Since September 11, we frequently hear that the struggle is between good and evil and that politics is at an end. Should we welcome or fear a 'Third Way' beyond left and right? In this timely and thought provoking book, Chantal Mouffe argues that third way thinking ignores fundamental, conflictual aspects of human nature and that far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical (...) origins of the political. She also reflects on the Enlightenment and the social contract, arguing that in spite of its good intentions, it fatally suppressed the radical core of political life. She uses many contemporary examples, including the Iraq war, racism and the rise of the far right, to argue that far from ending dangerous extremism, the political void created by the search for consensus inflames it. (shrink)

Deconstruction and pragmatism constitute two of the major intellectual influences on the contemporary theoretical scene; influences personified in the work of Jacques Derrida and Richard Rorty. Both Rortian pragmatism, which draws the consequences of post-war developments in Anglo-American philosophy, and Derridian deconstruction, which extends and troubles the phonomenological and Heideggerian influence on the Continental tradition, have hitherto generally been viewed as mutually exclusive philosophical language games. The purpose of this volume is to bring deconstruction and pragmatism into critical confrontation with (...) one another through staging a debate between Derrida and Rorty, itself based on discussions that took place at the _College International de Philosophie_ in Paris in 1993. The ground for this debate is layed out in introductory papers by Simon Critchley and Ernesto Laclau, and the remainder of the volume records Derrida's and Rorty's responses to each other's work. Chantal Mouffe gives an overview of the stakes of this debate in a helpful preface. (shrink)

Political conflict in our society is inevitable, and the results are often far from negative. How then should we deal with the intractable differences arising from complex modern culture? Developing her groundbreaking political philosophy of agnostics--the search for a radical and plural democracy--Chantal Mouffe examines international relations, strategies for radical politics, the future of Europe and the politics of artistic practices. She shows that in many circumstances where no alternatives seem possible, agonistics offers a new road map for change. (...) Engaging with cosmopolitanism, post-operaism, and theories of multiple modernities she argues in favor of a multipolar world with a real cultural and political pluralism. -- Publisher's website. (shrink)

Chantal Mouffe is one of the most influential political theorists at work today. Her work has influenced political parties across Europe and continues to inform the direction of left politics. In this work, Mouffe argues that liberal democracy misunderstands the problems of ethnic, religious and nationalist conflicts because of its inadequate conception of politics.

From the theory of ‘deliberative democracy’ to the politics of the ‘third way’, the present Zeitgeist is characterized by attempts to deny what Chantal Mouffe contends is the inherently conflictual nature of democratic politics. Far from being signs of progress, such ideas constitute a serious threat to democratic institutions. Taking issue with John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas on one side, and the political tenets of Blair, Clinton and Schröder on the other, Mouffe brings to the fore the paradoxical nature (...) of modern liberal democracy in which the category of the ‘adversary’ plays a central role. She draws on the work of Wittgenstein, Derrida, and the provocative theses of Carl Schmitt, to propose a new understanding of democracy which acknowledges the ineradicability of antagonism in its workings. (shrink)

One of the main reasons that liberal democratic societies are not ill-prepared to confront the present challenge presented by disaffection with democratic institutions, is that the type of political theory currently in vogue is dominated by an individualistic, universalistic, and rationalistic framework. This erases the dimension of the political and impedes envisaging in an adequate manner the nature of a pluralistic democratic public sphere. This paper examines the most recent paradigm of liberal democracy: 'deliberative democracy', in order to bring to (...) the fore its shortcomings. Then, the authos puts forward some element for the elaboration of an alternative model that she proposes to call 'agonistic pluralism'. (shrink)

Since September 11th, we frequently hear that political differences should be put aside: the real struggle is between good and evil. What does this mean for political and social life? Is there a 'Third Way' beyond left and right, and if so, should we fear or welcome it? This thought-provoking book by Chantal Mouffe, a globally recognized political author, presents a timely account of the current state of democracy, affording readers the most relevant and up-to-date information. Arguing that liberal (...) 'third way thinking' ignores fundamental, conflicting aspects of human nature, Mouffe states that, far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical origins of the political and reflects on the Enlightenment, and the social contract, arguing that in spite of its good intentions, it levelled the radical core of political life. Contemporary examples, including the Iraq war, racism and the rise of the far right, are used to illustrate and support her theory that far from combating extremism, the quest for consensus politics undermines the ability to challenge it. These case studies are also highly effective points of reference for student revision. _On the Political _is a stimulating argument about the future of politics and addresses the most fundamental aspects of democracy that will aid further study. (shrink)

