contrainsurgencia. El ensayo termina con el análisis de distintas modalidades de resistencia civil hacia la guerra, el modo y secuencia en que se han ido manifestando y algunos ejercicios predictivos acerca de los desarrollos previsibles de la resistencia civil. (shrink)

The increased prevalence of advanced‐stage chronic diseases has augmented the need for palliative care teams. In Colombia, although the legislation promotes palliative care development, people still die without receiving management from a palliative care team. In addition, judiciary regulations regarding euthanasia have generated public confusion and ethical conflicts among members of the palliative care teams. Therefore, this study aimed to perform a bioethical reflection on the relationship between palliative care and euthanasia supported by data on euthanasia requests in a (...) palliative care program. This reflection is based on retrospective and descriptive observational data, collected in two highly complex hospitals in Bogotá, Colombia. A total of 50 euthanasia requests were identified, of which 62% met the defined criteria, 16% did not, and 22% were not considered by the interdisciplinary committee for the right to die with dignity due to early death. All patients were treated and followed up by a palliative care team until their death. This study considered that palliative care could be a complement management for patients requesting euthanasia based on their experience by supporting the decision‐making, alleviating suffering, and providing emotional support in the last days of life. (shrink)

We can often learn from systematic patterns, so let us focus for a moment on the previous champion, Turkey. As a major U.S. military ally and strategic outpost, Turkey has received substantial military aid from the origins of the Cold War. But arms deliveries began to increase sharply in 1984 with no Cold War connection at all. Rather, that was the year when Turkey initiated a large-scale counterinsurgency campaign in the Kurdish southeast, which also is the site of major U.S. (...) air bases and the locus of regional surveillance, so that everything that happens there is well known in Washington. Arms deliveries peaked in 1997, exceeding the total from the entire period 1950-1983. U.S. arms amounted to about 80 percent of Turkish military equipment, including heavy armaments (jet planes, tanks, etc.). (shrink)

El siguiente artículo presenta las conclusiones de la investigación realizada sobre la ética filosófica en la última década del siglo XX en Colombia. Dentro del proyecto investigativo de la Facultad de Filosofía de la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bogotá, Colombia, orientado al estudio y análisis de la historia de las ideas en América latina y Colombia, la investigación llevada a cabo buscó definir y aclarar el lugar que ocupa la ética filosófica en la historia de las ideas (...) en Colombia. Para tal fin, logró complementar la base de datos con que cuenta el centro de Investigación de Filosofía de la Universidad Santo Tomás en lo referente a dicha temática y a partir del análisis de los datos obtenidos, establecer el papel y el lugar que juega la ética filosófica en nuestra historia intelectual. En este orden de ideas, la investigación coadyuvó a analizar el proceso de normalización de la filosofía en Colombia. El procedimiento para construir la base de datos permitió valorar y comprender el fenómeno de la reflexión filosófica en este país. Las características socio históricas de la nación colombiana posibilitan definir y comprender las coordenadas de un fenómeno que hace parte de lo que se ha dado en llamar proceso de normalización filosófica. Los cambios políticos que se gestaron y realizaron durante la década de los 90 y sus incidencias no fueron ajenos a la reflexión de la filosofía práctica, poniendo de relieve la urgencia por analizar el destino de la sociedad colombiana. En este sentido, el compromiso del pensar por parte de los autores colombianos fue avanzando los pasos de una normalización en que la disciplina es vista como haciendo parte de la construcción del proyecto de sociedad. (shrink)

Se rastrean algunas características de la cultura política de los colombianos, a través de las categorías de mito, autoritarismo, alienación y elitismo, a partir de un acercamiento a la narrativa urbana de Álvaro Salom Becerra. Se aborda el concepto de cultura política y se expone su recepción y desarrollo en América Latina, especialmente en Colombia. Luego se discute el potencial reflexivo de las confluencias entre filosofía y literatura para estudiar la cultura política, mediante un abordaje interpretativo a sus novelas. (...) Se concluye que la literatura permite explorar nuevos modos de comprender las tensiones entre el poder y la cultura, además promueve un carácter disruptivo que disloca la naturalización del orden social y favorece la instauración de acciones instituyentes. (shrink)

