This article addresses the theoretical difficulty of justifying the use of penal coercion in circumstances of marked, unjustified social inequality. The intuitive belief behind the text is that in such a context—that of an indecent State—justifying penal coercion becomes very problematic, particularly when directed against the most disfavored members of society.

This paper deals with the relationship between law and social protests, a topic that seems particularly relevant at this time, when recent public events show the existence of growing tension between citizens and public officers. The paper does not explore the ultimate causes that triggered these social protests, but rather the normative and legal questions raised by these conflicts. The main question that it addresses is the following: How should the law act in the face of these growing expressions of (...) social discontent? The main point that it defends is that social protests are political expressions that, as such, deserve a special public (and particularly judicial) protection. The argument is particularly directed at studying the legal consequences of taking the expressive components of social protests seriously. The exploration may have a further theoretical interest for those who are interested in reflecting upon the scope and limits of the theory of deliberative democracy. (shrink)

Después de más de 200 años de vida del constitucionalismo, en América Latina, una mayoría de los países de la región sigue viéndose afectada por sistemas políticamente inestables y económicamente muy desiguales; en donde las violaciones de derechos humanos son un hecho habitual; las ramas políticas del gobierno tienden a funcionar con independencia de cualquier reclamo ciudadano, mientras se encargan de moldear normas a medida de intereses privados; los tribunales aparecen como órganos de difícil acceso público, que tienden a decidir (...) en favor de los poderosos, criminalizando a quienes protestan; y en donde el debate público destaca por las pobreza de su contenido. En este trabajo, se exploran algunas de las causas de dicha situación, relacionadas con el propio diseño del sistema constitucional dominante en la región. (shrink)

En este escrito me propongo examinar la filosofía política republicana como una concepción en diálogo con el liberalismo. Según intentaré mostrar -a través del recurso a ejemplos históricos provenientes de los orígenes del constitucionalismo- ambas filosofías se encuentran unidas por sus comunes aspiraciones igualitarias, pero al mismo tiempo muestran entendimientos diferentes acerca del significado y los alcances de la idea de igualdad. El republicanismo, según diré, viene a «reparar» los déficits del liberalismo en tanto postura igualitaria. Sin embargo -sostendré también-, (...) el éxito del republicanismo en esta empresa resulta, en todo caso, sólo parcial. Para proceder en este análisis, primero haré referencia a algunos rasgos salientes del liberalismo; luego mostraré las respuestas del republicanismo frente a los mismos; y finalmente mencionaré algunos de los límites propios de la respuesta republicana. Desde ya, me interesa dejar en claro que siendo tantas y tan disímiles las posibles caracterizaciones de las dos teorías aquí en juego -el liberalismo y el republicanismo- mi presentación sólo resultará de algún interés para quienes acepten las descripciones que aquí propongo sobre las mismas. (shrink)

Desde fines de los 90, y siguiendo una década de severos planes de ajuste estructural, América Latina fue surcada por numerosas experiencias de revueltas populares. Estas revueltas trajeron consigo masivas manifestaciones colectivas, altos niveles de agresión física y verbal contra políticos, jueces y funcionarios públicos, en general. Las protestas incluyeron, por ejemplo, la organización de ¿piquetes¿ destinados a bloquear el tráfico en las rutas principales, con el objeto de exigir empleo, comida, o el otorgamiento de subsidios; tanto como ruidosas manifestaciones (...) (i.e., ¿cacerolazos¿). Estas agresiones a las autoridades públicas alcanzaron el domicilio y las propiedades de los últimos, tato como los edificios públicos en los que trabajaban (la sede del gobierno, las legislaturas, los tribunales). Entre otros resultados, dichas protestas forzaron la renuncia del presidente Raúl Cubas, en Paraguay, en 1999;la del presidente Alberto Fujimori, en Perú, en el 2000; la del presidente Jail Mahuuad, en Ecuador, en el 2000 (tanto como la remoción del presidente Abdala Bucaram, en 1996); la del presidente Sánchez de Lozada en Bolivia, en el 2002; y la del presidente Bertrand Aristide, en Haití, en el 2004. En la Argentina, estas protestas culminaron con una profunda crisis que incluyó el mandato de cinco presidentes distintos en menos de dos semanas. Por supuesto, esta manifestaciones fueron promovidas, en cada caso, a partir de circunstancias parcialmente diversas. Algunas fueron seguramente más legítimas que otras; algunas fueron más ¿espontáneas¿ o ¿genuinas¿ que otras; algunas resultaron más poderosas y duraderas que otras. De todos modos, la presencia de todas estas variaciones no deberían impedirnos que reconozcamos las similitudes que vincularon a estos acontecimientos, que aluden al tipo de crisis que se encuentra afectando a muchos órdenes legales contemporáneos. (shrink)

