Si partimos de la idea que un régimen democrático debe entenderse como un sistema de autogobierno, la Constitución, en tanto está, por decirlo de algún modo, en manos de unos cuantos, presenta una aparente contradicción con el ideal democrático. El constitucionalismo popular surge precisamente con el propósito de atenuar la contradicción inserta en la mayoría de las democracias constitucionales: ¿por qué un puñado de ciudadanos deben poder interpretar una Constitución que ata y vincula a todos los miembros de (...) la comunidad por igual? Interpretar el significado de la Constitución, reclaman los populistas, debe ser una empresa compartida y deliberativa entre la ciudadanía, sus representantes y los miembros del poder judicial. Este artículo analiza algunos aspectos del argumento popular. En vez de deliberar sobre el significado de la Constitución, sugiere, es la contestación—una forma específica de deliberación que ocurre después de que la Suprema Corte de Justicia ha emitido una sentencia— la que debe guiar los esfuerzos de interpretación popular. (shrink)

A Teoria do Constitucionalismo Popular representa construção dogmática de relevante importância para o estabelecimento de um novo diálogo institucional e abrandamento da atual supremacia do controle de constitucionalidade promovido pelo Poder Judiciário. A aproximação da Constituição ao povo, com a consequente atribuição da autoridade interpretativa à população, pode ser viabilizada pelo Tribunal de Contas da União, instituição ainda legitimada a realizar o controle de constitucionalidade e capaz de romper com a supremacia do "judicial review".

O presente trabalho avalia em que medida o projeto de lei 8.048/2014, pode ser enquadrado como uma tentativa de experimentalismo democrático no Brasil, a partir do resgate do sentido e da prática da soberania popular na construção da democracia, nos termos de um constitucionalismo popular.

El propósito de este ensayo es exponer las tesis principales de una de las teorías constitucionales norteamericanas que más fuerza ha cobrado en los últimos años y que ha sido poco explorada en nuestro entorno: el constitucionalismo popular. Se trata de una propuesta especialmente útil para repensar críticamente nuestra inclinación por algunos aspectos del constitucionalismo europeo de la postguerra, en particular la supremacía judicial y el desdén hacia los movimientos sociales como generadores de sentido constitucional. El artículo (...) presenta las tres corrientes que pueden identificarse dentro del constitucionalismo popular: la de los padres fundadores, el constitucionalismo democrático y el constitucionalismo popular mediado. A continuación se alude a ciertos cuestionamientos que la teoría ha recibido por parte de partidarios y detractores y se desarrollan algunas reflexiones propias. (shrink)

O artigo discorre sobre o constitucionalismo latino-americano, suas fases e sua contemporaneidade. O objetivo desse trabalho é trazer o histórico do constitucionalismo latino-americano, e ainda, analisar sua atual situação, com foco no novo constitucionalismo dialógico, proposto pelo professor Roberto Gargarella. Trata-se de pesquisa bibliográfica. Conclui-se que o atual constitucionalismo de alguns países latino-americanos precisa implementar uma política dialógica ou deliberativa, a qual a participação popular é fundamental na tomada de decisões públicas.

A partir da construção histórica dos três modelos identificados no constitucionalismo latinoamericanopor Roberto Gargarella, o presente trabalho explora o núcleo diferenciador das propostas de organização e exercício do poder de matriz radical (também chamada de republicana), sobretudo por meio do pensamento de José Gervasio Artigas (Uruguai), Francisco de Paula Gonzales Vigil (Peru), Manuel Murillo Toro (Colômbia) e Francisco Bilbao (Chile). Na sequência, busca-se apontar os mecanismos inconciliáveis entre o modelo radical e aquele adotado pela Constituição brasileira vigente, com o (...) fim de evidenciar as mudanças imprescindíveis à verticalização do regime democrático no que diz respeito à organicidade constitucional. (shrink)