Drug-trafficking in Colombia has been a widely researched phenomenon, especially now, as the country undergoes a transition process with its older guerrilla. Now more than ever it is fundamental to examine how drug-trafficking organizations violent activities affect the consolidation of peace. This article considers different approaches to study violence derived from drug-trafficking, in order to advance towards the objectives of transitional justice. For that matter, this work is based on the idea that drug-trafficking directly generates and reproduces violence which (...) is fueled by the structural violence present in the Colombian context. My thesis is that this phenomenon deters non-repetition guarantees and weakens democracy, which is why there will be three main arguments presented that will revolve around the lack of consensus and the implications of considering drug wars as civil wars, how decisions related to the conceptual apprehension limit the competence of international humanitarian law, and the need for holistic strategies capable of facing drug-trafficking’s political and violent power. Later, alternatives will be explored around the possibilities that each argument offers, as well as which aspects could contribute to a more appropriate approach to combat drug-trafficking. Lastly, I will defend why implementing bottom-up oriented actions can advance towards transitional justice’s intermediate and final objectives, as it is the only alternative that escapes fatalist, utopian or interventionist scenarios. (shrink)

The Colombian military and the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) have committed systematic attacks against the Colombian people that violate international law. One such heinous incident took place in May 2003 at the Betoyes Guahibo indigenous reserve in Colombia. Unlike other acts of terror, the attack at the Reserve is well documented. Because of this, the attack on the Reserve is an excellent case for International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecution. This article exposes acts of cruelty and makes (...) a persuasive moral case for ICC prosecution. The ICC has jurisdiction over the attack on the Betoyes people by the AUC and Colombian military. The article further discusses the potential legal exposure of the Colombian government, individual Colombians and US individuals through its military support and training of the Colombian military. (shrink)

As has happened in Latin America, and more generally in the Hispanic World, pragmatism came to our countries mainly through William James and John Dewey (particularly, through his influence in education). Studies in Spanish on Peirce were scarce and superficial until the end of the 20th century. The situation in Colombia follows that pattern. The first valuable Colombian study on Peirce came from Mariluz Restrepo (1993), a fine introduction to Peirce’s semeiotics through the unfolding of the...

Teacher quality, its effect on students’ outcomes, and the association of these with economic growth, is the core of recent discussions in Latin America given the region’s weak results in international learning assessments. This paper investigates whether there is an effect of philosophy on the outcomes of critical reading for students in B.Ed. programs in Colombia. Relying on exact matching combined with propensity score matching with regression adjustment, we use national data from Colombia to show that students in (...) B.Ed. in philosophy outperformed students in other B.Ed. in critical reading test (0.401–0.124 SD), and, importantly, with higher effects observed for students with lower prior academic achievement (0.44 SD). This suggests that philosophy can help to narrow educational outcomes of students whose socioeconomic conditions are disadvantageous, contributing to social justice in education. (shrink)

Reconciliation is one of the greatest challenges in Colombia’s postagreement scenario. This paper will focus on the case study of “Victus”, a theatre company, composed by victims and former combatants of various armed groups. It will sustain that this artistic experience configures a “micro-laboratory” of reconciliation in which a common space of interaction allows actors to transcend the borders of the armed conflict, to humanize the “other”, and to generate multiple processes of transformation and peacebuilding.

Menos conocidas que la expropiación de tierras, perpetrada por paramilitares en Colombia desde finales del siglo anterior, son las relaciones de causalidad en que tal fenómeno subyace; en la perspectiva de contribuir a la discusión para identificar esas causas estructurales, este trabajo ausculta en el modelo neoliberal que, instaurado en el país desde 1990, obra consecuentemente con una nueva división internacional de la producción que deriva en reprimarización de la economía colombiana, escenario donde la tierra representa el medio de (...) producción más preciado que, como tal, alienta el despojo, según concluye esta investigación cualitativa tras una ponderada revisión documental. (shrink)

