SOME years ago Giangrande acutely suggested1 that we should read at the beginning of this line έσтààθη δ’ φθοολλος in place of Buttmann' proposal έσàκη δ’ θολλος accepted by Pfeiffer. Giangrande' emendation received upport from Meillier, who wrote:2 ‘Giangrande … a trouvé de bonnes raisons pour conserver έσтààθη … et propose έσтààθη δ’ φθοολλος.’ No one seems to have realized that there is a metrical difficulty involved in Buttmann' emendation—an ironic fact, as his original intention was, of course, to restore (...) the metre of the line. According to Buttmann' text, the first five feet of the line, in terms of dactyls and spondees, emerge as S S D S D. Callimachus does not seem to use this formation either in the elegiac metre of this hymn or in his Epigrams.3 The figures given by Beneke, based on Schneider' text, need correction in that there is only one example of an S S D S D line in the Epigrams of Callimachus , not two. That such hexameters occur in the Aitia6 is of no consequence. Callimachus clearly regarded the distichs of the Aitia as bound by less strict metrical rules than the distichs of the Epigrams and Hymn 5, as his employment of σπονδєιàζονтєς indicates. From all the above it follows that Giangrande' restoration is the more convincing as it is the first to be metrically acceptable.7. (shrink)

SOME years ago Giangrande acutely suggested1 that we should read at the beginning of this line έσтààθη δ’ φθοολλος in place of Buttmann' proposal έσàκη δ’ θολλος accepted by Pfeiffer. Giangrande' emendation received upport from Meillier, who wrote:2 ‘Giangrande … a trouvé de bonnes raisons pour conserver έσтààθη … et propose έσтààθη δ’ φθοολλος.’ No one seems to have realized that there is a metrical difficulty involved in Buttmann' emendation—an ironic fact, as his original intention was, of course, to restore (...) the metre of the line. According to Buttmann' text, the first five feet of the line, in terms of dactyls and spondees, emerge as S S D S D. Callimachus does not seem to use this formation either in the elegiac metre of this hymn or in his Epigrams.3 The figures given by Beneke, based on Schneider' text, need correction in that there is only one example of an S S D S D line in the Epigrams of Callimachus, not two.That such hexameters occur in the Aitia6 is of no consequence. Callimachus clearly regarded the distichs of the Aitia as bound by less strict metrical rules than the distichs of the Epigrams and Hymn 5, as his employment of σπονδєιàζονтєς indicates. From all the above it follows that Giangrande' restoration is the more convincing as it is the first to be metrically acceptable.7. (shrink)

Our 'view' of great philosophers is very often determined by the iconographical tradition. Thus our view of the person Descartes is based, not least, on the well-known portrait in the Louvre in Paris, presumably a copy of a Frans-Hals painting, that shows a rather grim and disdainful Descartes. This view is contrasted here with portraits from Groningen and Copenhagen , which are almost unknown among philosophers and which present us with a rather mellow and affable Descartes. These paintings are considered (...) in the context of other Descartes-portraits. (shrink)

Dans la recherche jusqu'à présent la théorie de la „respublica optima” a été totalement négligée. C'est pourquoi on présente ici une reconstruction de cette théorie sous ses différents aspects. À cette fin la fonction et la portée de cette idée viennent brièvement exposées aussi bien que son développement historique. De cette analyse résulte la question d'un impact possible de cette construction particulière et personelle sur la réalité politique.

Die Interpretation der frühen Akademiepläne von Leibniz zielt auf die politischen Implikationen und Konsequenzen dieser z. T. utopischen Projekte. Sie enthüllt das Ideal eines autoritären Wohlfahrtsstaates, in dem die Staatskunst, geleitet von einem metaphysischen, der Absicht nach exakten Herrschaftswissen, zugleich höchster Gottesdienst ist. Auf diese Weise wird ein Zugang zu Leibniz' politischer Philosophie als Beispiel seiner praktischen Philosophie gewonnen und der Absolutismus der Praxis als mögliche Konsequenz einer absolutistischen Theorie sichtbar gemacht. Zugleich erweist sich, wie der Versuch, die Politik der (...) Wissenschaft zu unterwerfen, in den Dienst der Wissenschaft am Staat umschlägt. (shrink)