ABSTRACTThis paper discusses Jacobinism and the French/Haitian revolution in its unity and diversity. It shows that the main imaginary and institutional elements of modernity – including further an...

This article examines Ernest Belfort Bax's interpretation of the French Revolution and traces the impact that his idea of the Revolution had on his philosophy and his political thought. The first section considers Bax's understanding of the Revolution in the context of his theory of history and analyses his conception of the Revolution's legacy, drawing particularly on his portraits of Robespierre, Marat and Babeuf. The second section shows how the lessons Bax drew from this history shaped his socialist republicanism and (...) discusses his support for Jacobin methods of revolutionary change. The third section of the article looks at the ways in which Bax's reading of revolutionary history affected his internationalism and shows how his ‘anti-patriotism’ led him to support the Anglo-French campaign in 1914. I argue that the Bax's understanding of the French Revolution gave body to his philosophy and greatly influenced his understanding of the socialist struggle. Bax believed that socialists had history on their side, but was so emboldened by the idea of the Revolution that he was led to advance a view of socialist change that undermined the historic values that socialism was supposed to enshrine. (shrink)

I am greatly indebted to the German Fulbright Commission, and its Director, Dr Ulrich Littmann, for their generous support from September 1988 until February 1989, during which time I completed this paper. My gratitude also extends to the Zentralinstitut für sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung of the Free University of West Berlin, and its Directors Dr Dietrich Herzog and Dr Hans-Dieter Klingemann, who supplied me with both comfortable working conditions and a stimulating intellectual atmosphere.

I consider the extent to which Fichte might be classed as a German Jacobin. I argue that if we think of the history of Jacobinism as being driven by two main forces, a concern for private rights and a concern for the public good, then Fichte might be classed as a Jacobin because his ethical and political thought combines these two concerns. I also suggest that his argument for the right of existence in the Foundations of Natural Right and (...) his idea of ‘public’ virtue, which can be found in his main work on ethics, The System of Ethics, provide a link between his philosophy and the radical phase of the French Revolution. (shrink)

L’usage des termes de jacobin et de jacobinisme dans la vie politique ne renvoie jamais exclusivement aux membres du club de la Révolution française ni aux idées souvent contradictoires et mouvantes dans le temps qui y furent débattues. Ils servent à désigner, souvent de manière disqualifiante, des personnages politiques et des courants d’idées, jusqu’à nos jours, qui peuvent n’avoir qu’un lointain rapport avec la pensée révolutionnaire française. Les événements politiques qui marquèrent la Suisse dans les années 1847-1848 fournissent une excellente (...) illustration de la transposition et de l’usage de ces termes en tant que catégories politiques hors du contexte de la Révolution française mais en écho à celle-ci. Les événements des années 1847-1848 sont en effet, encore aujourd’hui, souvent analysés de manières savante ou profane à travers ces catégories qui contribuent à une historiographie particulière souvent teintée de présupposés idéologiques. Cette historiographie reprend, parfois sans recul, les termes utilisés par les contemporains les plus opposés à une construction fédérale helvétique, lesquels n’hésitèrent pas à la comparer aux épisodes sanglants de la Révolution française, dont les jacobins étaient censés être les acteurs. L’usage des termes de jacobin et de jacobinisme s’inscrit dans une vision mécaniste et répétitive de l’histoire et remplit ici une fonction disqualifiante de courants et d’acteurs politiques pourtant fort éloignés des idéaux révolutionnaires français. (shrink)

Ryn restates and develops certain themes of conservative political philosophy in the tradition of Edmund Burke. His essay centers around a distinction between plebiscitary democracy and constitutional democracy: the "new Jacobinism" is the broad movement of thought, strenuously opposed by Ryn, which has almost succeeded in making the former type of democracy prevail over the latter. Ryn sees the origin of constitutional democracy in a fundamental ethical stance. He argues that our first moral duties and responsibilities are to those (...) with whom we live every day, and that we do not have the same strong duties towards those who live at a distance from us; the love of one's immediate neighbor has priority over the love of "humanity." Whoever recognizes this has a strong experience of his or her moral frailty and fallenness, since it is extremely difficult to practice well the active love of this concrete individual who is my neighbor. Now this fundamental ethical stance gives rise to a very definite kind of political order; one learns to esteem the "small" communities of family and village, since this is where moral character is primarily formed. One constitutes political authority so that it supports and protects family life and local community life, and does not interfere with and overrule them. This means that one decentralizes and limits authority, and does so not only for the sake of the local and the regional, but also because one knows of the moral frailty of human beings. (shrink)