Los libros de literatura testimonial del secuestro en Colombia ayudaron a fundamentar el discurso contra-terrorista del segundo periodo presidencial de Uribe, puesto que no solo cuestionaron a la guerrilla de las FARC desde su discurso, sino desde su accionar visto desde adentro. A partir del análisis de cuatro libros testimoniales, se establecen las representaciones de la guerrilla como victimaria y de los secuestrados como víctimas. Estos libros develan un grupo armado “salvaje”, incompasivo, sanguinario, poco humano, que no expresa coherencia (...) entre lo que dice que hace y lo que realmente hace. A partir de diversas operaciones discursivas, se recrea a la organización alzada en armas y al sujeto guerrillero como el Otro violento que hay que derrotar, en tanto exhibe unas condiciones psicológicas e ideológicas sancionables. Sin embargo, se pueden establecer diferencias en la manera cómo los autores representan a la guerrilla y esto tiene que ver también con la manera cómo los testimoniantes se representan a sí mismos como víctimas. El hecho de haber presenciado los hechos victimizantes convierte a los autores de los testimonios en testigos por excelencia, cuya palabra debe creerse. Aunque una parte significativa de los relatos testimoniales está compuesta por las descripciones de los vejámenes de la guerrilla hacia los secuestrados y las pésimas condiciones en que estos vivían, los testimonios también son documentos de resistencia y recomposición de la identidad. (shrink)

The gender perspective theory is a framework that assists Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS) scholars and practitioners to develop less violent and more equal societies. In Colombia, this theory is under attack from Protestant Christian churches that have produced the category of gender ideology to delegitimize the gender perspective. In this article, we analyse the narratives used by members of the Protestant Christian churches and conservative political leaders in Colombia to create the category of gender ideology. This new (...) concept became a central element both in forging the identity of Protestant Christian congregations and in opposing the peace agreement reached by the Colombian government and FARC guerrillas. We discuss how family plays a significant role in the development of the gender ideology. Finally, we contend that gender ideology is a social category that is gaining ground in legal and academic circles in Colombia, forming an identity for Christian conservatives centered in a Manichean world that excludes people who traditionally have been marginalized in Colombian society. (shrink)

La infancia es un hecho social y por este principio no se reduce a una única expresión. En Colombia, las investigaciones de la memoria histórica han omitido esta concepción sociológica al resumir la interacción de la guerra y la infancia al estudio del reclutamiento de menores de edad. Ante esto, este artículo invita a construir una memoria histórica de las infancias olvidadas y desprovistas de existencia en la narración del conflicto armado. Para tal fin, propone empezar por cuatro infancias (...) (la desplazada, la masacrada, la desaparecida y la violentada sexualmente), tomando en cuenta algunas herramientas metodológicas e interpretativas para abordarlas. (shrink)

Colombia is now projecting a new, positive image to the world after over­coming a past characterised by politically inspired guerrilla warfare and violent conflict with narco-trafficking cartels which had ravaged the country for decades. Even before the country’s transformation, other intermediate place institutions – cities and regions – had already taken significant steps towards territorial change and marketing. This paper outlines the processes involved in urban and social transformation in the city of Medellín and in the marketing of the (...) coffee region, as illustrative cases of city re-brand­ing and regional branding, respectively. (shrink)

El objetivo de la formación doctoral es la generación y difusión de nuevo conocimiento, sin embargo, no es claro cómo los programas de doctorado en Colombia se relacionan con este tipo de producción académica. A partir de ello, en el presente estudio se presenta el panorama general de la producción académica a través de las instituciones de educación superior colombianas que ofertan programas de formación doctoral en psicología. La producción académica se obtuvo de la base de datos Scopus en (...) una muestra de 13 universidades. Tras una búsqueda inicial, se encontraron 1345 documentos, con los cuales se realizó un análisis de los indicadores de productividad y de las redes de colaboración al interior de la disciplina en el país. Posteriormente, esta información se contrastó con la información nacional registrada en el sistema de Currículum Vitae Latinoamericano y del Caribe de 193 profesores asociados a las universidades que ofertan los programas de doctorado. Al comparar la producción académica nacional e internacional, se encontró una mayor correlación entre la dirección de tesis de posgrado y la publicación en revistas nacionales. Por lo tanto, se puede afirmar que el impacto de la formación doctoral en la generación de nuevo conocimiento es relativo y tiene un alcance limitado, siendo principalmente las revistas nacionales el medio de difusión de este conocimiento. Se recomienda evaluar el impacto de los productos asociados a la formación posgradual y la visibilidad internacional, con énfasis en las revistas indexadas en bases de datos internacionales. (shrink)