The themes of citizenship and community are today at the center of a fierce debate as both left and right try to mobilize them for their cause. For the left such notions are crucial in all the current attempts to redefine political struggle through extending and deepening democracy. But, argue the contributors to this volume, these concepts need to be made compatible with the pluralism that marks modern democracy. Rather than reject the liberal tradition, they argue, the aim should be (...) to radicalize it. These essays set out to examine what types of “citizen” and “community” might be required by such a radical and plural democracy. From a range of disciplines and a fruitful diversity of theoretical perspectives, the contributors help us to address the following challenge: how to defend the greatest possible pluralism without destroying the very framework of the democratic political community. Despite their differences, a vision emerges from these essays which is sharply at odds both with the universalistic and rationalistic conception to be found in the work of Habermas, and with postmodern celebrations of absolute heterogeneity. For this book is an exploration of politics—of a politics where power, conflict and antagonism will always play a central role. (shrink)

Entretien réalisé par Chantale Mailhot avec Madeleine Akrich, ingénieure et sociologue, créatrice du cours « Controverses environnementales », et avec Liliana Doganova, chargée de recherche, cofondatrice – avec Brice Laurent, également chargé de recherche et ingénieur au corps des mines – de l’option « Affaires publiques et Innovation » à l’École des Mines de Paris.

Revisiting the generally accepted notion of psycho-physical parallelism in Spinoza, Chantal Jaquet offers a new analysis of the relation between body and mind. Looking at a range of Spinoza's texts, and using an original methodology, she analyses their unity in action through affects, actions and passions.

Deconstruction and pragmatism constitute two of the major intellectual influences on the contemporary theoretical scene; influences personified in the work of Jacques Derrida and Richard Rorty. Both Rortian pragmatism, which draws the consequences of post-war developments in Anglo-American philosophy, and Derridian deconstruction, which extends and troubles the phonomenological and Heideggerian influence on the Continental tradition, have hitherto generally been viewed as mutually exclusive philosophical language games. The purpose of this volume is to bring deconstruction and pragmatism into critical confrontation with (...) one another through staging a debate between Derrida and Rorty, itself based on discussions that took place at the _College International de Philosophie_ in Paris in 1993. The ground for this debate is layed out in introductory papers by Simon Critchley and Ernesto Laclau, and the remainder of the volume records Derrida's and Rorty's responses to each other's work. Chantal Mouffe gives an overview of the stakes of this debate in a helpful preface. (shrink)

This paper is part of a larger project defending of the foundations of microeconomics against recent criticisms by philosophers. Here, we undermine one source of these criticisms, arising from philosophers' disappointment with the performance of microeconomic tools, in particular game theory, when these are applied to normative decision theory. Hollis and Sugden have recently articulated such disappointment in a sophisticated way, and have argued on the basis of it that the economic conception of rationality is inadequate. We argue, however, that (...) their claim rests upon a misunderstanding of the concept of a game as it is used in microeconomics. (shrink)

Ce sont cent intellectuels de France et des quatre coins du monde que Chantal Delsol et Giulio De Ligio ont réunis ici pour une enquête sans précédent sur l'état planétaire de la démocratie.00À l'heure des isolationnismes, des autocraties et des populismes, qu'en est-il de la théorie et de la pratique de ce qui semblait hier encore le bien politique absolu, et le premier critère progressiste de l'ère moderne?00Embrassant de Washington à Beijing, de Dublin à Bucarest, sans oublier Bruxelles et (...) Paris, mais aussi l'Amérique du Sud ; détaillant les concepts et les idéologies ; décrivant les institutions et les pouvoirs, cette somme, savante, libre et engagée, répond à cette question cruciale.00Face à la tentation illibérale, un véritable ouvrage collectif de débat et un appel à la raison des peuples."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

This book familiarizes the English-speaking reader with the debate on the originality of Gramsci’s thought and its importance for the development of Marxist theory. The contributors present the principal viewpoints regarding Gramsci’s theoretical contribution to Marxism, focussing in particular on his advances in the study of the superstructures, and discussing his relation to Marx and Lenin and his influence in Eurocommunism. Different interpretations are put forward concerning the elucidation of Gramsci’s key concepts, namely: hegemony, integral state, war of position and (...) passive revolution. (shrink)