By what process was the Jacobin identity transplanted into nineteenth-century Russian radical culture? According to the conventional account, the Jacobin label was coined by proponents like Zainevskij and Tkaev. Lenin, in turn, is said to have derived his Jacobin identity from them, thus revealing the non-Marxian source of his political ideas. This article contests that interpretation through a study of the origin and spread of the Jacobin terminology in post-emancipation Russia. I show that the Jacobin identity in Russia was invented (...) by anti-Jacobin populists and that there were scarcely any self-proclaimed Jacobins prior to Lenin. I also reconstruct the path by which Lenin came to identify with French Jacobinism. That path remained within the territory of Marxist theory from beginning to end. (shrink)

La notion de révolution passive est aujourd’hui reconnue comme l’une des contributions théoriques les plus importantes de Gramsci ; elle a fait l’objet de travaux approfondis en langues étrangères, et est également mise en œuvre pour analyser différents phénomènes historiques et situations concrètes présentes. L’objectif de cet article est de constituer une étude synthétique de l’élaboration et des usages de la notion de révolution passive dans les Cahiers de prison. Pour cela, nous suivons les différentes phases de développement de la (...) notion, ainsi que les déplacements de son sens en fonction des cas pour l’étude desquels elle est mobilisée, même hypothétiquement (le Risorgimento, l’Europe du XIXe siècle, le fascisme, l’américanisme, etc.). Pour Gramsci, il apparaît que les apports de cette notion se situent sur au moins deux plans dialectiquement liés : concevoir une modalité du changement historique qui ne saurait être réduite aux bouleversements révolutionnaires proprement dits ; mettre en évidence d’une manière critique les stratégies politiques des classes dominantes, afin d’œuvrer à l’émancipation de l’activité autonome des subalternes. (shrink)

It is the major argument of this essay that the roots of modern Jacobinism in their different manifestations are to be found in the transformation of the visions with strong Gnostic components and which sought to bring the Kingdom of God to earth and which were often promulgated in medieval and early modern European Christianity by different heterodox sects. The transformation of these visions as it took place above all in the Great Revolutions, in the English Civil War and (...) especially the American and French Revolutions and their aftermaths, entailed their transposition from relatively marginal sectors of society to the central political arena. From then on, these visions, especially in their various collectivistic, especially Jacobin, guises became a continual component of the modern political discourse and dynamics, in continual confrontation with more 'open' pluralistic visions. (shrink)

Isaiah Berlin, English Liberalism and a Third Concept of Liberty. The concept of Jacobinism, while lacking any strong anchorage in the historiography of the French Revolution, nonetheless represents the central category in the Marxist analysis of the revolutionary phenomenon in general. The aim of the present article is to examine the concept of Jacobinism in its relation to a series of other categories : the individual, the universal, and sovereignty, categories prominent in recent historical debates. Our aim is (...) therefore to propose a typology of the concept, by way of a provisional three-way division of political liberalism : the constituent liberalism of moderate Jacobinism, the egalitariam liberalism of centrist Jacobinism, the civic liberalism of radical Jacobinism. Going beyond the historical existence of the Jacobins as a group, the aim of our analysis is to give the largest possible extensive definition to the concept of Jacobinism, in order to evaluate its organic dimension within the political tradition which has its source in the French revolution. (shrink)

The motion of geographic poles, predicted by Euler, was discovered at the end of the 1880s, mainly by German and American astronomers. However, French astronomers were strongly reluctant to accept the reality of this phenomenon. Indeed, all observations at the Observatoire de Paris converged toward non-detection of the polar motion. Science, as most fields of public life, was extremely centralized in France, and the Observatoire de Paris was still living on past glory gained in the field of classical astronomy. However, (...) the directors who succeeded Urbain Le Verrier were doubtful about the accuracy of the observation in such an urban observatory, and were pushing for the construction of an observatory outside the city. At the same time, just after the French defeat of 1871, a wide decentralization of the universities started, and a few big regional cities were selected to host new observatories. In this paper we show how it is in one of these new observatories, in Lyon, that the polar motion was first observed in France, and how this was immediately recognized internationally. Although the weight of French Jacobinism kept the new observatories at an embryonic stage for many decades, this contribution to an internationally discussed problem shows how enthusiastically and efficiently work was carried out in the early years of French provincial observatories.Keywords: Polar motion; Observatoire de Lyon; François Gonnessiat; French decentralization. (shrink)

