Tomando como ponto de partida a noção de “psicologia das multidões”, desenvolvida inicialmente por Gustave Le Bon (1841-1931), este trabalho procura refletir, num sentido amplo, sobre a dinâmica entre a política e as relações intersubjetivas, afetivas e imaginárias da vida coletiva. Além disso, buscamos estabelecer o confronto entre dois filósofos pós-marxistas contemporâneos, Antonio Negri e Ernesto Laclau, os quais, afastando-se da perspectiva de Le Bon, fazem leituras distintas das noções de povo, massa e multidão, propondo, cada qual a seu (...) modo, estratégias diferentes de atuação política, sem desconsiderar a dinâmica dos afetos que estruturam a vida social e política na atual fase do capitalismo. Frente a estas perspectivas, pretendemos mostrar que o conceito de multidão, de Le Bon, bem como as técnicas de propaganda e manipulação de massa por ele indicada, é uma ferramenta útil para compreender os fenômenos políticos contemporâneos, como é o caso do neofascismo, que surge em meio à crise da democracia representativa. (shrink)

Este artículo se propone rastrear genealógicamente el materialismo de la inmanencia que signa el pensamiento de Antonio Negri. Los inicios de tal operación filosófica, aunque entroncan con la evolución de los cinco Libros de la Autonomía obrera, se pueden situar a finales de los años ‘70, cuando Negri escribe La anomalía salvaje, dando lugar a una “vuelta a Spinoza”. Su objetivo fue el de volver a hallar un asidero ontológico, materialista; una operación filosófica que marcará su obra posterior. Si (...) su temprana formación jurídica había estado acompañada de una subjetividad trascendental y de una dialéctica –hegeliana y marxiana–, a partir de finales de los ‘70 su pensamiento se orienta hacia un materialismo constituyente de las multitudes signado por la presencia de Maquiavelo, Spinoza y Marx. (shrink)

Antonio Negri’s article explores the relationship between the juridical categories of ‘public’ and ‘private’ and the political concept of the common through the theme of the ‘material constitution’ defining actual relations of power which defy the crystallization of ‘formal constitutions’. The financial convention shaping the material constitution of contemporary capitalism refers to the rise of what Foucault called biopower, where value is no longer the expression of a mere quantity of commodities but of a set of activities and services, (...) which are immediately cooperative. In this context, any form of measure cannot but be political and hence it must be established through new forms of economic governance. The social relation of capital becomes immediately political once money displaces labour as rule, norm and measure of value. As a result, processes of political subjectivation within the Eurocrisis combine de-stituent and con-stituent movements: requests for insolvencies, social occupations, commoning and mutualization are the means through which social struggles formulate the multitudes’ demands for ‘equality as a condition of freedom’. (shrink)

En este artículo revisamos la crítica postoperaista a la teoría de la acción comunicativa de Jürgen Habermas a la luz de los problemas políticos abiertos por el régimen de producción postfordista. Atenderemos a la lectura postoperaista y habermasiana de los Grundrisse de Marx, prestando especial atención al concepto de trabajo vivo; analizaremos en qué medida el potencial hermenéutico de la acción comunicativa queda anulado por el desplazamiento del problema del nivel ontológico al ético; y argumentaremos que la dualidad entre trabajo (...) material y trabajo inmaterial presentada por el postoperaismo no reproduce el dualismo habermasiano entre acción comunicativa y acción instrumental. (shrink)

Partiendo de los análisis (post)operaistas, proponemos explicar la transición de los dispositivos disciplinarios a los dispositivos de la sociedad de control, como el in- tento de capturar el exceso de subjetividad y la multiplicación de formas de vida que constituyen el modo inmanente de la producción de riqueza en la economía post- fordista. El capitalismo postfordista no es tanto una estructura de explotación que se pueda comprender, exclusivamente, con relación al concepto de plusvalía, sino un dispositivo de captura y apropiación (...) de esa producción. (shrink)

In the introduction to the volume, the editors explain the overarching aim of the volume and contextualize the main themes of its chapters. Even if the notions of biopolitics and biopower have played a crucial role in philosophy, the humanities, and the social sciences over the last decades, they have been used in various and at times diverging senses, which has also produced different narratives about the history of biopolitics. The main aim of the volume is to clarify whether and (...) to what extent the concept of biopolitics is applicable to antiquity. To answer such questions, the chapters collected in the volume address three main topics, namely the possible presence of biopolitical discourse in ancient thought, the extent to which the application of a biopolitical approach to ancient thought requires qualifications, and some influential contemporary interpretations of the relation between biopolitics and antiquity. (shrink)