The development of the new means of communication and the overwhelming presence of the media in all realms of life represent a challenge for democratic politics. In this presentation I want to argue that such a challenge can only be grasped and met by discarding the rationalist perspective dominant in liberal democratic political thought. Indeed, such a perspective impedes us from acknowledging the nature of the political struggle and the centrality of symbols in the construction of political identities.As the recent (...) growth of right-wing populist movements testifies, new political identities are currently being created and there is no doubt that the media are playing an important role in their diffusion. It would be a serious mistake however to present the media as the main culprit, and to see such movements as a consequence of `media politics'. The success of those movements would not be possible without a political rhetoric that managed to mobilize a wide range of signifiers. Had it not been able to articulate those signifiers into a chain of equivalence against the existing order, right-wing populism could not have made such important inroads in several European countries.From a theoretical point of view, what this reveals is the utter irrelevance of the rationalist approach to politics and the importance of the so-called `post-modern approach'. It shows that, despite what authors like Habermas pretend, the critique of Enlightenment rationalism does not constitute a threat to the modern democratic project. On the contrary, it is only by taking account of such a critique that it is possible to defend and deepen democratic institutions. If there is anything that endangers democracy nowadays, it is precisely the rationalist approach, because it is blind to the nature of the political and denies the central role that passions play in the field of politics. Only by drawing out all the implications of the critique of essentialism will it be possible to understand the process of construction of collective political identities and their discursive mode of articulation. (shrink)

Social entrepreneurship is perceived as a legitimate and innovative solution to social problems. Yet, when one looks at the literature one finds that the social problems that the SE movement seeks to address and how these problems are identified and defined are not studied. This lack of attention to the defining of social problems in SE has implications for the domain for problems do not exist unless they are recognized and defined, and those that define problems have influence on how (...) these will eventually be addressed. Our paper presents an analysis of framing activities in SE done by the actors involved in the development and promotion of the SE movement. Our analysis reveals that these actors are concerned with creating an ecosystem to support social entrepreneurs. Critical analysis of discourses of these actors reveals a powerful mobilization discourse, one that supports social entrepreneurs as the agents of change. We also find that as the SE movement emerged at the beginning of a cycle of protest against capitalist systems, their framing of SE as system changing of these very systems therefore finds strong resonance with a wide variety of actors. (shrink)

Michel Villey a consacré toute sa carrière universitaire à démontrer la fécondité de la définition philosophie du droit que nous ont léguée les jurisconsultes romains. Pour Villey, comprendre " le droit comme un partage " c'est saisir toute la richesse de l'esprit du droit romain. Le droit est bien plus que l'ensemble des règles juridiques posées par l'Etat ou l'ensemble des précédents judiciaires décidés par le Juge. Le droit est partage ; il est cette attribution de biens et de charges (...) que le Législateur ou le Juge découvrent. Le droit n'est pas un pouvoir qui dit, sans nuance, ce qui doit être des rapports juridiques entre citoyens. Le droit n'est pas extérieur aux relations humaines, il est dans la relation entre les hommes. Le droit unit pour " bien vivre ensemble " mettant ainsi fin à ce qui désunit. Plus que la décision d'une autorité formellement compétente, le droit ancré dans la réalité des choses, est une recherche intellectuelle. Prendre au sérieux l'intelligence des juristes signifie leur permettre de comprendre ce qu'il y a de juste dans les rapports sociaux. A l'heure où les pays de l'Union européenne peinent à se mettre d'accord sur le contenu juridique de la Constitution européenne, il paraît essentiel de revenir à la pensée de Michel Villey et à travers elle, redécouvrir la dimension historique commune à tous les systèmes juridiques européens. (shrink)

Nous sommes des êtres de chair, mais cette évidence s'obscurcit dès qu'il est question de déterminer l'étendue des aptitudes du corps et la nature de ses rapports avec l'esprit. Que peut au juste le corps? Telle est l'interrogation qui sous-tend depuis longtemps la réflexion philosophique et qui rend nécessaire aujourd'hui encore l'élaboration d'un " Connais-toi toi-même " corporel. Il importe alors d'examiner le corps à l'œuvre et d'explorer les diverses facettes de la corporéité pour en montrer la prodigieuse puissance. A (...) cet effet, il convient d'abord de cerner l'essence et la sphère d'extension de ce concept en épousant le mouvement qui, de l'inerte au vivant, des corps bruts au corps humain, préside à la constitution des multiples formes corporelles. Il s'agit ensuite de mesurer la puissance du corps à l'aune de ses capacités pratiques : puissance technique du corps en travail et au travail, puissance artistique et éthique du corps promoteur de valeurs, puissance sexuelle enfin qui nous enseigne de manière problématique aussi bien la différence entre nous et nous-mêmes - tant nous ne sommes pas ce que nous croyons être - que la différence entre le masculin et le féminin. Cet ouvrage est tout autant une méditation et une synthèse philosophiques qu'un hymne à la joie du corps. (shrink)

