Algunas formulaciones de la filosofía política reciente han descuidado el carácter históricamente indexado de conceptos como libertad política, propiedad o soberanía, propiciando un uso anacrónico e impreciso de su significado. No obstante, su posición académica y social dominante informa el «sentido común» filosófico- político de nuestra época. Locke constituye un ejemplo de cómo la coyuntura interpretativa liberal, que se desplegó en el siglo XIX y se consolidó en el XX, ha oscurecido una parte de la complejidad y pluralidad de las (...) tradiciones intelectuales y normativas que heredó. La reconstrucción de la filosofía política lockeana a partir de su concepción fiduciaria de la libertad política contribuye a hacer de nuevo visible el significado de algunas concepciones fundamentales para la teorización normativa presente. (shrink)

La teoria de los derechos de Robert Nozick se funda en los derechos de autopropiedad que cada persona tiene sobre si misma. Esos derechos legitiman que haya una apropiaciön desigual de bienes externos. El Estado debe garantizar las condiciones para transferencia legitima de toda propiedad privada, incluido uno mismo, mediante el mercado. La teoria de Nozick permite que alguien pueda venderse a si mismo como esclavo. A su vez, el modelo de equilibrio general competitivo de la teoria econömica neocläsica no (...) opone ningün argumento contra el contrato de esclavitud entre humanos. AI tratar el factor trabajo como un factor mäs, cualquier restricciön a la libre venta de los servicios futuros llevaria a una situaciön suböptima. Pero ocurre que la esclavizaciön voluntaria es ilegal, y lo es porque el ejercicio del derecho de autopropiedad irrestricto no otorga mäs autonomia substancial, sino menos. Para que las personas puedan ser autönomas deben gozar de derechos de existencia (de ciudadarria, econömicos y demäs) inalienables. La teoria de Nozick y el modelo del equilibrio general competitivo no respetan esta condiciön esencial, lo cual las convierte en normativamente indeseables. (shrink)

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar parte de la producción teórica de Nancy Fraser: particularmente, la idea de teoría crítica acuñada por ella en la década de 1980, el enfoque que deriva de esta, así como su potencial para entender y transformar el presente. A su vez, y como resultado de esto, la intención esmostrar la relevancia e importancia del pensamiento filosófico-feminista en la escena intelectual del momento presente.

Este número monográfico pretende contribuir a la reflexión sobre el interés de las relaciones fiduciarias en varios sentidos. En primer lugar, quiere coadyuvar a aclarar las ventajas y las limitaciones conceptuales y normativas del principio fiduciario para la reflexión filosófico-política y para la política práctica contemporáneas. En segundo lugar, aspira a enriquecer nuestra apreciación de los hilos entrecruzados de la constitución fiduciaria del mundo moderno mediante el examen de los desarrollos de esta idea en Europa y Estados Unidos. En (...) tercer lugar, pretende refinar nuestra comprensión del potencial que tiene su aplicación a diversas áreas interconectadas de la filosofía, la economía, la sociología y el derecho. Finalmente, se pretende proponer discusiones histórico-conceptualmente informadas sobre la relación entre el republicanismo y los principios fiduciarios. This monographic issue aims to contribute to the reflection on the interest of fiduciary relationships in several ways. Firstly, it wants to help clarify the conceptual and normative advantages and limitations of the fiduciary principle for contemporary philosophical-political reflection and practical politics. Secondly, it aspires to enrich our appreciation of the interlocking threads of the fiduciary constitution of the modern world by examining the developments of this idea in Europe and the United States. Thirdly, it seeks to refine our understanding of the potential of its application to various interconnected areas of philosophy, economics, sociology, and law. Finally, it is intended to propose historically and conceptually informed discussions on the relationship between republicanism and fiduciary principles. (shrink)

La teoria de los derechos de Robert Nozick se funda en los derechos de autopropiedad que cada persona tiene sobre si misma. Esos derechos legitiman que haya una apropiaciön desigual de bienes externos. El Estado debe garantizar las condiciones para transferencia legitima de toda propiedad privada, incluido uno mismo, mediante el mercado. La teoria de Nozick permite que alguien pueda venderse a si mismo como esclavo. A su vez, el modelo de equilibrio general competitivo de la teoria econömica neocläsica no (...) opone ningün argumento contra el contrato de esclavitud entre humanos. AI tratar el factor trabajo como un factor mäs, cualquier restricciön a la libre venta de los servicios futuros llevaria a una situaciön suböptima. Pero ocurre que la esclavizaciön voluntaria es ilegal, y lo es porque el ejercicio del derecho de autopropiedad irrestricto no otorga mäs autonomia substancial, sino menos. Para que las personas puedan ser autönomas deben gozar de derechos de existencia (de ciudadarria, econömicos y demäs) inalienables. La teoria de Nozick y el modelo del equilibrio general competitivo no respetan esta condiciön esencial, lo cual las convierte en normativamente indeseables. (shrink)