O objetivo da pesquisa é demonstrar a importância da fraternidade na democracia brasileira, caracterizada como representativa, ao menos em tese, visto que a vontade do povo não tem sido considera nas decisões que promovem mudanças legislativas substanciais. Diante disto surge a indagação central do presente estudo: Qual a contribuição da categoria da fraternidade em uma democracia? A metodologia aplicada a pesquisa é qualitativa e bibliográfica ao buscar fontes na doutrina jurídica relacionada com o tema e também quantitativa ao trazer dados (...) como forma de argumentação. Justifica-se o estudo pela relevância da fraternidade na construção da democracia no Brasil. (shrink)

O presente artigo busca descrever um breve cenário da utilização ferramentas democráticas representativas e participativas na tomada de decisões públicas, considerando a ordem constitucional vigente no Brasil, em um momento de descrédito da sociedade em relação aos seus representantes. A partir desta contextualização buscou-se traçar, a partir de uma metodologia qualitativa, uma breve explanação acerca da participação social como uma forma complementar à representação. Por fim, foram descritos os dispositivos da Constituição de 1988 que permitem alguma forma de participação (...) class='Hi'>popular, questionando a existência de um sistema de democracia semidireta com uma potencialidade significativa de aprimoramento democrático. (shrink)

Algunos de los argumentos que pretenden justificar el constitucionalismo desde la asunción del valor de la democracia atribuyen alguna relevancia normativa al sujeto o al procedimiento de elaboración de la constitución, considerando incompleta o incorrecta la mera apelación a una teoría de la justicia basada en derechos. Aunque los argumentos tienen orígenes heterogéneos es posible reconstruir algunos de los presupuestos que están en su base y que pueden reconducirse a los siguientes: la primacía de la democracia sobre los derechos, (...) conforme a la que éstos cobran su sentido pleno en el principio de soberanía popular; una estrategia dualista para la que no todas las decisiones políticas son cualitativamente iguales y que prima la política constitucional sobre la política legislativa ordinaria; una actitud de desconfianza hacia la representación ordinaria y la exigencia de un procedimiento diferente y más exigente para la creación y la reforma constitucional; y, por último, la neutralidad metaética y la irrelevancia de una teoría ontológicamente objetivista. A partir de estos presupuestos se han empleado principalmente dos tipos de instrumentos argumentativos para dar prioridad a la decisión constituyente y fundar en ella la supremacía de la constitución. Por una parte, se ha considerado que la analogía de las situaciones de debilidad de la voluntad individual con la democracia constitucional justifica la extensión del instrumento del precompromiso para dar cuenta de las restricciones constitucionales como vínculos autoimpuestos. Por otro lado, se ha planteado que un concepto jurídico de poder constituyente sirve para dar prevalencia a las decisiones “populares” adoptadas en una práctica deliberativa amplia frente a las decisiones parlamentarias. (shrink)

A pesquisa envereda, primeiro, a demonstrar teoricamente a necessidade de democratização do debate constitucional, tanto nas chamadas pautas institucionais,quanto nas pautas de direitos. Se nas pautas institucionais o ânimo de democratização é mais aceito, inobstante não verificado na prática, nas pautas de direitos há severas discordâncias quanto à possibilidade de debate e decisão pública. Sequencialmente, procura-se pensar como operacionalizar essa democratização e investigar os eventuais limites da atuação popular na construção da Constituição.

El mundo globalizado ha producido un nuevo derecho, que aún no ha sido explicado ni mucho menos justificado por una teoría jurídica de la globalización. Las teorías jurídicas contemporáneas se han construido desde el Estado-nación, y muy pocas han abordado los problemas que plantea ese derecho que hoy es dominante. En este artículo explicamos las variables jurídicas del neoliberalismo, y damos cuenta de algunas teorías que pretenden explicar y justificar el derecho de la globalización neoliberal. También reflexionamos en torno a (...) si las teorías constitucionales contemporáneas, pueden servir como aproximación teórica al neoliberalismo globalizador, y concluimos que algunos de sus planteamientos pueden ser útiles siempre y cuando nos comprometamos con una visión radical de los derechos humanos y de la democracia. (shrink)