Most social roles require role identification from the side of the role occupant, yet whoever identifies him- or herself with his or her social roles thereby mistakes him- or herself for what he or she is not, because role identity is determined by other people’s normative expectations, whereas self-identity is self-determined. This paper first develops an interpretation of this existential paradox of role identity, and then suggests a Rousseauvian perspective on how the tension between being oneself and playing one’s social (...) roles may be a matter of politics rather than a matter of the metaphysics of selfhood. The paper concludes with a cautionary remark on just how much Jacobinism a political solution to the existential paradox of role identity might entail. (shrink)

Abstract Antonio Gramsci?s philosophy of praxis is characterised by the spatialisation as well as historicisation of its analytical categories. These theoretical practices are deeply intertwined in his ?absolute historicism?. Highlighting the spatiality of Gramsci?s analysis not only enables us to recover the many geographical themes in his work but also provides a useful counterweight to the emphasis on the historical dimensions of his historicism. In addition to obvious references to Gramsci?s use of spatial metaphors and his discussion of the Southern (...) Question, it is shown that many of his key concepts are best interpreted from a spatio?temporal as well as social and material perspective. After introducing the concepts of space, place and scale, the essay shows that all three are relevant to Gramsci?s analyses of issues such as language, the historical significance of the Catholic Church, the role of intellectuals, cosmopolitanism, class and class struggle, Americanism and Fordism, the nature of the Italian state, the social bases of state power, Jacobinism, passive revolution and hegemony. The essay concludes that Gramsci?s interest in place, space and scale was not merely academic but had to do with his analysis of revolutionary conjunctures. (shrink)

RESUMO O objetivo deste artigo é ressaltar o impacto das manifestações dos sans-culottes nas ruas de Paris entre 1792 e 1794 e da politização do debate público sobre a ideologização de Rousseau. De fato, no teatro da Revolução Francesa a mobilização do povo parisiense representa a referência “real” das discussões e polêmicas que se desenvolvem acerca da soberania e expressão da vontade popular. A este respeito, as divergências na teoria e na publicística lidam basicamente com a questão da legitimidade, da (...) oportunidade e dos efeitos possíveis da ação desse povo - que ocupa as ruas de Paris - sobre os destinos das nações e as formas constitucionais dos Estados europeus. Assim, estes debates desenvolvem-se produzindo confrontações, fraturas e cisões, inclusive no interior da sociedade jacobina, marcando sua radicalização em nome de “Jean-Jacques”. O eco desta identificação reverbera até hoje. Sendo assim, esta experiência continua influenciando nosso imaginário da política, sobretudo em momentos de crise. ABSTRACT This paper aims to analyze the effects of sans-culottes movement and that of politicization of the public sphere during the French Revolution on Rousseau ideologization. Thus, the mobilization of Parisian people represented the real material reference for all discussions on popular sovereignty and expression of popular will. The front line was produced by different interpretations on the legitimacy, opportunity, and possible effects of such mobilization on European Nations’ destinies and their constitutional assets. The development of such debates produced confrontations and scissions within the Jacobinist movement. Jacobinism radicalization was conceived and developed “in the name of Jean-Jacques”. The echo of Jacobinist identification with Rousseau still reverberates in our imaginary. Thus, this experience is still influencing our way of thinking politics. That is the reason why Rousseau comes back on public discussion in times of crisis. (shrink)