In the framework of the commemoration of the Bicentennial of the Independence of Colombia and, using the method of historical prosopography, this article aims to analyze the contribution of the Franciscan Father Francisco Antonio Florido as a social and political actor in the process of consolidation of the Bases of the republican project through three specific facets in its role as chaplain in the military campaigns, in its protagonism in the political celebrations and in the promotion to the education. (...) It really surprises him how he broke with the entrenched ideological scheme that had linked the ecclesiastical estate with the Spanish monarchy, and became one of the most staunch defenders of the Free Fatherland with a progressive and modern thinking. A verification of the contribution of the ecclesiastical establishment to the process of formation of the Republic. (shrink)

Los grandes flujos migratorios globales que tuvieron lugar entre mediados del siglo XIX e inicios del XX vieron a cientos de millones de personas en todo el mundo cruzar la frontera de su país para ir a otro. En ese escenario, y a diferencia de otros países suramericanos, Colombia no fue un gran receptor de inmigrantes. Sin embargo, algunos de quienes llegaron, entre ellos judíos de distintos orígenes, enfrentaron restricciones para su ingreso al país, que fueron incrementándose particularmente en (...) la década de los años treinta, todo ello bajo gobiernos, en principio, de distintas vertientes ideológicas. Este artículo tiene el propósito de caracterizar los discursos, políticas y percepciones alrededor de la inmigración judía en Colombia durante las primeras cuatro décadas del siglo pasado, en el marco de una serie concepciones sobre cuestiones como la_ raza_ y la _nación_ y sus supuestas vinculaciones con las posibilidades de _progreso_. (shrink)

En el contexto del conflicto armado interno en Colombia, la atrocidad en las acciones violentas también se transmite a los conflictos familiares y comunitarios, y aumenta el desplazamiento político forzado, que provoca fuertes choques culturales al generar debilitamiento en la estructura familiar patriarcal, en los roles de los géneros y en las prácticas de la sexualidad. El artículo destaca el apoyo brindado por organizaciones no gubernamentales y agencias de cooperación internacional a este fenómeno, presentando los casos de tres núcleos (...) de mujeres desplazadas. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to present the main contributions to peace, democracy, and the philosophy of education in Colombia, made by philosopher Guillermo Hoyos-Vásquez (Medellín, 1935 – Bogotá, 2013). The work of this Colombian philosopher stands out for its important contributions to political philosophy as the vital, supportive, and responsible exercise of thought concerning the public interest. Using Kant’s concept of practical reason, Husserl’s lifeworld [Lebenswelt], and Habermas’s communicative action as starting points, Hoyos-Vásquez succeeded in going beyond (...) these political philosophers by trying to apply their ideas in the midst of the difficult context of corruption, drug trafficking and armed conflict in Colombia over the past five decades. At the same time, Hoyos-Vásquez developed throughout his life a varied public activity as a thinker and educator, belying the myth of the theoretical distance between the philosopher and his/her political present or historical reality. The thought of Guillermo Hoyos-Vásquez, and his public action as an educator, represent a substantial contribution to contemporary political and educational philosophy, maintaining a close connection between theory and practice. (shrink)

Este trabajo tiene como fin revisar los informes sobre derechos humanos en Colombia de la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, en busca de evidencia que demuestre la interrelación anulativa de los actores sociales del conflicto armado en contra de la dignidad de las victimas. La violencia y todo acto de terrorismo emergente del conflicto armado aumentan la vulnerabilidad, el silenciamiento de la memoria, la impunidad y, en gran medida, promueve una lógica evasiva (...) de responsabilidades y reparaciones que son necesarias para esclarecer los hechos victimizantes y otorgar voz a los afectados. El conflicto armado sume a las víctimas en una dinámica del terror que impacta todas sus áreas de desarrollo y limita su sentido de seguridad, confianza y credibilidad en el otro y en las instituciones sociales. (shrink)

This chapter focuses on Brazil and Colombia in the context of the official multiculturalism adopted by both countries. It looks primarily at ‘blackness’, but necessarily also makes reference to the category ‘indigenous’, as this is an inherent part of the processes by which identities come to be defined, claimed and contested. The text shows how blackness in each country oscillated between ‘ethnic’ and ‘racialised’ definitions, both from an official and from a social movement point of view, and how oscillation (...) was related to different contexts and political conjunctures. In Colombia, there was a move between 1991 and 2009 from a very ‘ethnic’ definition towards a more explicitly ‘racialised’ one; while in Brazil, we can see a move from a pre-1988 racial definition towards a more ethnic one, which however coexists with the more racial emphasis. These are not opposed trajectories, but variations on a theme of changing, overlapping and often conflicting definitions. (shrink)