In this paper I will examine the relationship between constitutionalism and democracy as the alleged tensions between them appear in diagnoses about the crisis of liberal democracy. The issue is approached through the arguments of the German jurist Martin Kriele, who holds the thesis that there can be no sovereign in the constitutional State. I will begin by explaining this thesis as well as the justification offered by Kriele. According to him, the guarantee of rights and freedoms is only possible (...) within the framework of the constitutional State. Hence, he advances a second related thesis, that democracy can only be developed in the constitutional State, that is, as constitutional democracy. However, this second thesis seems in contradiction with the first if the democratic principle implies popular sovereignty. To resolve this apparent antinomy, I will distinguish with Kriele two rival conceptions of democracy in order to point out the danger of misinterpreting the meaning of constitutional democracy. -/- En este trabajo examino la relación entre constitucionalismo y democracia, puesto que las supuestas tensiones entre ambos aparecen en los diagnósticos sobre la crisis de la democracia liberal. La cuestión se aborda a través de los argumentos del jurista alemán Martin Kriele, quien defiende la tesis de que no puede haber soberano en el Estado constitucional. Empezaré por explicar dicha tesis así como la justificación de ella que ofrece Kriele, para quien la garantía de los derechos y libertades sólo es posible en el marco del Estado constitucional. De ahí que avance una segunda tesis relacionada, cuando sostiene que la democracia sólo puede desarrollarse en dicho Estado constitucional, esto es, como democracia constitucional. Sin embargo, esta segunda tesis parece contradictoria con la primera si identificamos el principio democrático con la soberanía popular. Para resolver esa aparente antinomia, se distinguiré con Kriele dos concepciones rivales de la democracia, a fin de señalar el peligro de malinterpretar el sentido de la democracia constitucional. (shrink)

Tradicionalmente se ha considerado que durante el siglo XIX la defensa de algunos derechos y libertades individuales fue parte esencial del discurso liberal y del constitucionalismo mexicano. Sin embargo, estudios recientes sobre el llamado "liberalismo popular" muestran cómo la defensa de algunos derechos colectivos fue una pieza importante de una parte del movimiento liberal. En este trabajo se intenta defender una tesis conceptual y una metodológica a través de un ejemplo histórico: la primera consiste en sostener que los (...) derechos colectivos pueden conceptualmente convivir con un ideario liberal; la segunda, parte de asumir que muchos de los estudios históricos sobre los derechos en México se han enfocado exclusivamente en dar cuenta de la historia de los derechos individuales durante el siglo XIX, desde de un prejuicio ius positivista de estudiar sólo las leyes positivas, ignorando que en los discursos político-jurídicos de la época los derechos colectivos jugaron un rol importante. (shrink)

El conjunto de ensayos que el lector tiene entre sus manos expresa un cuerpo sistemático de ideas provocadoras sobre la tensión entre el constitucionalismo y la democracia. Su autor, el profesor Joel Colón-Ríos, boricua, formado en las dos facultades de derecho canadienses de mayor renombre, e investigador de una de las mejores universidades de Oceanía, las ha fraguado a lo largo de más de un lustro y debatido con gran éxito ante la elite intelectual de Norteamérica. La propuesta central (...) del libro es una original reivindicación de la democracia frente al constitucionalismo. Su institucionalización consiste en un constitucionalismo débil. La piedra angular de este modelo es una constitución inacabada, permanentemente abierta al cambio, que permite y promueve la participación y la deliberación popular continua, en particular, mediante el potencial ejercicio del poder constituyente en cualquier momento. De esta manera, el pueblo tiene la posibilidad de hablar por sí mismo cuando lo juzgue pertinente. Puede cuestionar y reformular los principios básicos de la organización social. No está supeditado a las decisiones adoptadas por los ancestros que expidieron la Constitución, ni por sus representantes que, en el Congreso, ostentan el poder de reformarla. Precio: 49.000 pesos. (shrink)

