The paper reviews the military policy of a new independent Republic of Tajikistan over 1991-2011. The smallest by territory Central Asian republic lived through a five-year civil war on its way to an independent sovereign democratic state which seven million people were wise enough to reach national reconciliation in 1997. The majority of Tajikistan population is on the verge of poverty, which is indicative of the inadequate social policy. The country is rich in Pamir water which is drawn from eleven (...) glaciers as well as cotton, electric energy and aluminum. Tajikistan secures its military power owing to cooperation with the CIS, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The Republic develops all-embracing cooperation with such Asian countries as India, Pakistan, Turkey, China and Iran. Among European countries it is Germany that allocated funds for strengthening the border with Afghanistan, which notably stands out. Cooperation with the NATO within the Partnership for Peace Program helps the military of the Republic to dispose of outdated ammunition as well as take part in NATO peacekeeping operations in accordance with resolutions of the United Nations Security Council. The Russian Federation having the largest foreign military alignment in the territory of the Republic remains the main strategic partner and guarantor of the national sovereignty of Tajikistan. The Republic still faces the problems of energy resources, terrorism and international drug trafficking. The internal political situation requires continuous international monitoring. UN observers left the country in 2000. The authoritarian government does not contribute to development of the democratic foundation of civil society. Today's Armed Forces of Tajikistan are of insignificant numerical strength and poorly-armed. The Army needs modernization and adaptation to a present-day environment. (shrink)

The paper examines a concept of the Balto-Black Sea Union, which ideas were translated into reality during the Kievan Rus and Grand Duchy of Lithuania period. In the 10th-11th centuries the road from the North to the South, from the East-country to the Black Sea ran through the territory of Ukraine. The way 'from the Varangians to the Greeks' integrated two regions, the Baltic and the Black Sea, and was to the advantage of all those involved. This conceptual idea was (...) again looked into by Ukrainian politicians and researchers in the early 20th century, it was explored and proposed by Mykhailo Grushevskyi, Yuriy Lypa and Stepan Rudnytskyi. The idea of the 'inter-sea area' became a subject for active discussion in Polish, Ukrainian, Belorussian and Lithuanian political quarters in the late 1980s. This plot deserves attention of contemporary Ukrainian politicians in the current dynamic geopolitical context as an efficient and timely anti-Russian international project which will underpin the security of Ukraine. This idea was partially implemented in the form of the GUAM, the Black Sea Organization for Economic Cooperation and the Community of Democratic Choice. The natural vector 'North - South' of communicative and transit transport flows is not used in full measure by Ukraine. The Balto-Black Sea Union offers a significant security component which is of interest to the USA and the European Union. The emergence of such new world economic centers as the USA, the EU and China imparts a new focus to foreign policy priorities of Ukraine. (shrink)

На основі аналізу світових подій після завершення "холодної війни", а також геополітичних змін на пострадянському просторі сформульовано основні вектори зовнішньої політики Російської Федерації. Особливу увагу приділено відносинам Росії з Європейським Союзом, США та Китаєм. Зіставлені їхні економічні показники в динаміці.

Стаття присвячена геополітичному вибору Республіки Польща в пострадянський період, її військовій політиці. Проаналізовано повноваження Президента та законодавчого органу з питань безпеки та оборони. Розглянуто виборчі симпатії під час парламентських та президентських виборів за останні 20 років. Охарактеризовані оборонна доктрина, Стратегія безпеки та оборони. Дано характеристику Збройним силам. Розглянуто відносини з країнами-сусідами, ЄС, США та Росією. Досліджено основні напрямки східної політики Республіки Польща.

У статті проаналізовані причини виникнення російсько-українського воєнного конфлікту з березня 2014 р. до сьогодні. Для достовірності викладених фактів наведений перелік військових частин, які брали активну участь у воєнних діях на території України, із посиланням на російські та зарубіжні джерела. Зроблені висновки щодо можливих військово-політичних наслідків для двох воюючих сторін у близькій перспективі. Надані практичні пропозиції щодо посилення системи національної безпеки незалежної України.