This study focuses on the ideas of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, the most influential thinkers of recent period, about the concepts of the Empire, Multitude and Biopolitical production. These concepts being at the center of contemporary political discussions problematise the ideaitonal foundations of the idea of Empire evaluated as a new form of sovereignty, the economic transformation in the contemporary capitalism and the new form of subjectivity in this age. To Negri and Hardt, Empire is seen as a (...) logic of network operating at global level and a new logic of sovereignty and governance going beyond the political boundaries of nation states as form of sovereignty. In this regard, multitude is evaluated as a collective and joint social subject against the power and command forms of empire. As for biopolitical production, it is defined as the production of life in which feelings, symbols, communication and cooperation go beyond the understanding that centers the production of tangible goods within the capitalist production and work organization. These three concepts draw an important framework in terms of understanding the economic, political transformation of the contemporary world. In this study, it was aimed at interpreting the nature of global changes brought forward by the Negri and Hardt thought within the boundaries of these three concepts. (shrink)

This study focuses on the ideas of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, the most influential thinkers of recent period, about the concepts of the Empire, Multitude and Biopolitical production. These concepts being at the center of contemporary political discussions problematise the ideaitonal foundations of the idea of Empire evaluated as a new form of sovereignty, the economic transformation in the contemporary capitalism and the new form of subjectivity in this age. To Negri and Hardt, Empire is seen as a (...) logic of network operating at global level and a new logic of sovereignty and governance going beyond the political boundaries of nation states as form of sovereignty. In this regard, multitude is evaluated as a collective and joint social subject against the power and command forms of empire. As for biopolitical production, it is defined as the production of life in which feelings, symbols, communication and cooperation go beyond the understanding that centers the production of tangible goods within the capitalist production and work organization. These three concepts draw an important framework in terms of understanding the economic, political transformation of the contemporary world. In this study, it was aimed at interpreting the nature of global changes brought forward by the Negri and Hardt thought within the boundaries of these three concepts. (shrink)

This study focuses on the ideas of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, the most influential thinkers of recent period, about the concepts of the Empire, Multitude and Biopolitical production. These concepts being at the center of contemporary political discussions problematise the ideaitonal foundations of the idea of Empire evaluated as a new form of sovereignty, the economic transformation in the contemporary capitalism and the new form of subjectivity in this age. To Negri and Hardt, Empire is seen as a (...) logic of network operating at global level and a new logic of sovereignty and governance going beyond the political boundaries of nation states as form of sovereignty. In this regard, multitude is evaluated as a collective and joint social subject against the power and command forms of empire. As for biopolitical production, it is defined as the production of life in which feelings, symbols, communication and cooperation go beyond the understanding that centers the production of tangible goods within the capitalist production and work organization. These three concepts draw an important framework in terms of understanding the economic, political transformation of the contemporary world. In this study, it was aimed at interpreting the nature of global changes brought forward by the Negri and Hardt thought within the boundaries of these three concepts. (shrink)

En el presente artículo analizamos cuáles son las posibilidades de una nueva democracia basada en las condiciones de producción de la sociedad y no en la representación política del Estado. Desarrollamos así el concepto negriano de La República constituyente, como democracia real de la multitud global, en contraposición a las ideas, intrínsecamente totalitarias, de pueblo y soberanía. Palabras clave: Antonio Negri; democracia real; república constituyente; multitud global; ideas totalitarias. Antonio Negri, the constituent Republic and the democracy to comeIn (...) this paper we analyze what are the possibilities for a new democracy, based on society’s production conditions rather than on the State’s political representation. We thereby develop Negri’s concept of constituent Republic as real democracy of the global multitude, as opposed to the intrinsically totalitarian ideas of people and sovereignty. Keywords : Antonio Negri; real democracy; constituent Republic; global multitude; totalitarian ideas. (shrink)

In opposition to any notion of poverty as privation, or ‘bare life’, Negrian discourse poses the problem of poverty as a precondition for innovation and self-constitution, that is, for the critical appropriation of the immeasurable. This appropriation, as depicted in Kairòs, Alma Venus, and Multitudo, occurs in the event of adequation, when the monstrous store of potentia (immanent to poverty) exposes itself to the void in the projection of the ‘to-come’. This essay seeks in turn to resolve a series of (...) vexing questions and problems concerning the function of poverty, love, and the monstrous in the Negrian constitution of reality. (shrink)

Commonwealthis the third book co-authored by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. As with the previous two books,EmpireandMultitude, the task of this book is to both critique the present order and provide the concepts for a radical transformation of that order. This review examines how this third, and final book in the series, changes the argument of the other two, specifically examining the rôle that the concept of the common plays in restructuring the idea of critique, politics, and political economy.