Fundado na obra de José Roberto Dromi, que estabelece as características do “constitucionalismo do futuro”, o presente trabalho busca delinear as características do novo constitucionalismo latino americano e traçar um paralelo entre os dois. Para tanto, através de uma abordagem dedutiva, será realizada uma pesquisa bibliográfica e estudo comparado das constituições latinas. Os pensamentos anticolonialistas são fundamentos desse novo modo de pensar o constitucionalismo, que devolve o poder ao povo, sustentando um Estado plurinacional, promovendo uma verdadeira refundação (...) estatal. Esse modelo, que parte da prática para a teoria, ainda está sendo formatado, mas apresenta avanços inegáveis em relação ao constitucionalismo. (shrink)

"Open Democracy envisions what true government by mass leadership could look like."—Nathan Heller, New Yorker How a new model of democracy that opens up power to ordinary citizens could strengthen inclusiveness, responsiveness, and accountability in modern societies To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every summer in a field to discuss issues until consensus was reached. Our contemporary representative (...) democracies are very different. Modern parliaments are gated and guarded, and it seems as if only certain people—with the right suit, accent, wealth, and connections—are welcome. Diagnosing what is wrong with representative government and aiming to recover some of the lost openness of ancient democracies, Open Democracy presents a new paradigm of democracy in which power is genuinely accessible to ordinary citizens. Hélène Landemore favors the ideal of “representing and being represented in turn” over direct-democracy approaches. Supporting a fresh nonelectoral understanding of democratic representation, Landemore recommends centering political institutions around the “open mini-public”—a large, jury-like body of randomly selected citizens gathered to define laws and policies for the polity, in connection with the larger public. She also defends five institutional principles as the foundations of an open democracy: participatory rights, deliberation, the majoritarian principle, democratic representation, and transparency. Open Democracy demonstrates that placing ordinary citizens, rather than elites, at the heart of democratic power is not only the true meaning of a government of, by, and for the people, but also feasible and, today more than ever, urgently needed. (shrink)

This essay interprets Butler’s distinction between identity in the loose and popular sense and in the strict and philosophical sense. Suppose there are different standards for counting the same things. Then what are two distinct things counting strictly may be one and the same thing counting loosely. Within a given standard identity is one-one. But across standards it is many-one. An alternative interpretation using the parts-whole relation fails, because that relation should be understood as many-one identity. Another alternative making (...) identity relative to sort fails, because whole and parts can be of the same sort. (shrink)

Una de las características propias del constitucionalismo social o de segunda generación, donde se encuentra, entre muchas otras, la Constitución española de 1978, ha sido la tensión entre la definición social del Estado y el tratamiento constitucional degradado de los derechos sociales. ¿Puede desarrollarse un Estado social sin una plena protección constitucional y justiciabilidad de los derechos sociales? Los últimos procesos constituyentes en los países andinos han supuesto el establecimiento de un modelo constitucional de fuerte contenido social y de (...) plena protección y justiciabilidad de los derechos sociales, que supera esta vieja tensión y, constituyen la manifestación de lo que, sin duda, podemos llamar un nuevo constitucionalismo de tercera generación. A través de qué mecanismos las nuevas Constituciones de los países andinos superan la citada tensión y porqué podemos hablar de nuevo constitucionalismo de tercera generación, es de lo que trata el presente artículo. (shrink)

En este artículo se analiza la relación entre el garantismo y el constitucionalismo y, paralelamente, entre el modelo institucional y político denominado “Estado constitucional de derecho” y ese mismo modelo en su versión garantista. La relación es delicada a causa del sobredimensionamiento social de las constituciones que los garantistas proponen, que implicaría tres riesgos. El primero es el incremento de las habilitaciones y funciones estatales que pudiera dar lugar a un fuerte estatalismo difícilmente compatible con el respeto a la (...) individualidad y la espontaneidad social. En segundo lugar, el carácter material y minucioso de las constituciones garantistas torna superfluas a la democracia y a la política. Por último, la pretensión de constitucionalizar lo que no son sino postulados ideológicos amenaza con convertir a la constitución en un instrumento político parcial y sectario, muy alejada del modelo de constitución abierta y plural que originariamente inspiró al Estado constitucional de derecho. (shrink)