The author traces some forms of underground anti-Soviet activities of students of the Lviv Polytechnic Institute, currently the National University 'Lviv Politekhnika'. The rest of Lviv higher education establishments were also engaged in such activities. The research is based on scientific studies, recollections, archive materials and records of the Ukrainian Rebel Army, which cover the period of 1944-1953. The paper is timed to the bicentenary of the Lviv Politekhnika foundation and aims to demonstrate fortitude of Ukrainian spirit of young people (...) who sought after their independent Ukrainian state. A list of Politekhnika students is given, who displayed their bravery in individual anti-Soviet actions, as well as some underground independent student organizations and representatives of the national underground which considered youth development its priority since 1948 are indicated. Anti-Soviet activities of the student milieu included the making of politically focused leaflets and their distribution among city-folk and at higher education establishments. Despite a small time of underground activities because of frequent arrests, Lviv students continued their work up to 1953. All detected members of clandestine organizations were sentenced by the Military Tribunal of the Ministry for State Security to the terms of 10 - 25 years in correctional labor camps of the GULAG. Some of the released returned to their native land and managed to get across their viewpoint and motivation of their actions over the above period to new generations. (shrink)

The author reviews some archival documents and materials of Pavlo P. Skoropadskyi, Hetman of the Ukrainian state, his personal memoirs and executive decisions on foreign policy issues over a period of April-December 1918. Pavlo Skoropadskyi's stand as to building the state and his commitment to the pro-Russian vector are demonstrated. Some examples of practical steps taken by Pavlo Skoropadskyi's government to gain understanding with the Entente countries after Germany and Austria-Hungary lost the war are given. Based on its organizational structure, (...) the type of the Hetman state is defined. An example of rapport with new temporary state formations on the Don and Kuban Rivers is given. The paper describes radical and prompt actions of the Hetman government, taken to draw the Crimea under the dominion of Ukraine. The fallacy of the pro-Russian line of policy of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi in the context of the German and Austro-Hungarian occupation is pointed out. The ambiguous course of Ukraine is exemplified by the formation of its Armed Forces, Cabinet of Ministers and delaying in the implementation of the agrarian reform. The attitude of Pavlo Skoropadskyi to the Ukrainians and the Galicians is demonstrated through specific references to his statements. The paper shows some practical steps in opening embassy missions and consular agencies in European countries, which point to the efforts of the Cabinet of Ministers to win international recognition and authority for the Ukrainian state. A situational geopolitical change of the diplomatic relations is demonstrated by the example of Romania. The main causes of the anti-Hetman uprising are defined as the lack of a negotiation process with representatives of socialist and democratic forces of Ukraine, incapability to enlist the support of rural masses and inferior moods in respect of Russia. (shrink)

The paper reviews for the first time criminal case No.1339 inrespect of Stanislav S. Frize, Professor, Doctor of Engineering and the Head of the General Electrical Engineering Department of the Lviv Polytechnic. From January to August 1945 the researcher was kept in special camp No. 0310 of the People's State Security Commissariat in the town of Krasnodon of the Voroshilovgrad Region. He was put there without any trial and relevant proofs of his guilt towards Soviet law. Frise was accused of (...) teaching electrical engineering and physics at courses for electricians in 1942-1944 under constraint of the German occupation authorities. People's State Security Commissariat bodies regarded the fact as cooperation with the Germans and betrayal of the Motherland, which fell under definitions of Article 54-1a of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. They disregarded complete political apathy of the Professor, his straightforwardness and outspokenness in expressing his views of the events. Having refused to sign an appeal to Stalin, Frize laid himself open to suspicions of anti-Soviet agitation. His lack of knowledge of the Ukrainian and Russian languages and teaching in Polish was considered as sabotage of Soviet power efforts aimed at restoration of education at higher schools. Only testimonies of the Department staff in July 1945 and vigorous activity of his wife Anna Y. Krypiakevych convinced the Soviet punitive system of Stanislav Frize's innocence. (shrink)

