For Hegel, poverty is not simply a misfortune, but, rather, a kind of injury inflicted on one class by another. Though Hegel rejects Marx’s theory of class, he nevertheless anticipates Marx’s idea of the exploitation of one class by another. How, though, do we align this proto-marxist dichotomy between rich and poor with Hegel’s official theory of class; his tripartite theory of estates? I argue that Hegel’s wealthy are chiefly found in the ‘mercantile’ estate, and that (...) they are those intellectual labourers who manage, oversee, and organize the production process. (shrink)

Critics of a predominantly ethical or psychological interpretation of Marxism which neglects the existential reality described by the class struggle rightly complain of the emasculation of Marxian social theory. However, the corrective is not simply a question of emphasizing the unity of Marxian sociological and normative theory. Now it has always appeared to commentators that the unity of theory and practice is the merit of Marxian social science as a descriptive and therapeutic discipline. It is the argument of (...) this paper that the unity of Marxian social theory is sacrificed to a schism which the Marxian ethic introduces into history and thereby into Marxism as a historical science. In the post-historical stage the positive version of Marxian ethics is naively dependent upon the suspension of Marxian sociological realism. The latter, however, becomes brutalized through the divorce of the Marxian ideal from the mechanism of historical and political change in the period before the socialist revolution which divides history. (shrink)

Abstract This essay provides a critical engagement with neo?Gramscian perspectives on European integration, dealing with their core theoretical assumptions as well as empirical analyses of individual aspects of European integration. It is argued that by drawing on Gramsci's rejection of economic determinism, his thinking on the agency?structure problem, as well as his work on how to conceptualise the role of ideas, neo?Gramscian perspectives as a critical theory are able to analyse the social purpose of European integration. The conclusion identifies several (...) shortcomings in the neo?Gramscian literature on European integration, namely (1) the neglect of national and European institutions and their structural impact on social forces as main collective actors; (2) the related oversight of possibilities for change within the existing institutional structure; (3) the neglect of studying resistance to neo?liberal restructuring in Europe; and (4) the missing analysis of trade unions and labour as potential actors within movements of resistance. (shrink)

L’œuvre du Péruvien José Carlos Mariátegui place au cœur de ses analyses les catégories de praxis et de lutte des classes. Pour ce faire, il intègre de manière originale un marxisme de tradition historiciste. Cet article revient dans un premier temps sur les questions qui traversent ce courant, pour ensuite opérer une revue de la réception du terme historicisme dans les textes de Mariátegui. Dans un troisième temps, il propose de relire sa proposition stratégique révolutionnaire à l’aune d’une mobilisation des (...) catégories de tradition, de mythe et d’histoire. (shrink)

In this paper, I outline what I take to be the most important theoretical claims and innovations of ‘twenty-first century socialism’ in Venezuela. These, I argue, consist of an emphasis on human development through popular-economy initiatives, and the importance of building popular power through the state, rather than by ignoring or fighting against it. I then present evidence on Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units, one of Venezuela’s newest state-supported popular-economy organisations. I argue that, consistent with the twenty-first-century socialism approach, SPUs are (...) sites of human development in which participants are learning to challenge capitalist social relations, while establishing new values and practices. Therefore, we can think of Venezuela’s popular economy as expressing a sharpened class contradiction.However, my case study also shows that holding hands with human development is class struggle directed against the state. This reveals a central theoretical and practical paradox in twenty-first century socialism, namely that, while nurturing initiatives that challenge capital, the Venezuelan state also emerges as an important barrier to overcoming the class relation. This, I argue, is not wholly consistent with the views of theorists of twenty-first century socialism that understand Venezuela’s popular economy as forming a new form of dual power or a parallel state, and who therefore downplay the importance of struggles against the state within the popular economy. The strategic implication is that struggles between popular-economy participants and the state cannot be avoided, and indeed will need to be fostered if the project for twenty-first century socialism is to continue. (shrink)

Anarchist philosophy has often played and continues to play a crucial role in interventions in working-class and labor movements. Anarchist philosophy influenced real-world struggles and touched the lives of real, flesh-and-blood workers, especially those belonging to the industrial, immigrant working classes of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century America. Too often the writings, which were disseminated to, and hungrily consumed by, these workers are dismissed as “propaganda.” However, insofar as they articulate and define political, economic, and social concepts; subject political, (...) economic, and social institutions to trenchant critique against clear and well-defined normative standards; offer logical justifications of their own positions; and advance positive alternative proposals, why should these writings not be regarded as philosophical texts and analyzed accordingly? Obviously they should, and the fact that they have been so long ignored by political philosophers, historians, and other scholars reflects academic prejudice rather than the intellectual and philosophical merit of the writings. This article is a preliminary step toward giving anarchist philosophy the hearing it so richly deserves. (shrink)

A study of the relationship between African political theory and the politics of liberation. It elucidates the dialectical inter-relationship between the political philosophical views of these thinkers and the political, social and economic contexts of their respective countries.

John Kelly has replied to my assessment of his Rethinking Industrial Relations published earlier in this journal in a fraternal and constructive manner. Here, I wish to undertake two tasks. The first is to assess the response of other academics and writers to his book, in terms of reviews and the use of his work by others. The second is to engage with the points he makes to take the debate further forward.