When fat people are depicted in popular media, we often take their behavior to be representative of all fat people. How one fat person acts becomes representative of a broader pattern of behavior that all fat people are presumed to share, shaping the way we understand fatness. This way of generalizing presents fatness as a singular experience, reducing fat people to a monolithic narrative that often reinforces anti-fat bias. How do we avoid this reduction? How can we responsibly depict (...) fat characters without perpetuating negative stereotypes about real fat people? Using the case of “Fat Thor” from Avengers: Endgame, I propose the beginnings of an account of responsible artistic agency which can be used to improve the ways that marginalized communities are depicted in art, with a particular focus on fat communities. Central to this account are two features: inclusion of and deference to members of the communities depicted from a variety of backgrounds throughout the production process, and mindfulness of the preexisting narrative web built around the communities depicted. I will use this discussion to highlight the need for a drastic shift in how we consider marginalized populations in art—in reimagining both who tells their stories, and what stories are told on their behalf. (shrink)

O presente artigo investiga a unidade de valor entre ética e moral, proposta por Ronald Dworkin, assumindo, como ponto de partida, o constitucionalismo pluralista latino-americano. Para tanto, o bem viver, afirmado pelas Constituições boliviana e equatoriana mediante o resgate da sabedoria indígena ancestral – pelo reconhecimento respectivamente do suma qamaña e do sumak kawsay como fundamentos da ordem constitucional – é problematizado a partir da relação que possui com o desafio de consolidação de uma vida boa que expresse o (...) comprometimento com os valores de liberdade, igualdade e comunidade. Referido objeto demandou abordagem interdisciplinar, com destaque para a interação entre o Direito Constitucional e a Filosofia. Os resultados da investigação apontam para a convergência entre a concepção de vida boa aludida por Dworkin e o bem viver que fundamenta as constituições pluralistas latino-americanas. A pesquisa se insere na vertente jurídico-sociológica para o desenvolvimento de investigação de tipo jurídico-investigativo e técnica bibliográfica. Para consideração das fontes, foi adotado o procedimento de análise de conteúdo, com a predominância de raciocínios dedutivos e dialéticos. (shrink)

Constellations, Volume 29, Issue 3, Page 310-328, September 2022.

This essay reconsiders Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s debt to Jean Bodin, on the basis of Daniel Lee’s recent revision of Bodin as a theorist of popular sovereignty. It argues that Rousseau took a key feature of his own theory of democratic sovereignty from Bodin—namely, the dual identity of political members as both citizens and subjects of the state. It further makes the case that this dual identity originates in medieval corporatist law, which Bodin was summarizing. Finally, it demonstrates the lasting impact (...) of corporatist law in eighteenth-century France, highlighting Rousseau’s direct borrowings from the corporatist language and logic of contemporary commercial societies. In this regard, the article revisits and updates Otto von Gierke’s classic argument about the origins of the state in corporatist thought. (shrink)

This paper is going to deal with water absorption in different types of wood such as: pine, oak, beech, and fir. The amount of water absorbed by these types of wood is known as water absorption and it is determined using the material's initial state and after their immersion in water. The major goal of this study is to explain the effects of water absorption in hardwood materials and to demonstrate the changes that will take place in them over the (...) course of 48 hours. Water can be absorbed by wood in a variety of ways, as a liquid, or as an atmospheric vapor. Despite the fact that wood can absorb other liquids and gases, water is the most important. Because of its hygroscopicity, wood, whether as part of a living tree or as a material, always contains moisture. The experiment will be focused on the selection of different types of wood (most popular in the Albanian context), analyzing their water absorption and moisture level. The wooden samples will be submerged in water for 24 and 48 hours in order to obtain the appropriate results. Their moisture level and water level due to capillarity will be analyzed too. The purpose of the study is to follow the behavior of wooden frames in different environments. (shrink)

Why are teleological arguments based on biological phenomena so popular? My explanation is that teleological properties are presented in our experiences of biological phenomena. I contrast this with the view that the attribution of teleological properties to biological phenomena takes place at an intellective level – via inference, and as belief or similar propositional attitude. I suggest five ways in which the experiential view is the better explanation for the popularity of such teleological arguments. Experiential attributions are more easy, (...) impactful, and implastic. The experiential view accommodates cases of conflicting attributions, and it makes sense of the readiness with which we follow such teleological arguments. I respond to objections and explain how my view builds on existing answers to this question found in the philosophical literature. (shrink)

Sergei Prozorov challenges the assumption that the biopolitical governance means the end of democracy, arguing for a positive synthesis of biopolitics and democracy. He develops a vision of democratic biopolitics where diverse forms of life can coexist on the basis of their reciprocal recognition as free, equal and in common.