Стаття продовжує серію публікацій про вчених Львівської політехніки, репресованих радянською владою за надуманими звинуваченнями в 1944-1945 роках. Розглянуто перебіг слідчої справи № 1271 Бужинського Володимира Мар'яновича, доктора технічних наук, завідувача кафедри опору матеріалів та гідромеханіки Львівського політехнічного інституту. Поряд з аналізом документів слідчої справи наведені маловідомі й невідомі факти з життя професора, його ставлення до роботи у вищому навчальному закладі та мотиви, якими він керувався, працюючи у виші за німецької окупації. Показано, що скасування звинувачень щодо вченого пов'язано не стільки з (...) доведенням його невинуватості, скільки зі зміною політики радянської влади щодо поляків, яких вона примусила покидати Львів за програмою репатріації на підставі "Угоди про взаємний обмін населенням у прикордонних районах" 1944 року. (shrink)

Стаття присвячена незалежній Республіці Туркменистан, досвіду будівництва національної системи безпеки, чинного законодавства з питань військової політики, особливостям набуття постійного нейтралітету, готовності до подолання сучасних військових загроз, ролі представницького, законодавчого, виконавчих органів влади та Президента в державному забезпеченні захисту національних інтересів у пострадянський період історії.

Стаття присвячена новій незалежній державі Центральної Азії - Республіці Киргизія, формуванню й становленню її військово-політичної складової в пострадянський період. Акцентовано на наявних глобальних загрозах та внутрішній неготовності республіки до їх нейтралізації. Проаналізовано участь Киргизії в регіональних безпекових організаціях СНД (Співдружність Незалежних Держав), ОДКБ (Організація договору про колективну безпеку), ШОС (Шанхайська організація співпраці), її співробітництво з НАТО в рамках програми "Партнерство заради миру". Зроблено висновок про багатовекторну зовнішню політику Киргизії й продовження пошуку в забезпеченні власної безпеки та національних інтересів у регіональному (...) та глобальному масштабах. (shrink)

The conditions for development of a regional system of national security in Central Asia in the post-Soviet period are reviewed in a new geopolitical context. The emergence in the region of new political actors of the first echelon - the USA, the European Union and the People's Republic of China as well as the second echelon - Turkey, the Islamic republic of Iran, India and Pakistan is emphasized. The role of the above countries in ensuring political and economic security is (...) traced. The regional integration situation is analyzed. Available regional threats, some of them of global nature, are looked into, their characteristic features described for each New Independent State. Interstate conflicts and their resolution potentiality in the current situation are investigated. The unity of the region in combatting international terrorism and extremism is pointed out. Regional threats which endanger the West are identified. Special attention is given to politicization of Islam, radical fundamentalism and their belligerent manifestations which took place in Central Asia. The membership of Central Asian countries in such security-focused interstate organizations as the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as well as relations with the UN and the NATO are laid stress on. A great military and technical dependence of the armed forces of Central Asian countries on the Russian factor is pointed out. Some facts of the geopolitical confrontation between Russia, the EU, the USA and China are referred to. Conclusions are drawn as to incapability of countries of the Central Asian region to stand up to current geopolitical challenges on their own and the lack of a regional security system. The necessity of multi-vector foreign policy as a form of guarantee against external aggression is brought into focus. (shrink)

У статті розглянуто процес розподілу Чорноморського флоту СРСР у період 1991-1997 рр. між незалежною Україною та Російською Федерацією на тлі проблеми приєднання Криму та Севастополя до УРСР 1954 р. Акцентовано увагу на неврегулюванні цього питання на міждержавному рівні. Наголошено на незмінності імперської позиції Росії щодо перегляду питання повернення Криму та Севастополя як стратегічно важливих об'єктів її зовнішньої політики в Чорноморсько-Середземноморському регіоні. Підкреслено негативне ставлення сучасних російських політиків до партійно-урядових рішень СРСР та РФРСР 1954 р. про передачу Кримської області до складу (...) Української РСР. Наведено спільні російсько-українські законодавчі акти, у яких російська сторона гарантувала й зобов'язувалась поважати територіальну цілісність і недоторканість незалежної України. (shrink)