The spectacular success of Empire and Multitude has brought Antonio Negri's writing to a new and wider audience. Negri'as work is singular in its depth and expression. It can be difficult to grasp the complexity of his ideas as they are rooted in the history of philosophy. This book offers an introduction to his thinking and is ideal for readers who want to come to grips with his key themes. Contributors include Pierre Macherey, Daniel Bensai;d, Charles Wolfe, Alex Callinicos, (...) Miguel Vatter, Jason Read, Alberto Toscano, Mamut Mutman, Ted Stolze, and Judith Revel. Written with dynamism and originality, the book will appeal to anyone interested in the evolution of Negri's thought, and especially to students of political philosophy, international studies, and literary theory. This book is the sequel to The Philosophy of Antonio Negri, Volume One: Resistance in Practice , but can be read entirely independently. (shrink)

This article critically analyzes Antonio Negri's democratic theory by exploring the theoretical significance of a concept that begins to appear in his writings after the 1990s, namely the concept of ‘love’. Negri's turn to love in the closing pages of his most recent books is puzzling, especially given his earlier recourse to notions of antagonistic struggle, direct confrontation and even violence. Using Jacques Derrida's conception of ‘the supplement’ for interpretive purposes, I argue that the concept of love not only (...) enriches Negri's account of democracy, but also points to a lack within his political thought. During the 1970s, as one of the leading figures of autonomist Marxism, Negri called for a radicalization of antagonism and the use of violence to ensure the political organization of the revolutionary subject without giving up on the emancipatory potential of ‘direct and immediate’ action. In his recent writings, Negri has supplemented the notion of ‘love’ for his earlier emphasis on antagonism to address autonomist Marxism's unresolved question of political organization. And yet, this turn to love comes at a price. Negri's understanding of love as the creative force of revolutionary consciousness leads him to erase the process of political contestation and mediation involved in the constitution of political struggles. Love, then, operates as a dangerous supplement, undermining Negri's commitment to multiplicity and diversity as central aspects of his democratic theory. (shrink)

Comment ne pas désespérer? Comment maximiser notre capacité d'agir et de penser? Comment défaire tous les efforts et les dispositifs qui visent à séparer la multitude de sa puissance?00L'urgence de ces questions traverse l'oeuvre d'Antonio Negri depuis ses commencements dans les années 1960 et 1970, alors qu'un mouvement d'insurrection ouvrière soulevait l'Italie jusqu'à ses plus récents développements avec l'altermondialisation et l'émergence dans l'espace public des questions écologiques. À travers différents ouvrages devenus des classiques de la théorie politique notamment La (...) Classe ouvrière contre l'État, Marx au-delà de Marx, L'Anomalie sauvage, Le Pouvoir constituant, mais aussi, en collaboration avec Michael Hardt, Empire, Multitude, Commonwealth et Assembly--, Antonio Negri a proposé l'une des contributions les plus marquantes à la pensée critique contemporaine. À l'heure de la contre-révolution néolibérale et du renouvellement des modalités de l'exploitation, il s'agit pour lui de prendre acte de la péremption des formes anciennes de la lutte des classes et de contribuer à l'ouverture d'un nouvel horizon révolutionnaire, à hauteur des enjeux du temps présent."--Back cover. (shrink)

While Agamben and Foucault see politics as the modern danger, Negri sees its emancipatory sense. The biopolitics as well will be thought of as the bearer of a new emancipatory subjectivity called multitude.

The notion of “empire” in Hardt and Negri’s political theory indicates a new postmodern sovereignty, able to lead the capital accumulation in the global market era. With the concept of “empire”, Hardt and Negri want to overtake the imperialism doctrines, considered by the two authors unable to understand correctly the global world. The aim of this essay is to clarify the conceptual contraposition between “empire” and “imperialism” offering a brief description of the international debate raised by the publication of “Empire” (...) by Hardt and Negri, in order to present the different positions and describe strengths, contradictions and aporias. (shrink)

A diferencia de lo ocurrido con la lucha de clases, la mayor parte de las reelaboraciones teóricas (post)marxistas de las últimas décadas han evitado recuperar la dictadura del proletariado, si bien en su origen estaban indisolublemente unidas. Como consecuencia, su significado marxista originario sigue confundiéndose con el significado jurídico-burgués de dictadura como forma de gobierno. Frente a esta situación, el presente artículo expone la reelaboración teórica de la dictadura del proletariado realizada —desde posiciones claramente divergentes— por Slavoj Žižek y (...) class='Hi'>Antonio Negri. En el primer caso, Žižek recupera el término explícitamente para oponerlo a la concepción liberal de democracia, por considerarla incapaz de erigirse como alternativa al capitalismo. En el segundo, si bien se elude el empleo explícito del término, se desarrolla una concepción de la democracia y lo común que recupera y adapta el significado marxista originario de la dictadura del proletariado como transición a un común(ismo) sin Estado. (shrink)

El artículo se propone abordar el concepto de multitud tal y como ha sido elaborado por el filósofo italiano Antonio Negri, incluyendo los trabajos escritos con Michael Hardt. El texto reconstruye la oposición del concepto de multitud al de pueblo, central en el pensamiento y en las instituciones políticas modernas; y la diferencia entre el concepto de multitud y el de clase obrera moderna, del que va más allá. Finalmente se hará hincapié en el pasaje del ser al hacer (...) multitud. (shrink)