Neoclassical economic theory has often failed to reflect adequately the particular features of labour. The assumption that there are no political relationships between capital and labour has led to the development of incomplete—and sometimes false—economic models. An institutional approach, one which takes intoaccount the historical social dynamics underlying the relationship between capital and labour, shows more clearly how the asymmetry of power in the labour contract affects freedom in a wider—and political—sense. Through consideration of the different forms of household government (...) in Locke and Aristotle we can reach a better understanding of how the ancient contract of servitude, which Roman law defined as locatio conductio operarum, became today’s ‘labour contract’. This paper aims to show that the supposed contractual freedom is structurally limited by social asymmetries, in other words, by the fact that one of the parties to the contract is not completely autonomous as he/she is not a property owner. Good economic theory should seek to incorporate not only the economic dimension of social asymmetries but also their unyielding political dimension. (shrink)

Neoclassical economic theory has often failed to reflect adequately the particular features of labour. The assumption that there are no political relationships between capital and labour has led to the development of incomplete—and sometimes false—economic models. An institutional approach, one which takes intoaccount the historical social dynamics underlying the relationship between capital and labour, shows more clearly how the asymmetry of power in the labour contract affects freedom in a wider—and political—sense. Through consideration of the different forms of household government (...) in Locke and Aristotle we can reach a better understanding of how the ancient contract of servitude, which Roman law defined as locatio conductio operarum, became today’s ‘labour contract’. This paper aims to show that the supposed contractual freedom is structurally limited by social asymmetries, in other words, by the fact that one of the parties to the contract is not completely autonomous as he/she is not a property owner. Good economic theory should seek to incorporate not only the economic dimension of social asymmetries but also their unyielding political dimension. (shrink)

La teoría republicana moderna de la concepción revolucionaria de la soberanía popular tuvo un eslabón fundamental en la filosofía política de John Locke, quien elaboró un argumento en favor de la libertad natural y de la autonomía de juicio de los individuos, y en contra de la sujeción natural y la alienación de la libertad política. Concibe la autoridad política como un poder político fiduciario instituido para el fin del bien público. Cuando los gobernantes actúan para fines distintos de los (...) encomendados, arbitrariamente o por su interés propio, la confianza se pierde y el ejercicio del poder político regresa a las manos del pueblo libre. Modern republican theory of the revolutionary conception of popular sovereignty had a fundamental link in the political philosophy of John Locke, who elaborated an argument in favour of the natural freedom and autonomy of judgment of individuals, and against the natural subjection and alienation of political freedom. He conceives of political authority as a fiduciary political power instituted for the end of public good. When the trustees act for ends other than those entrusted, arbitrarily or for his own interest, trust is forfeited and the exercise of political power returns to the hands of the free people. (shrink)

During the last two centuries, property understood as an exclusive and unlimited dominion became common sense. Before, the idea of property as a fiduciary relationship, which is still present in contemporary social constitutionalism, was closely linked to the view that the exercise of freedom entails the capacity to shape those property rights that channel socioeconomic life. Today, new ways to operationalise such an approach must be found. This article explores the scope of ‘direct strategies’ and ‘indirect strategies’ in the recovery (...) of the idea and the practice of collective fiduciary control over the economic realm. (shrink)

Neste artigo pretendemos mostrar as diferentes implicações epistemológicas e éticas da ideia de princípio fisiológico do conhecimento nas filosofias de Schopenhauer e Nietzsche. Pois, se para o primeiro isto será a garantia de afirmação de um conhecimento irracional, para o segundo é a confirmação da não possibilidade de conhecimento. Assim, veremos como, para Schopenhauer, o princípio fisiológico do conhecimento nos liga a essência do mundo e nos torna capazes de atingir em certas vias a própria coisa em si, a (...) vontade. Na filosofia de Nietzsche, tal princípio é a justa prova de que todo o conhecimento não se liga a nada mais do que a manutenção da vida, de forma que a linguagem e a “verdade” são apenas construtos para a sobrevivência humana. Observaremos também qual valoração de vida ambos filósofos imputam em suas considerações, já que, em Schopenhauer, vislumbrar a verdade é se dar conta do quão pouco valor a vida possui, enquanto em Nietzsche a tragédia da vida se mostra sempre afirmativa. (shrink)