Based on a multivariate analysis of the involvement of post-Soviet republics in UN and NATO peacekeeping operations, the author explores the integration of New Independent States into UN and NATO international organizations. Chronology of some peace-support and peace-enforcement operations is given. Of special focus is participation of special units of armed forces in such operations. Logical sequence of intrastate agreement on engagement of the military of independent Ukraine in international operations under the mandate of the United Nations Security Council is (...) traced. A respective decision-making process of the Lithuanian Parliament is examined for comparison purposes. Specific laws of Ukraine, which regulate such decisions, are indicated. The author offers concrete examples and describes the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in implementation of the UN peace-support mission. The paper cites Russian legislation governing cooperation with the UN and NATO in peacekeeping operations. By the example of formation of interstate military units between Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania ('Ukrpolitbat'), the Baltic Republics (the 'Baltic Battalion') and Central Asian Republics ('Kazbat'), the author shows the initiative of post-Communism republics in preservation of peace and stability in the world. Specific examples of involvement of the armed units of such post-Soviet republics as Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kirgizia in UN international operations are given. The paper describes the operations in Kosovo (1999), the Mediterranean Sea (2001), Turkey (2003), Iraq (2004), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1996-2004) as well as Sudan (2005). Attention is drawn to reorientation of the NATO from the collective defence strategy to that of common security and execution of mostly international operations with domination of police functions, technical assistance in the postwar period and coping with technogenic catastrophes. (shrink)

The peculiarities of the “domestic” and political worlds’ interactions as well as their impact on the freedom of human choice are considered in the article. The purpose of the article is to analyze political and existential being which can be transformed in the light of collecting or distracting way. The phenomenon of national security is analyzed in theoretical as well as in practical dimension. The first part of the study of separatism is connected with the modern social world’s tendency of (...) social transgression which involves blurring the rules and limits expansion. The frontier concept as the transgressive space, which can be embodied in the form of possibility of political interaction or as a place of a political conflict, is offered. Frontier understanding in the light of a cultural dialogue permits to consider it as a perspective dynamic system in the social projects of common being construction. The second part of the article reveals three main directions of transgression: philosophical and reflexive, ethical and normative, common practices. An idea of correlation between freedom of choice, manifestation of will with the human ability of critical thinking, reflection is offered and proved. Tolerance is defined to be the strategical practice in the process of launching a dialogue program of conflicting political communication. (shrink)

The strict-tolerant approach to paradox promises to erect theories of naïve truth and tolerant vagueness on the firm bedrock of classical logic. We assess the extent to which this claim is founded. Building on some results by Girard we show that the usual proof-theoretic formulation of propositional ST in terms of the classical sequent calculus without primitive Cut is incomplete with respect to ST-valid metainferences, and exhibit a complete calculus for the same class of metainferences. We also argue that the (...) latter calculus, far from coinciding with classical logic, is a close kin of Priest’s LP. (shrink)

This paper discusses three research perspectives on political culture, civic culture and citizenship: the classic approach of Almond and Verba; contemporary analyses of citizenship referring to the book Civic Culture by Almond and Verba and oriented to the empirical description of social reality; and theoretical analyses of new relational sociology, oriented to the ontology and epistemology of social reality. The authors’ analysis leads to two conclusions. Firstly, it is necessary to combine these three approaches – relational social theory with empirical (...) analyses departing from methodological individualism. This requires conducting an empirical analysis, where the basic ‘analytical units’ – of collection, interpretation and generalization of data – are not separate but combined by relations and networks within which people act. Secondly, Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński’s statements are the best starting point for conducting such a new research programme. What is decisive is his systematic, theoretical interest in contemporary agency theories and relationality of citizenship, combined with innovative application of quantitative methods. (shrink)

In this paper, I sketch a fictionalist interpretation of Whitehead’s metatheory of metaphysics fromProcess and Reality. I hold that he engages in a program of foundational research in philosophical cosmology and I interpret his metatheoretical remarks accordingly, in the framework of scientific structuralism.