This article analyzes the compatibility of the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism and Orthodox Christianity in relation to the class division of society and class struggle. The significance of the study is due to the controversy (often acute) on this issue, which is directly related to the social structure. The article provides a historical and theological analysis of the topic under study on the basis of a critical study of the works of the founders of Marxism-Leninism, their (...) closest associates, historical documents on this issue, as well as historical and theological works. This article attempts to present a systematic analysis of the subject under study. It examines the relationship between the teachings of Orthodox Christianity and Marxism-Leninism about classes and class struggle, as well as their application in practice, and appeals to opponents. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that some documents are analyzed for the first time in connection with the issue under study. Also, in more detail and systematically, in relation to the available works, the analysis of the relationship between the teachings of Orthodox Christianity and Marxism-Leninism is carried out. The purpose of the work is to study historical documents, as well as historical and philosophical works on this topic. The article concludes that Marxism-Leninism is directly opposed to Christianity in the issue of attitude to the classes of society and the class struggle. In the course of historical development, the intensity of the class struggle changed, but not according to Marxism-Leninism, but depended on the state of morality, religiosity, the development of new trends in the social, scientific and technological development of mankind. A Christian understanding of the essence of the state can provide the basis for the national idea of Russia. (shrink)

The present article analyzes ethics in Karl Marx perspectives, going through information ethics and information literacy that permeate individuation and class struggle in capitalist society. The objective is to approach critical reflection about dominated and dominant class’s ethics values proclaimed by author. In order to provide the desired research, I did literature review and digital documents consultation about the themes. Through this work, it is possible to identify that the author’s description of reality through historical materialism sought (...) the dissemination of ethics through the ascertainment that individuals generate their stories, but these are not linked to their wills but directly linked to class formation and struggle as factors determining the circumstances under which the reality of society is constituted. It implies the search for mastery of language codes and information literacy to know, seize and disseminate information ethics aiming at the effective strategies elaboration to combat the ruling class hegemony. (shrink)

The antithesis of proletarian and bourgeois thinking on the questions of class and class struggle has been obvious from the beginning. The bourgeoisie have never properly explained why class and class struggle exist in society. At the time when they became reactionary, they did their utmost to obfuscate the class contradictions in capitalist society. Bourgeois sociology, which seeks to maintain the advantages of the bourgeois class, has made a concentrated effort to reproach (...) such views; moreover, it has become one of the ideological weapons of the modern-day bourgeoisie in their struggle against Marxism-Leninism. (shrink)

Granting the idea that certain theoretical conceptualisations of Marxism broadly represent a political religion, this paper seeks to explore how one can come to understand the function of individual theoretical concepts within the wider theory of Stalinism. In so doing, this approach to political religion will be explored within the confines of Stalin’s concept of the Intensification of Class Struggle under Socialism. Assuming that individual theoretical concepts of an ideology that has been labelled a political religion serve the (...) same function as doctrines within traditional religion, this paper argues that the Intensification of Class Struggle under Socialism can be interpreted as having an apocalyptic quality. By doing so, this paper seeks to extend the boundaries of both the study of political religion and the theoretical exploration of Marxism as it relates to the question and role of religion within the social and political sphere. While doing so, this paper also seeks to provide an illustration of what the exploration of political religion in relation to Marxism looks like at the level of specific theoretical elements as opposed to a mere overarching characterisation of the entire theoretical enterprise. (shrink)

The article contains the conceptual vision of socialist realism as one of the key characteristics of art, transformed in the postmodern cultural era. Social realism is a cultural manifestation of the historical development of Soviet republics, including the Ukrainian SSR. The essence of socialist realism is seen as a manifestation of ideology in the Soviet conditions. Besides, the article considers the phenomenon in the context of postmodernism, relying on the findings of various scholars, and describes the interaction between postmodernism and (...) socialist realism. Despite the general view that postmodernism emerged in the United States and Western Europe in the 1960s-1970s, there could be another way this movement evolved in fine art and architecture. The fact that the artists from the post-Soviet space managed to adapt to the global cultural field of postmodernism so swiftly proves that the totalitarian system failed to eliminate the plurality of opinions. A post-Soviet variant of postmodernism was largely defined by the influence of socialist realism. The recently proclaimed era of post-truth that allegedly started after the new millennium produced fascinating political and artistic experiments in the post-Soviet space. Hence, it would be logical to assume that some previously developed mechanisms were activated there. Post-truth as an instrument of politics in that sense resonates with the socialist realism used as an instrument of class struggle. Research methods include description, synthesis and analysis. (shrink)

This chapter outlines Marx’s analysis of bourgeois society, the bourgeois form of production, relations of bourgeois production, the mode of production based on capital, and, after 1860, the capitalist mode of production. It starts with the analysis of the value form, its various expressions, its contradictions and crisis-tendencies, and the way in which social forms set the limits to class struggle. Forms and struggles shape the laws of motion of capital accumulation, which, in turn, modify the conjuncture in (...) which forms evolve and struggles occur. The chapter also considers the nature of bourgeois social formations and their implications for economic and political institutions and conflicts. The chapter concludes with reflections on the pursuit of alternatives to capitalist relations that aim to reform capitalism or replace it in the medium- to long-term and the forms of social mobilization required for this. (shrink)