En el trabajo, intento repensar la teoría penal de Carlos Nino, desarrollada durante sus estudios doctorales y posdoctorales, a la luz de su teoría de la democracia deliberativa, elaborada desde los años 80. Nino no tuvo la oportunidad de revisar plenamente sus estudios penales en la materia, luego de desarrollar su teoría de la democracia y este artículo se propone entonces dar algunos primeros pasos en esa dirección y explorar algunas posibles implicaciones de dicha tarea. In this work, I try (...) to re-think Carlos Nino’s theory about the Criminal Law, which he developed while he pursued his doctoral and post-doctoral studies, under the light of his deliberative theory of democracy, which he elaborated since the 1980s. Nino had no chance to develop this revision, so this article suggests ways to begin with this required re-elaboration. (shrink)

In a time of disenchantment with democracy, massive social protests and the 'erosion' of the system of checks and balances, this book proposes to reflect upon the main problems of our constitutional democracies from a particular regulative ideal: that of the conversation among equals. It examines the structural character of the current democratic crisis, and the way in which, from its origins, constitutions were built around a 'discomfort with democracy'. In this sense, the book critically explores the creation of different (...) restraints upon majority rule and collective debate: constitutional rights that are presented as limits to democratic debate; an elitist system of judicial review; a checks and balances scheme that discourages, rather than promotes, dialogue between the different branches of power; etc. Finally, the book proposes a dignified constitutional democracy aimed at enabling fraternal conversation within the framework of a community of equals. (shrink)

Estas páginas reseñan uno de los últimos libros de Roberto Gargarella. La obra, un diagnóstico de los problemas estructurales y normativos del constitucionalismo latinoamericano, abre debates centrales para las reformas de los sistemas políticos y jurídicos de la región, al tiempo que ofrece un ideal regulativo propio hacia donde dichas reformas deban dirigirse: el del derecho entendido como una conversación entre iguales. En el marco de la exposición de dichos argumentos se muestra los principales méritos del libro. Se (...) agregan algunas consideraciones críticas relativas a la forma en que el ideal de la conversación entre iguales articula las relaciones entre las instituciones representativas y la ciudadanía. Hacia el final se destaca la reflexión a la que incita La derrota del derecho en América Latina. (shrink)

The phenomenon of democratic erosion has become a prominent topic in constitutional scholarship over the past years. It is this concern with a deep-seated crisis of democracy that also motivates Ro...

In this comment to the brilliant book on the Constitutionalism in Latin-America, Gargarella, it is accepted that perhaps is the equality the empty promise among the ideals of constitutionalism in this region of the world. It is also accepted that an important part of the reason for this absence of equality lies in the institutional design, in the engine room of the Constitution, concretely in an hypertrophy of presidentialism. A complementary suggestion is added: the ideal of a constitutional democracy (...) presupposes the existence of a State with an autonomous, efficient, professional and robust public Administration. Only with a well-designed tax system and an Administration apt to carry out the proper functions it is possible to build a well-ordered society in which the Rawlsian Difference Principle is respected and honoured. (shrink)

A response to Roberto Gargarella’s review of Punishment, Participatory Democracy, and the Jury, by Albert W. Dzur.

Recordando a Bachelard a medio siglo de su muerte (2011) -- Filosofia de la relatividad (2011) -- La proliferación de los conceptos de especie en la biología evolucionista (2010).

Volume 19, Issue 9, September 2019, Page 37-39.