Resumo: Este artigo pretende pontuar a relevância da presencia de Rousseau no pensamento de Fichte contra a imagem estereotipada da relação entre os dois pensadores. Trata-se, então, de desconstruir a crítica que Fichte dirige a Rousseau na última conferência do ciclo sobre a Vocação do sábio de 1794 a partir dos efeitos que Fichte pretende produzir na audiência. Pois, cabe ressaltar como o objeto dessa critica é um Rousseau caricatural, difundida na audiência alemã pelos trabalhos de Reimarius e Wieland sobre (...) os primeiros dois Discursos e os escritos autobiográficos do autor genebrino. O objetivo principal do trabalho é o de mostrar como por meio dessa diferenciação permite a Fichte integrar subterraneamente motivos rousseauanos destinados a marcar de maneira relevante sua filosofia prática. This article aims at highlighting the relevance of the presence of Rousseau in Fichte’s though against the stereotyped image of their relationship. We deconstruct Fichte’s critics against Rousseau during his last lecture of his Vocation of scholar in 1794. That deconstruction is lead by the effects Fichte aimed to produce on his audience. His goal was to defend himself by the accusation of being a Jacobinist. Then, it has to be showed how the object of his critic is a caricatural image of Rousseau, created and diffused by Wieland and Reimarius by their receptions of Rousseau’s first two Discourses and autobiographic works. The main goal of this work is then to show how Fichte’s differentiation from that caricatural image of Rousseau permits him to integrate Rousseau’s themes aimed to deeply mark his own philosophy. (shrink)

John Oswald was a Scottish journalist and pamphleteer who gained fame in the 1790s for his scandalous lifestyle and democratic political views. He was considered by his British contemporaries as the incarnation of the crimes of Jacobinism. This article seeks to reassess Oswald’s place in the history of political thought by placing him within the context of his own Scottish background. Oswald’s radical views were neither directly inspired by his French revolutionary friends, nor typical of the English and Scottish (...) radical scenes. Rather, Oswald is better understood as a paradoxical heir to a mixed Scottish tradition of civic virtue and historical analysis of commercial society. (shrink)

This article explores the political thought of a leading Italian intellectual after his conversion from Jacobinism to liberalism. It shows the extent to which Foscolo was abreast of the then contemporary debate on constitutional government and nation-building. Moreover, it illustrates how he combined liberal with civic humanist and republican ideas, as well as idealism and Realpolitik in his perception of the problems faced by small nations struggling to be free in an era of international ideological conflict.

The recent book from Marc Le Glatin Internet, un séisme dans la culture?, performs three intellectual acts. First, it resumes the main facts concerning the evolution of cultural practices on the Internet, particularly the multiplication of « free » downloading of works that are in principle protected by intellectual property. Second, it interrogates the notions of intellectual property and cultural diversity in relation to the new possibilities opened up by the Net. Third, it proposes some tentative solutions for legal and (...) economic problems, mainly the artists remuneration, related to current media transformations. Facts are correctly outlined and questions are worth asking. But the proposed solutions – inspired by a mix of centralizing jacobinism, socialism and post-modernism – sound deceptive because they are based on philosophical and political presuppositions that are quite contrary to the current stream of cultural mutation. I discuss the author’s thesis from the standpoint of a philosophy of collective intelligence and proposes some solutions oriented toward the best exploitation of the new technical possibilities in the service of human development and emancipation. (shrink)

Antonio Gramsci is one of those philosophers, like Socrates, whose philosophizing consists in the critical examination of particular practical problems in terms of certain fundamental concepts. To Socrates' well known moral problems correspond Gramsci's concern with such things as improving the condition of subaltern classes, the interaction between intellectual elites and popular masses, the democratic operation of a political party, the viability of alternative models of revolution which differ from Bolshevism, and the religious component of political activity and political aspects (...) of religions. And to the Socratic concepts that are so familiar to philosophers correspond Gramsci's notions of hegemony, passive revolution, the modern "Prince," philosophy of praxis, integral journalism, Americanism and Fordism, the national-popular, Jacobinism, and folklore. Thus the proper philosophical appreciation of Gramsci has to overcome the widespread equation of philosophy with system, as well as two more external obstacles: the Franco-German hegemony over "continental philosophy" has the effect of relegating this Italian giant to the status of an unavoidably minor, however quaint, figure; and Gramsci's personal involvement with the political fortunes and misfortunes of the Italian Communist Party leads many philosophers to dismiss him as being merely a political leader. (shrink)