This publication aims to familiarize Polish Language teachers with various issues connected with the Theatrical Education in Schools. Part 1 is an attempt to define the set role of a School Theatre Supervisor (what should be emphasized here is that the teacher’s knowledge of the subject, set designing skill, and also acting and directing skill and his/her knowledge of the pupil’s psyche at different stages in the development of an young man). Part 2 deals with the Theatrical Education as a (...) part o f Polish language lessons, set in the early 21" century Polish reality (extracts from interesting theatre lessons, dramatic elements in the lesson, activities in the theatre lessons and theatre-journalism classes). Part 3 is a proposition of how to organize work in the school drama theatre (a suggestion on practice and methodology exposing various advantages gained through the school theatre activities). (shrink)

In this book, Radu Bogdan proposes that humans think reflexively because they interpret each other's minds in social contexts of cooperation, communication, ...

Este artículo analiza la poesía de Leonel Lienlaf, poeta mapuche, desde una óptica ecocrítica. Para ello, se toman varias poesías del poemario Se ha despertado el ave de mi corazón (autotraducidas al español por el autor) con el fin de subrayar la importancia de la relación hombre-naturaleza. La dimensión simbólica utilizada por el autor se conecta directamente con la dimensión etnocultural del pueblo mapuche que, si bien no es el objeto principal del análisis, será igualmente importante considerarla. El artículo quiere (...) destacar el diálogo con la naturaleza queLienlaf pone de manifiesto en sus poesías y que se convierte, en última instancia, en una coexistencia con el medio ambiente. (shrink)

The theme of this essay is rather simple, though its demonstration is not. It is that humans think reflexively or metamentally because -- and often in the forms in which -- they interpret each other. In this essay ‘metamental’ means ‘about mental’ and ‘reflexive mind’ means ‘a mind thinking about its own thoughts.’ To think reflexively or metamentally is to think about thoughts deliberately and explicitly, as in thinking that my current thoughts about metamentation are right. Thinking about thoughts requires (...) understanding thoughts as thoughts, as mental structures that represent; it also requires an ability to relate thoughts to other thoughts and to recognize such inter-thought relations. Since metamentation is essential to and uniquely distinctive of human minds, the idea that it originates in interpreting other minds can be encapsulated in the slogan that minds are minded because minds mind minds. This word play translates as: minds evolve into reflexive minds because they mind other minds -- where ‘minding other minds’ means interacting and bonding with other minds, being concerned or curious about them, representing their relations to the world, manipulating and using these relations for some purpose, and the like. All of this amounts (in my terminology) to interpreting other minds in social contexts of cooperation, communication, education, politics, and so on. It follows that intermental relations among individuals, handled by a distinct competence for interpretation, are essential to the evolution of abilities to represent intramental relations among thoughts, typical of a reflexive mind. I take ‘interpretation’ to be a convenient, short, and grammatically flexible label for what is known in philosophy as commonsense or folk psychology and in psychology as theory of mind, mindreading, or naive psychology. Interpretation is a cognitive rapport between an interpreter (she, in this book) and a subject (he), whereby she represents his mind-world relations, from the simplest, such as seeing.... (shrink)

Eliminativism assumes that commonsense psychology describes and explains the mind in terms of the internal design and operation of the mind. If this assumption is invalidated, so is eliminativism. The same conditional is true of intentional realism. Elsewhere (Bogdan 1991) I have argued against this 'folk- theory-theory' assumption by showing that commonsense psychology is not an empirical prototheory of the mind but a biosocially motivated practice of coding, utilizing, and sharing information from and about conspecifics. Here, without presupposing a (...) specific analysis of commonsense psychology, I want to challenge a key implication of the 'folk-theory-theory' assumption to the effect that commonsense psychology is committed to a definite architecture of the mind. (shrink)

The existence of the obligation to follow rules in sport is widely accepted, but there are only a few studies that provide accounts that justify it. Building upon Wolff's challenge to traditional political theories, this study proposes a theory that limits the level of normativity to which participants in sport contests are bound in an effort to maximize their autonomy. Instead of constructing a unitary theory of obligations to follow sport rules, a pluralistic account is offered, one that allows for (...) multiple sources of normativity, thus augmenting the freedom of communities to play games according to their values. (shrink)