Découvrir la noblesse de l'odorat et apprendre à être un philosophe nez : tel est le but de ce livre, qui fait d'un sens négligé un objet de réflexion à part entière. L'entreprise de réhabilitation de la sensibilité olfactive passe par la remise en cause des préjugés sur l'odorat comme sa prétendue faiblesse, son caractère primitif, incommode ou immoral et par l'examen de la manière dont l'esprit nous vient aussi du nez. La démarche se fonde sur la découverte anthropologique du (...) rôle décisif des odeurs dans la constitution de la mémoire et de l'affectivité ainsi que dans la construction de l'identité et de l'altérité. Cette entreprise vise la promotion d'un véritable art olfactif qui dépasse le simple usage cosmétique des parfums et substitue " le sentir beau " au " sentir bon ". L'élaboration d'une esthétique olfactive repose en effet sur la recherche des expressions artistiques de l'odeur, aussi bien dans la littérature chez des auteurs comme Huysmans, Balzac et Proust, que dans la musique de Debussy, la peinture de Gauguin ou la sculpture de Rodin. Elle s'appuie également sur les tentatives historiques de création pure de parfums à travers la voie ancienne des fragrances au lapon ou les performances et les installations dans l'art contemporain. Exprimant l'idée dans l'odeur, cette esthétique olfactive sous-tend depuis longtemps la spéculation philosophique en offrant des modèles de pensée et d'appréhension subtile d'un réel invisible et volatil. Après Héraclite et Empédocle, Lucrèce, Condillac et Nietzsche incarnent cette figure du sagace qui flaire le parfum de la vérité ou du mensonge : preuve s'il en est que philosopher, c'est avoir du nez. (shrink)

La conciencia colectiva de nuestras sociedades y su universo simbólico van siempre acompañados de unas determinadas categorías de la sensibilidad que varían de una época a otra y de las que derivan otras tantas maneras de entender el mundo. Si he aceptado el reto de una reedición de este libro después de veinte años es porque sigue pareciéndome importante que podamos percatarnos de estas variaciones -que son, por otra parte, indisociables de las fluctuaciones sociales- y de cómo estas van surgiendo (...) al par que los valores que adoptamos. Una educación de la sensibilidad es, ahora más que nunca indispensable. La política no la hacen los partidos ni las agrupaciones, sino los individuos. Y si quienes gobiernan -formen éstos parte del demos o de aquellos que detentan el poder económico o el poder a secas- no han aprendido a conocerse, mal podrán gobernar. Para gobernar es preciso saber qué somos o qué estamos siendo más allá de nuestro personaje. Toda moral bien construida requiere de un fundamento extra-moral y este tiene que ver con el conocimiento de uno mismo, algo que tan sólo puede iniciarse con la observación de la propia mente. La razón estética es sin duda una propuesta para tiempos difíciles. Que sea viable o no dependerá del interés que pongamos en que esta educación se lleve a cabo. (shrink)

Avtorica obravnava aktualne razprave o modernizmu in postmodernizmu z vidika projekta radikalne demokracije. Dokazuje, da zavračanje moderne racionalistične univerzalistične epistemologije ne pelje nujno v politični konserva-tivizem. Nasprotno, kritika te epistemologije odpira možnosti za artikulacijo projekta radikalne in pluralne demokracije. Avtorica označuje ta projekt kot nadaljevanje demokratične revolucije s pomočjo postmodernistične kritike.

Le système spinoziste comprend une infinité d'expressions de la Nature et offre aux modes finis que nous sommes la possibilité d'appréhender la puissance d'agir sous un angle physique, mental, ou encore psychophysique, selon qu'elle est ...