A critical survey of the main philosophical theories about events and event talk, organized in three main sections: (i) Events and Other Categories (Events vs. Objects; Events vs. Facts; Events vs. Properties; Events vs. Times); (ii) Types of Events (Activities, Accomplishments, Achievements, and States; Static and Dynamic Events; Actions and Bodily Movements; Mental and Physical Events; Negative Events); (iii) Existence, Identity, and Indeterminacy.

This high-level study discusses Newtonian principles and 19th-century views on electrodynamics and the aether. Additional topics include Einstein's electrodynamics of moving bodies, Minkowski spacetime, gravitational geometry, time and causality, and other subjects. Highlights include a rich exposition of the elements of the special and general theories of relativity.

Neste artigo, temos como objetivo perscrutar o funcionamento da verbo-visualidade de uma perspectiva dialógica do discurso, utilizando, como material de análise, uma videomontagem humorística acerca do ator político Dilma Rousseff, durante a campanha presidencial brasileira do ano de 2010. Primeiramente, procuramos refletir acerca de alguns pressupostos teórico-metodológicos de Bakhtin e de Brait, qual seja, o de verbo-visualidade, alicerçado na concepção bakhtiniana de linguagem. Em um segundo momento, detivemo-nos na análise do texto objeto do artigo, que se pautou na seguinte indagação: (...) como contribuem e funcionam os elementos verbais e visuais para produção e direcionamento de sentidos na videomontagem? Nossa hipótese é a de que os discursos carregados pela montagem criam uma trilha ideológica de sentido que leva os interlocutores a interpretar a então candidata como uma pessoa sem discurso, manipulável. Diante do exposto, tentaremos demonstrar a hipótese que sustentamos. (shrink)

This unique textbook states and proves all the major theorems of many-valued propositional logic and provides the reader with the most recent developments and trends, including applications to adaptive error-correcting binary search. The book is suitable for self-study, making the basic tools of many-valued logic accessible to students and scientists with a basic mathematical knowledge who are interested in the mathematical treatment of uncertain information. Stressing the interplay between algebra and logic, the book contains material never before published, such as (...) a simple proof of the completeness theorem and of the equivalence between Chang's MV algebras and Abelian lattice-ordered groups with unit - a necessary prerequisite for the incorporation of a genuine addition operation into fuzzy logic. Readers interested in fuzzy control are provided with a rich deductive system in which one can define fuzzy partitions, just as Boolean partitions can be defined and computed in classical logic. Detailed bibliographic remarks at the end of each chapter and an extensive bibliography lead the reader on to further specialised topics. (shrink)

Roberto Esposito is one of the most prolific and important exponents of contemporary Italian political theory.

Volume 1 of Politics, a work in constructive social theory. Newly available, the complete work of Politicsa program for a comprehensive progressive alternative to the dominant ideologies of social democracy and neo-liberalismfrom one of the worlds leading social and political thinkers. False necessity is the central theme in the three-volume series Politics. It presents both a way of explaining society and a program for changing it. The explanation develops a radical alternative to Marxism, showing how we can account for established (...) social arrangements without denying their contingency or our freedom. The program offers a progressive alternative to the now-dominant ideological conceptions of neoliberalism and social democracy: a set of institutional innovations that would democratize markets, deepen democracy and empower individuals. For this new edition, Unger has written a comprehensive introduction that explores the limits of our understanding of society and our practice of politics, and reconsiders proposals contained in the book as special cases of a larger family of untried political possibilities. (shrink)

In this article Roberto Balzani, the mayor of Forlì, remembers Roberto Ruffilli, 25 years after his murder. The remembrance reconstructs the steps of his academic career and of his political commitment. Ruffilli graduated at the Catholic University of Milan; his researches in contemporary history placed him in an original position if compared with the Italian studies of the time. The constant attention towards the history of administration and the transformations of the state is the basis on which Ruffilli (...) built his proposals concerning the reform of the insitutional and political system. Balzani concludes the article by affirming that the problems of today aren't any different, that is why Ruffilli's proposals still demonstrate their modernity. (shrink)