The forms of liberal government that emerged after World War II are in the midst of a profound crisis. In I Am the People, Partha Chatterjee reconsiders the concept of popular sovereignty in order to explain today’s dramatic outburst of movements claiming to speak for “the people.” To uncover the roots of populism, Chatterjee traces the twentieth-century trajectory of the welfare state and neoliberal reforms. Mobilizing ideals of popular sovereignty and the emotional appeal of nationalism, anticolonial movements ushered (...) in a world of nation-states while liberal democracies in Europe guaranteed social rights to their citizens. But as neoliberal techniques shrank the scope of government, politics gave way to technical administration by experts. Once the state could no longer claim an emotional bond with the people, the ruling bloc lost the consent of the governed. To fill the void, a proliferation of populist leaders have mobilized disaffected groups into a battle that they define as the authentic people against entrenched oligarchy. Once politics enters a spiral of competitive populism, Chatterjee cautions, there is no easy return to pristine liberalism. Only a counter-hegemonic social force that challenges global capital and facilitates the equal participation of all peoples in democratic governance can achieve significant transformation. Drawing on thinkers such as Antonio Gramsci, Michel Foucault, and Ernesto Laclau and with a particular focus on the history of populism in India, I Am the People is a sweeping, theoretically rich account of the origins of today’s tempests. (shrink)

Los procesos democráticos de toma de decisiones pueden ser evaluados por sus resultados, por su valor intrínseco o por una combinación de ambas cosas. Mostraré que analizar a fondo estas alternativas permite sacar a la luz las debilidades más serias en los modos usuales de justificación del constitucionalismo. La fundamentación teórica de la articulación entre democracia y constitucionalismo ha permanecido atrapada en una trampa que busco romper. Concluiré mostrando la necesidad de rebasar los argumentos epistémicos y contra-epistémicos sugiriendo (...) pautas que hasta ahora creo han sido poco ponderadas en la literatura clásica sobre el tema. (shrink)

This paper aims to deflate the idea that democracy would be in essence a privileged locus of civic trust. Three claims are defended: (1) there is nothing specific to democracy regarding the affirmation that trust is required for social cooperation; (2) democracy, when conceived discursively, depends on guarded epistemic trust and; (3) popular control may require, in some contexts, institutions that express and foster distrust towards a specific section of the population. The conclusion to be drawn is that the (...) appropriateness of trust for the achievement of popular control over government depends on a contextual and realist assessment. (shrink)

Software piracy is an instance of unauthorized duplication of information goods where laws and norms are not agreed-upon. This article presents a content analysis of articles from the five highest circulating U.S. newspapers 1989-2004 as evidence of the prevailing social environment surrounding software piracy. The rationales in the news articles are analyzed as evidence of the social and psychological underpinnings of attitudes toward software piracy. An expanded version of Sykes and Matza's (American Sociological Review 22, 664-670, 1957); Zamoon and Curley (...) (Working paper, Kuwait University, Kuwait, 2007) neutralization framework is applied to analyze the content of the articles. We found that rationales condoning piracy showed a more balanced use of neutralization approaches, and less moral intensity toward the behavior. In contrast, rationales condemning piracy mostly promoted the injury aspect of software piracy, and suggested higher moral intensity. The discrepancies have practical implications as a barrier to the ability to connect the two sides of the debate concerning software piracy. (shrink)