El auge de los populismos de extrema derecha en el último tiempo amerita una indagación acerca de las características de la ideología reaccionaria. Una forma de aproximarse a esta es a través del pensamiento de sus principales autores. Nicolás Gómez Dávila es el mejor representante del pensamiento reaccionario en la filosofía latinoamericana, de modo que, a partir del análisis de algunos de sus escritos y siguiendo la propuesta de Richard Shorten para identificar lo reaccionario con base en tres pilares retóricos: (...) decadencia (_logos_), conspiración (_ethos_) e indignación (_pathos_), este artículo enfatiza algunas características propias de la ideología reaccionaria que la distinguen del conservadurismo, ilustrando esas diferencias con la retórica de algunos líderes reaccionarios que antecedieron a Nicolás Gómez Dávila en la Colombia del siglo XX. (shrink)

In this papper, we will do a travel to the history about Movimiento 19 de Abril, a Colombian guerrilla, and one of their units: the Batallón América. This army was conformed for four groups: M-19 and Movimiento Armado Quintín Lame, Alfaro Vive Carajo, and Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru. This battalion was a perfect example about the relation of M-19 with national and international guerrillas, and the Socialist International. Across this paper, we will show a primal idea about the internationalism in (...) the Latin American guerrillas, its effects in the posterior history from these guerrillas, the important paper from the Batallón América in their strategy about the cooperation between guerrillas in Colombia and the creation of a transnational revolutionary army in the Latin American continent. (shrink)

Alfonso Monsalve Solórzano: Colombia: democracia y paz. Medellín, Fondo Editorial Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana, 1999, pp. 378.

The present paper seeks to expose the recent problematic disclosed by some authors like Gerardo Aboy Carlés and Soledad Montero, among others, about Ernesto Laclau’s work, which has traced a new analytical path whose goal is to study with accuracy what kind of political identity-logic is the populist one. With a broader discourse perspective and understanding populism as an identity management, we consider the use of the concept of populism relevant in order to revise historical cases such as the one (...) leaded by Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in Colombia in the middle of the 20th century. In this text we contrast the populist identity with others more related to the use of force and the physical elimination of the adversary, suggesting to study gaitanist identity as one that configures ítself in an ambivalent game which oscillates between the call to radical belligerency and the privileged use of expressions pertaining to the democratic tradition which moderated the totalitarian elements of Gaitan’s speech. In this vein, we open to discussion the mostly obliterated relationship between violence and populism, with the hope to contribute to a more accurate characterization of the populist phenomenon in Latin America. (shrink)

El artículo traza un paralelo en la recepción de Nietzsche en España y en Colombia a finales del siglo XIX y en las primeras tres décadas del siglo XX. Para el caso español se estudia la filósofa María Zambrano, para el colombiano, a Carlos Arturo Torres. Se argumenta que Nietzsche fue fundamental en ambos países como una herramienta de crítica al conservadurismo, y como promesa de futuro. Al final, se trazan algunas similitudes en ambos procesos de recepción.

Este artículo da los siguientes pasos: 1. Expone las principales tesis de E. Husserl que sustentan la psicología fenomenológica como estudio de la subjetividad: región de las regiones, en sus vertientes empírica y trascendental, en dos de sus obras: Psicología fenomenológica e Ideas II; 2) Desde esta orientación teórica plantea la recepción de la psicología fenomenológica en Colombia en las primeras décadas de este siglo, sintetizadas así: a) el proyecto de naturalización, b) fenomenología y psiquiatría, c) la vía psicológica: (...) inteligencia artificial ―IA―, y d) fenomenología y psicología de la individuación; 3) A manera de colofón, muestra que la relación indisoluble entre lo empírico y lo trascendental mantiene vivo el aporte de la fenomenología a la psicología contemporánea. (shrink)

El siguiente artículo aborda la hegemonía que se ciñe sobre Colombia, mediante un punto de vista político que analiza el poder que ejerce la burguesía internacional y burguesía subordinada nacional sobre las clases subalternas y en particular la clase trabajadora colombiana. Se reflexiona sobre el l..