Les remarques des jeunes Marx et Engels relatives à la Révolution française sont bien connues et ont été largement commentées. Mais on oublie souvent qu’ils appartiennent à une génération d’intellectuels contestataires allemands qui, dans les années 1830-1840, ne cesse de se référer au XVIIIe siècle français dans le but de le comparer à la philosophie et à la vie politique allemandes de leur temps. L’article propose une analyse de deux positions divergentes sur ces questions, formulées par deux représentants de cette (...) génération : celle de Ludwig Börne, qui ressortit à ce que l’on peut considérer comme une version allemande du jacobinisme, et celle de Bruno Bauer, Jeune hégélien promoteur d’une révolution philosophique allemande susceptible de surpasser la Révolution française en radicalité et en profondeur spirituelle. Ainsi, le rapport des intellectuels allemands à la Révolution française pendant le Vormärz apparaît dans toute l’ambiguïté relevée par Lucien Calvié : tel le renard aux raisins de la fable de La Fontaine, partagés entre attirance et frustration, les Allemands de gauche ont les yeux rivés sur une France révolutionnaire à la fois enviée et décriée. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Witness Against the Beast, William Blake and the Moral LawDan LatimerWitness Against the Beast, William Blake and the Moral Law, by E. P. Thompson; xxi & 324 pp. New York: The New Press, 1993, $30.00.The social context from which William Blake arose was fundamentally hostile to the grandiose projects of Court and official Church. So modest were the ambitions of Blake’s working-class forebears that their historical oblivion would (...) be assured, had they not professed theological views irksome to those whose job it was to enforce uniformity. The eccentric theology of this nonconformist class earned them the name antinomian, from “anti-nomos,” “against the law,” a term which carried the sense of both “heretic” and “terrorist.”Antinomians emerged from the Puritan Interregnum of the 1650s. They went quiet during the Restoration of Charles II, then were given a second life in the 1790s when the energies of Jacobinism refocused working-class frustrations on the hegemonic alliance of Court and Church. Eventually, sedition laws drove the antinomians underground to stay. Abhorring all official places of worship, they met over pints of beer in public houses, singing songs composed by themselves out of their home-made hymnals set to such unthreatening melodies as “God Save the King” to delude the casual passer-by.One such sect was the Muggletonians, whose very name ensured groans of genteel ridicule from the educated and powerful. They never numbered more than two hundred members in all of England. Taking their name from a seventeenth-century sectary, Ludowick Muggleton, they kept largely to themselves, did not evangelize, and did not pray, since they considered prayer servile. They met for fellowship, song, and hours of intricate theological discussion. For three hundred years, the faithful preserved the manuscripts of their prophets, records of discussion and debate, song books and membership lists, until Thompson tracked it all down in 1975 to a furniture depository in Tunbridge Wells. What Thompson wanted to show was some empirical connection between Muggletonian theology and the eccentric mythos of William Blake, since the two systems had so many already obvious antinomian similarities. It must have been discouraging for him to get no closer than “Hermitage,” the name of Blake’s mother’s first husband, a hosier named Thomas. In the Muggletonian song books are compositions from the 1750s by a George Hermitage, who in Thompson’s working hypothesis is a possible uncle of Blake. Thompson admits, however, that the image of Blake’s mother singing nonconformist family songs over the cradle of her infant son will have to remain a pretty fiction.Why does Thompson specifically want the Muggletonians in the Blakean picture? There are four pertinent articles of Muggletonian belief. The first is that they repudiate moral law, that is, the notion of religion as a system of discipline and punishment for sin. They substitute love and generosity as [End Page 412] characteristic of the divine principle. The second is that Reason is explicitly identified as a Satanic item, binding, constraining, and inhibiting the imaginative vision of God. The third article is the doctrine of the Two Seeds, according to which Satan, in the form of the serpent, had carnal relations with Eve, who subsequently gave birth to Cain, the serpent’s child and half-brother to Abel and Seth, the legitimate offspring of Adam. Henceforth, though, the Satanic and divine seeds are mixed in all human beings. The persistent Satanic element, the humanum maternum, gives our worshippers occasion, not only for an indictment of the rich and powerful, serpent-spawn all, but for a gnostic hostility for all material creation, including the body, implying, one need hardly say, a robust sense of woman’s addiction to the secret and forbidden, the worm that flies in the night.The fourth article deals with the divine influx of God into man on the occasion of Christ’s birth. For the Muggletonians, this incarnation (and eventual extinction) was entire. There weren’t any other parts of God left over somewhere else. Thompson sees here elements of a radical humanism which may have motivated such notions as “the human form divine” in Blake. On the other hand, the doctrine of the... (shrink)