The bulk of this address concerns itself with the extent to which professional scientists were involved in popular science writing in early twentieth-century Britain. Contrary to a widespread assumption, it is argued that a significant proportion of the scientific community engaged in writing the more educational type of popular science. Some high-profile figures acquired enough skill in popular writing to exert considerable influence over the public's perception of science and its significance. The address also shows how publishers (...) actively sought ‘expert’ authors for popular material, but at the same time controlled what was published in accordance with their perception of what would sell. At a more popular level of writing there were many semi-professional authors who, while not active scientists, exploited close contacts with the scientific community. Here there was a strong emphasis on the practical applications of science.The address concludes by suggesting parallels between popular science writing in this period and the present state of popular writing about the history of science. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to understand the transition from a constitutionalism of the common – already proposed previously – to the field of cosmotechnical struggles, in the sense that it would no longer be possible to think and constitute a cosmopolitical project except from them. To this end, what is proposed, based on the limits and crises of State and the constitutionalism that accompanies it, seek the construction of cosmopolitical projects through the resizing of constitutionalism, proposing this in (...) the work from the perspective of the common and human rights, it is essential constitute the common beyond the limits of constitutionalism – state-based or not – since the constitution of the common today takes place in a field in dispute over techno-political practices through cosmotechnical struggles and processes of insurrection, against the backdrop of the impacts of globalization neoliberalism and the disruption of the digital age. (shrink)

El presente trabajo busca generar en el lector la inquietud acerca de la relevancia, actualidad y necesidad material respecto a políticas públicas que profundicen y hagan realidad el Estado social de derecho, establecido por el constituyente en la Constitución de 1991 en Colombia. A pesar de los treinta años de su promulgación y frente a los aún no resueltos problemas de inequidad y de amplios cinturones de pobreza que viven algunos sectores del país (situación que impacta en la convivencia y (...) equilibrio social), se hace necesario establecer políticas públicas que afiancen los postulados constitucionales de convivencia pacífica, de prosperidad general, entre otros; es necesario establecerlas hoy más que nunca, toda vez que la crisis sobreviniente, generada por el covid-19, ha llevado el país a unos niveles inusitados de desempleo y pobreza. Se considera que las directrices que emanan del Estado social de derecho, adoptado por la Constitución de 1991, son una buena herramienta para combatir tanto los problemas propios de la crisis como los históricos flagelos que todavía experimenta la nación y lo ponen al borde del inicio de otra crisis institucional. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to investigate the Habermasian way of problematizing the European political situation through consideration of the conceptual framework within which he develops his proposal. I begin by clarifying various conceptual difficulties that emerge when thinking about politics within the European Union. I then focus on the concept of popular sovereignty as procedure, which Habermas develops in Between Facts and Norms against the historical backdrop of the nation state. In the debate regarding European constitutionalization, the (...) concept of popular sovereignty as procedure first assumes a critical function against proponents of the no demos thesis. More recently, Habermas has advanced a concept of shared/divided sovereignty, which becomes indispensable when we consider Europe as a democratic federation. The conclusions hereby drawn disclose two problematic aspects of Habermas’s recent proposal. Respectively, these concern the viability of his approach and the questionable plausibility of this proposed federation’s ability to uphold democracy in terms of self-determination. (shrink)

Although eighteenth-century Federalists, including James Madison, have been associated with the very contemporary idea of a transnational political order, the argument that the modern state with its centralised authority and supreme power poses a threat to liberty was already a subject of discussions during the period. The American Constitution was intended to establish a new political order, rather than a loose federation or an enlarged state. The Framers were not alone in their preoccupation with a transnational order; the German philosopher (...) Immanuel Kant struggled with the same issues of liberty and security in his political essays. This chapter examines how Madison and Kant grapppled with the problem of transnational order in the context of democracy and republicanism. It looks at the issues addressed by Kant and Madison that are closely related to those discussed today, including diversity, popular sovereignty and political violence. The chapter suggests that Kant and Madison, along with many other republicans of the time, explored the idea of government without resorting to the models of small-scale, ancient republics. (shrink)

In this passage, Zavaleta describes the connections between the moment of real subsumption, social totalisation, the production of social-scientific knowledge that takes the resultant totality as its object, including Marxist theory, and finally, the emergence of a broad intersubjectivity with the capacity to become a revolutionary historical actor.