Purpose Late in 2019, massive protest demonstrations rocked both Chile and Colombia. They were an expression of discontent with the economic model and social policies implemented in both countries in recent decades. The purpose of this study is to investigate how Chilean and Colombian news websites framed these social protests and what aspects of the social movements promoted these media to public opinion. Design/methodology/approach The methodology of this research is empirical; the authors use quantitative and discourse analysis techniques to (...) study the news published by the top three most visited main news websites in each country and deduce the main frameworks emerging from them. After analyzing the framing of reality by media in 4,252 news items, the authors suggest that the main news portals in these Latin American countries not only portrayed the collective actions but also promoted interpretations that did not necessarily reflect the demands of the demonstrations. Findings The findings were that in the 2019 protests in Chile and Colombia, the media approach to collective action was not necessarily positive for the activists. This was mainly because framing in the Chilean and Colombian websites had to do with negative aspects of the movements, such as violence or economic costs. Originality/value The originality and value of this research is that despite the fact that there are abundant case studies on the relationship between social movements and media framing in the literature, this study adds to the current knowledge because it compares two Latin American countries and focuses on Web news portals. (shrink)

The páramos of Boyacá in Colombia are earmarked for delimitation to prevent the expansion of the agricultural frontier and protect endemic flora that contribute to water provision for cities. A varied conservation toolbox will be used, including the creation of protected areas for re-wilding and the ‘sustainable’ transitioning of livelihoods identified as environmentally destructive. Agriculture and cattle livestock farming has been identified for transitioning. Despite the negative discourse related to livestock holding, this paper argues that small-scale agropastoralism contributes to (...) re-peasantisation and provides the foundations for an agrobiodiverse conservation approach. Agropastoralism facilitates re-peasantisation through strong socio-economic networks, interconnected communities, the solidarity economy, and self-management of natural resources. Whilst, agropastoral mobility spatially binds social networks across large and disconnected spaces. Mobility is also fundamental to dynamic land access and pasture management, as it prevents over-grazing. This exemplifies how resilient socio-economic networks and mobile production strategies could be harnessed for agrobiodiversity, instead of land sparing and other sedentary ‘green’ economies. This paper makes conceptual contributions to ‘autonomy’ in re-peasantisation by empirically demonstrating the importance of mobile and flexible systems of production. It also makes a novel methodological contribution in applying a spatial lens that further unpacks how movement across the páramos facilitates autonomy and re-peasantisation. These themes are explored using interview data from 53 semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and small-scale agropastoralists from across the páramos and field observation. The paper concludes by recommending a harnessing of agropastoral knowledge, to potentiate agrobiodiversity, for a more socio-ecologically just approach to farming and conservation in the páramos. (shrink)

The article seeks to investigate the role that censorship had in the history of modern Colombian theater during the decades from 1950 to 1980, on the basis of a journey through the trajectory of groups such as Candelaria, TEC and Escuela Municipal de Teatro, as well as its directors Santiago García, Enrique Buenaventura and Gilberto Martínez. The censorship usually came from government institutions, Church ministers, or educational institutions such as universities and colleges. In addition to the analysis of direct censorship (...) phenomena such as the prohibition of performances and the expulsion of members of theater formations, or more indirect ones such as red tape or excessive tax collection, we are interested in highlighting the strategies and practices of resistance and opposition generated by playwrights and theater groups during this time before the censorial actions and speeches. Among these strategies to fight censorship, we highlight the collectivization of structured cultural formations or guilds that brought together various theater groups at the national level, as was the case with the formation of the Colombian Theater Corporation. Collectivization was the strategy against power through which the theater guild fought to resist the repressive effects of censorship. It is necessary to shed light on the role that censorship played in the life of Colombian groups and theater in general. This approach will allow us to see the history of modern theater in Colombia as the history of resistance strategies against censorship and power. (shrink)

Colombia es hoy el país con mayor área y el mayor productor de hoja de coca y cocaína en el mundo. Las políticas y los modelos de intervención a través de los cuales se ha intentado que desaparezcan estas siembras han venido cambiando, pero han optado básicamente por una de dos vías: o la realización de programas de desarrollo alternativo, dirigidos a hacer económica y socialmente posible la sustitución de los cultivos en cuestión por otras actividades, o la aplicación (...) de programas de erradicación, en especial los que hacen uso de la fumigación aérea. El presente artículo contiene algunos elementos que pueden ser útiles para un balance de las políticas y los modelos que para enfrentar los cultivos de uso ilícito han venido aplicándose en Colombia durante los últimos quince años, así como algunas consideraciones que anticipan ese balance. (shrink)