After a decade of increasing international projection and engagement, which led Brazil to be considered an emerging power, since 2013 the country goes through a prolonged period of international retraction. In this chapter, we argue that Brazil’s foreign policy has no longer been guided by the country’s long-term objectives and interests, in view of the global possibilities, but by the immediate domestic circumstances. We identify three major stages in this process, coinciding with the strategies of the specific administrations: retraction, in (...) which president Dilma Rousseff sought to lower the Brazilian status of emerging power to that of middle power, of more limited ambitions and generally limited to issues of low politics ; normalization, in which president Michel Temer sought to guarantee the legitimacy and survival of his fragile transitional government by strengthening the trade agenda, with a view to the country’s economic recovery; redefinition, in which president Jair Bolsonaro, a vocal anti-system far-right politician, sought to reposition Brazil as a Christian and conservative nation by substantiating the country’s international objectives to the new correlation of forces that came to power in 2018. We seek to contribute to Brazilian foreign policy studies by retelling recent history from the angle of domestic constraints to Brazil’s global engagement. (shrink)

The article presents the sources and definitions of the concepts «system» and «lifeworld», emphasizing how the colonization of the lifeworld by the system appears as a pathological process, in the presence of which a critical stance must be maintained. Facing the increase of the systemic complexity, it is necessary to ensure the symbolic reproduction of the lifeworld through communicative action. Although we share with Habermas the meaning of his critique of the colonization, we present some objections to the dichotomous opposition (...) of both spheres, inasmuch as it confers the economical and administrative systems with an ontological status that ultimately safeguards them from any possible critique. (shrink)

O objetivo deste artigo, que se insere no âmbito da filosofia da religião, é tratar o problema lógico do mal e mais concretamente a teoria da defesa do livre-arbítrio de Alvin Plantinga. Quero examinar se esta é uma teoria plausível e se resiste a algumas objeções. Pretendo defender que esta teoria parece resistir a certas objeções.

El presente artículo interroga la posibilidad de que la justicia, entendida como institución, se transforme al reconocer como injusticias estructurales las injusticias epistémicas relacionadas con el abuso sexual. Para ello analizaré la decisión de la jueza Rosemary Aquilina de invitar a más de 150 sobrevivientes de abuso sexual a dar su testimonio en el juicio a Larry Nassar. Sostengo que este acto de escucha y acompañamiento de las sobrevivientes durante las audiencias reconoce el valor de narrar la experiencia de abuso (...) sexual, muestra el daño de la injusticia epistémica por los prejuicios que interfieren con la credibilidad de las víctimas y las estructuras de poder que silencian los testimonios. En un segundo momento, analizo las audiencias donde hay una participación colectiva de las sobrevivientes como un espacio de acompañamiento que las empodera en tanto sujetos epistémicos y agentes morales. (shrink)

Nos encaminamos hacia una era trans y poshumana en la que la vida humana será un puro intercambio de información. El hombre se deshace de su ser condicionado, de su facticidad, que, sin embargo, lo hace ser precisamente lo que es. (Han 2021 93).

According to Husserl, the mathematization of the lifeworld involves reducing it, as object of knowledge, to what is measurable, as well as excluding other forms of knowledge of it. This has important implications in relation to the modern conception of rationality, and, significantly, of practical rationality. More precisely, it issues in an impoverishment of the notion of reason. This article examines the idea that the process of commodification associated with the consolidation and expansion of capitalism has motivated another aspect of (...) the mathematization of nature to which Husserl alludes: the mathematization of value. Born from capitalist economy and from practical attitudes, this mathematization of value is a tendency to reduce all value to use value. In such context, this article offers a phenomenological reflection on the crisis of modern rationality, especially in relation to the difficulty to undertake collective actions that follow logics that are different from that of the accumulation of capital, based on the examination of this other aspect of the mathematization of the lifeworld. (shrink)

Linguagem e liberdade: o contradiscurso de Baruch Espinosa -- Três em uma (considerações sobre o Cândido de Voltaire) -- Experiência do pensamento (homenagem a Maurice Merleau-Ponty).

The article deals with question 1st (chapter 1) of the Coimbra Jesuit Commentary on the Aristotelian ‘De Coelo’ (1593), “Whether the Universe is perfect”. The Author aims at reading anew the Portuguese question, pointing to the place the Universe has in man’s heart by underlining that the cosmos must have in man (“parvus mundus”) its conditions of legality.