Philosophe et penseur du politique, intellectuel marxiste et militant communiste, enseignant, directeur de collection... : à travers le rayonnement de son oeuvre et de sa personne, Louis Althusser a renouvelé la théorie politique et la philosophie de l'histoire, de Machiavel à Marx. Parmi ses contemporains, Michel Foucault exhorte : " Ouvrez les livres d'Althusser! ", Jacques Derrida évoque " la force rayonnante et provocante de sa pensée ", Gilles Deleuze salue l'" Althusser's Band ", et pour Roland Barthes, " le (...) seul modèle acceptable de la science est celui mis au jour par les études d'Althusser sur Marx ". Aliocha Wald Lasowski converse avec vingt écrivains et philosophes qui ont lu, rencontré, parfois travaillé avec Althusser, quand ils n'ont pas fait partie de ses proches. Où l'on mesure à quel point la pensée d'Althusser demeure d'une actualité brûlante. (shrink)

This collection of specially commissioned essays is the first of its kind in English on the work of Antonio Negri, the Italian philosopher and political theorist. The spectacular success of Empire , Negri's collaboration with Michael Hardt, has brought Negri's writing to a new, wider audience. A substantial body of his writing is now available to an English-speaking readership. Outstanding contributors—including Michael Hardt, Sergio Bologna, Kathi Weeks and Nick Dyer-Witheford—reveal the variety and complexity of Negri's thought and explores its (...) unique relevance to modern politics. Negri is one of the most sophisticated analyists of modern political philosophy. Philosophers and critics alike find his work both difficult and exhilarating, engaging as it does with Marx, Spinoza, Deleuze, Guattari, Tronti and others. This book is ideal for readers who want to get to grips with Negri's key themes, in particular his theories on labour, capital, power, the state and revolution. It makes a great introduction to his work for students of political philosophy, as well as providing a comprehensive critical approach for Negri enthusiasts. (shrink)

Como reacción a la recuperación académica de un Marx completamente desvinculado de la tradición marxista-leninista realizada a finales del siglo xx, las dos últimas décadas han presenciado un nuevo intento, propiamente filosófico, de rescatar partes del pensamiento de Lenin, si bien se han llevado a cabo desde posiciones epistemológicas, y con objetivos políticos, altamente divergentes. El presente artículo analiza y compara las que consideramos que son las dos líneas principales de esta recuperación: La liderada por Slavoj Žižek desde posiciones sociosimbólicas (...) post-althusserianas, y la desarrollada por Antonio Negri y Michael Hardt a partir de la ontología deleuzoguattariana y el post-operaísmo. (shrink)

The definitive establishment of public-private governance has forced to abandon the theories of political autonomy that were valid until a few decades ago. In return, there has been a boom in the autonomy of the right conceived as a recovery of the natural law inherent to Human Rights. This article rescues from oblivion the two main criticisms made in the second half of the twentieth century to Human Rights: that of the conservative jurist Ernst Forsthoff and that of the Marxist (...) philosopher Antonio Negri. Although these thinkers are completely antagonistic from the point of view of their political projects, both agree that, in the current technical societies where collaborative work prevails, the liberal conception of right is no longer able to function as a guarantor of the freedoms and empowerment of citizens: it has lost all capacity for control and organization of material production relationships. (shrink)

O texto busca reconstituir alguns momentos fundamentais da leitura negriana de Espinosa, mostrando como ela se presta a uma releitura da modernidade filosófica bem como abre-se para a reflexão política contemporânea. Por fim, são apontados certos aspectos problemáticos da interpretação de Negri.

El siguiente texto intenta abordar la relación existente entre los procesos de globalización-mundialización y ciertas concepciones de historia que le son solidarias. Para lo anterior apela a las reflexiones realizadas por Marc Abélès en Política de la supervivencia y Michael Hardt y Antonio Negri en Imperio. En ambos análisis se puede percibir la importancia que tiene la historia como soporte de los procesos globales que entremezclan lo político, lo económico y lo cultural, procesos que parecen avanzar, según el curso (...) de la historia, y que permiten además dar referencia de sentido a los sujetos en sus procesos identitarios y de individuación. The following text tries to approach the relation between the globalization-mondialisation process and certain conceptions of history witch are solidary with them. For the previous thing, it appeals to the reflections realized by Marc Abélès in Politics of the survival and Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri in Empire. In both analyses it is possible to perceive the importance that takes the history as a support of the global processes that intermingle the politics, the economy and culture, processes that seem to advance according to the course that history has, and they allow to give in addition reference of sense to the subjects in his processes of identity and of individuation. (shrink)