Proof-theoretic semantics is an alternative to model-theoretic semantics. It aims at explaining the meaning of the logical constants in terms of the inference rules that govern their behaviour in proofs. We argue that this must be construed as the task of explaining these meanings relative to a logic, i.e., to a consequence relation. Alas, there is no agreed set of properties that a relation must have in order to qualify as a consequence relation. Moreover, the association of a consequence relation (...) to a logical calculus is not as straightforward as it may seem. We show that these facts are problematic for the proof-theoretic project but the problems can be solved. Our thesis is that the consequence relation relevant for proof-theoretic semantics is the one given by the sequent-to-sequent derivability relation in Gentzen systems. (shrink)

This article examines Erich Przywara‘s conceptual understanding of the proofs for the existence of God. It also interprets the proofs of God’s existence. Тhe concept of God in the philosophy of Przywara is considered by exploring the nature of the relations between the transcendent sphere of God and the spiritual world of the human person. From the point of view of historiography, the role of the book “The Analogia entis” by Przywara is highlighted.

Conventionalism in sport philosophy has been rejected as unable to provide a theory of normativity and as collapsing in ethical relativism, but this criticism is rather imprecise about its target, which invites doubt about the legitimacy of the concept of conventionalism described by its critics. Instead, a more charitable and legitimate account of conventionalism is proposed, one that draws inspiration from conventionalism in axiomatic geometry and is able to avoid the counterarguments directed against conventionalism. This new model allows for a (...) number of non-conventional elements of sport, namely the definition of sport and certain central moral norms, while at the same time arguing that normativity in sport is not exhausted by them, which leaves athletic communities with authority over a broad range of norms. (shrink)

Previous studies showed that self-interest biases moral perception of others’ unethical actions. Moreover, affective changes in attitudinal responses towards the perpetrator of an immoral act drives the bias. In the present studies, we attempted to answer the question whether people are aware of the self-interest bias in their judgments of others’ behavior. We conducted two experiments showing that moral judgments of verbally described and imagined actions were dominated by norms rather than self-interest and that people were not aware that self-interest (...) distorted their moral judgment. The unawareness of the self-interest bias among the participants was attributable to omission of their own emotional responses when forecasting their moral judgments. We discuss the importance of emotions presence in studies on moral judgments as well as contribution of the present research to the intuitionist approach to moral judgment. (shrink)

: The dual perspective model of agency and communion predicts that observers tend to interpret a target’s behavior more in terms of communion than agency, whereas actors interpret their behavior more in terms of agency. The present research for the first time tests this model in real interactions. Previously unacquainted participants had a short conversation and afterwards rated their own behavior and their interaction partner’s behavior in terms of agency and communion. Supporting the dual perspective model, observers rated the actor’s (...) behavior higher on communion than on agency, and higher on communion than actors themselves did. Findings for actors were more complex: Actors rated their own behavior as more agentic than observers did. However, they also rated their behavior high on communion. We discuss implications for the dual perspective model as well as for understandings in social interactions. (shrink)

Intra-theoretical logical pluralism is a form of meaning-invariant pluralism about logic, articulated recently by Hjortland :355–373, 2013). This version of pluralism relies on it being possible to define several distinct notions of provability relative to the same logical calculus. The present paper picks up and explores this theme: How can a single logical calculus express several different consequence relations? The main hypothesis articulated here is that the divide between the internal and external consequence relations in Gentzen systems generates a form (...) of intra-theoretical logical pluralism. (shrink)

Logical nihilism is the view that the relation of logical consequence is empty: there are counterexamples to any putative logical law. In this paper, I argue that the nihilist threat is illusory. The nihilistic arguments do not work. Moreover, the entire project is based on a misguided interpretation of the generality of logic.

Publilius Syrus, Maxime trad. Camil Muresanu, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Cartimpex, 2002, 104 pp.