In The Unlearned Lessons of the Twentieth Century , the sequel to Icarus Fallen, published by ISI Books in 2003, Chantal Delsol maintains that the age in which we live—late modernity—calls into question most of the truths and beliefs bequeathed to us from the past. Yet it clings to a central belief in the dignity of the human person, the cornerstone of the doctrine of universal human rights to which even secular Westerners still cling. At the same time, the (...) process of dehumanization so evident in the ideologies and totalitarianism of the twentieth century remains at work. Delsol charges that it is not enough to proclaim human rights as a sort of incantation but that, rather, one must understand what sort of being the human person is if humans are to be genuinely respected. In other words, if the philosophy of human rights is to form the basis of Western culture, it must rest on a truer understanding of the human person than that which is taught—both explicitly and implicitly—in the contemporary West. (shrink)

A significant part of Wittgenstein's later writings deal with psychological phenomena. Again and again he tries to show that thoughts, feelings, etc., cannot be understoodas objects or processes in some private inner realm. According to Wittgenstein the souldoes not reside inside of us, but should rather be located in between of us. Thus offering a new way of portraying several dichotomies (such as those between the inner and the outer, the public and the private, and the self and the other), (...) Wittgenstein can be said to rethink our concept of the subject. Or should we rather say that he proposes to reduce the soul to the body, the personal to the communal — in other words, that he in fact tries to 'unthink' subjectivity? To answer this question, this article confronts Wittgenstein's 'psychology' with his 'theology'. For contrary to what he writes on the psyche, Wittgenstein stresses in his writings on religion the individual instead of the collective and the private instead of the public. By showing that Wittgenstein's theology is actually compatible with his psychology, it is argued that Wittgenstein cannot besaid to proclaim the 'death' of the subject. (shrink)

Although Wittgenstein is famously skeptical about the possibility of making substantial philosophical claims, he can be said to offer significant insights into the difference between inner and outer as well as the difference between self and other.1 He consistently reminds us that inner and outer are intimately connected instead of only causally related, as well as that the self—far from being a wholly independent entity—always already finds itself constituted by its relationships with others. In thus contesting the Cartesian view on (...) subjectivity, however, Wittgenstein may appear to simply reduce the inner to the outer and the self to the other.. (shrink)

‘De huidige ‘‘consensus van het midden’’ is niet -- zoals vaak wordt beweerd -- een blijk van vooruitgang van de democratie, maar een reëel gevaar voor haar toekomst. Het ontbreken van een agonistisch debat tussen de democratische partijen en van een confrontatie tussen verschillende politieke stromingen heeft het de burgers onmogelijk gemaakt zich te identificeren met een gedifferentieerd scala aan democratische politieke identiteiten. Dit heeft een vacuüm geschapen dat in toenemende mate door rechts-populistische partijen wordt gevuld. Zij vervangen de afgezwakte (...) tegenstelling tussen links en rechts door een nieuwe wij-zij-tegenstelling die wordt opgebouwd rond de tegenstelling tussen ‘‘de bevolking’’ en ‘‘het establishment’’. Het is nodig om te beseffen dat ondanks de voorspelde verdwijning van collectieve identiteiten en de vermeende overwinning van het individualisme, de collectieve dimensie niet uit de politiek kan worden verwijderd. Als ze niet beschikbaar zijn via de traditionele politieke kanalen, zullen collectieve vormen van identificaties worden aangeboden in andere vormen, die veel minder vatbaar zijn voor democratische beïnvloeding. Als de maatschappelijke tweedeling niet meer kan worden weergegeven als een verdeling in links en rechts, kunnen gevoelens niet langer worden gekanaliseerd in de richting van democratische doelen en kunnen conflicten een vorm aannemen die de democratische instituties in gevaar brengt.’. (shrink)

El dialeteísmo es la posición que afirma que hay contradicciones verdaderas. Este artículo versará sobre esa posición. En la primera sección, mencionaré los principales aportes que, en mi perspectiva, el dialeteísmo ha hecho a la lógica filosófica. En la segunda sección, analizaré el principal problema del dialeteísmo. En la tercera sección, mostraré que los argumentos a favor del dialeteísmo no llegan a establecer la verdad de esta posición. Finalmente, explicaré cuál es el tipo de paraconsistencia que considero adecuada y la (...) compararé con la posición dialeteísta. Dialetheism is the position which claims that there are true contradictions. This paper deals with this position. In the first section, I will mention the main contributions that, in my perspective, dialetheism has made to philosophical logic. In the second section, I will analyze the main problem of dialetheism. In the third section, I will show that the arguments in favor of dialetheism are not conclusive. Finally, I will explain which kind of paraconsistency I consider adequate, and I will compare it with the dialetheist position. (shrink)