In this article, I claim that Mary Wollstonecraft and Edmund Burke both conceive of the rights of man as a medium for individuals to care for and cultivate the self. Beginning with Michel Foucault’s doubts that a concern with the care of the self can be found in modern political thought, I turn to Wollstonecraft and Burke in order to show that their debate turns precisely on the question of whether the rights of man enables or disables a (...) care of the self. For Wollstonecraft, on the one hand, the rights of man provide women with a means to overcome a destructive set of virtues—such as beauty, chastity, and modesty—that leave them spiritually destitute and deeply unhappy. For Burke, on the other hand, such rights devastate the system of manners that had previously nurtured the self’s relation to itself. Regardless of this disagreement, my key claim is that both thinkers conceive of the rights of man not just as a juridical construction but also as a comprehensive way of life. In this way, I extend Foucault’s notion of the care of the self—along with his conception of ethics, conversion, and personal cultivation—to a foundational debate in the human rights tradition. (shrink)

Offering more detailed explanatory notes than earlier versions, this edition reprints together for the first time all of Paine's introductions to the versions published in his lifetime. In his own richly informed Introduction, Claeys elucidates the historical context and the subsequent influence of Paine’s text, as well as the major problems in interpreting Paine’s theory. Instructors will find this new edition a worthy counterpoint to the Hackett edition of Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France, edited by J. G. A. (...) Pocock. (shrink)

Since emotions give contradictory signals about animal experimentation in medical science, man's relationship to animals must be based upon reason. Thomas Aquinas argues that man is essentially different from animals because man's intellectual processes show evidence of an abstract mechanism not possessed by animals. Man's rights arise in association with this essential difference. The consequence is that only man possesses true rights by Aquinas's definition; animals have them only by analogy. However, cruelty to animals is illicit and they (...) should be protected, principally not because they have rights, but because he who is cruel to animals is more likely to be cruel to his fellowman. If there is a need for animal experimentation in science for the good of man, this approach gives philosophical justification for experimentation, since man's well-being must come before that of animals because of his unique possession of rights. However, those experiments should be carried out in the kindest way possible, to promote kindness towards man. To see man as solely part of a biological continuum in competition for rights with those beings close to him biologically, detracts from man's dignity. (shrink)

In _Nonsense upon Stilts¸_ first published in 1987, Waldron includes and discusses extracts from three classic critiques of the idea of natural rights embodied in the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen. Each text is prefaced by an historical introduction and an analysis of its main themes. The collection as a whole in introduced with an essay tracing the philosophical background to the three critiques as well as the eighteenth-century idea of natural rights (...) which they attacked. But the point of reproducing these works is not merely historical. Modern attacks on ‘rights-based’ political philosophy mirror the concerns of Bentham, Burke and Marx. Jeremy Waldron has therefore added an extensive concluding essay which relates these classic texts to the modern discussion of rights and re-examines the idea of rights in the light of contemporary critiques. This text provides an invaluable teaching tool for courses in politics and philosophy. (shrink)

This article provides a new interpretation of Hannah Arendt’s critical analysis of the ‘perplexities of the Rights of Man’ by drawing attention to its overlooked methodological orientations, especially its ‘aporetic’ nature. Arendt’s critique is aporetic as it centres on the paradoxes of human rights and analyses them by putting into practice a mode of inquiry that she associates with Socrates. The article challenges the conventional understanding of aporia as a paralysing impasse and suggests that aporetic thinking can create (...) possibilities of rethinking key concepts especially in times of crises. To make this point, I respond to Jacques Rancière’s criticism that the paradoxes introduced by Arendt paralyse thinking and doom human rights to an inevitable destiny of failure. I argue that, precisely because of its aporetic nature, Arendt’s critique attends to possibilities of rethinking and reinventing human rights, as can be seen in her articulation of ‘a right to have rights’. (shrink)

In _Nonsense upon Stilts¸_ first published in 1987, Waldron includes and discusses extracts from three classic critiques of the idea of natural rights embodied in the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen. Each text is prefaced by an historical introduction and an analysis of its main themes. The collection as a whole in introduced with an essay tracing the philosophical background to the three critiques as well as the eighteenth-century idea of natural rights (...) which they attacked. But the point of reproducing these works is not merely historical. Modern attacks on ‘rights-based’ political philosophy mirror the concerns of Bentham, Burke and Marx. Jeremy Waldron has therefore added an extensive concluding essay which relates these classic texts to the modern discussion of rights and re-examines the idea of rights in the light of contemporary critiques. This text provides an invaluable teaching tool for courses in politics and philosophy. (shrink)

Thomas Paine's "Rights of Man" has been celebrated, criticized, maligned, suppressed, and co-opted, but Hitchens marvels at its forethought and revels in its contentiousness. In this book, he demonstrates how Paine's book forms the philosophical cornerstone of the U.S.

I present you a small treatise in defence of those principles of freedom which your exemplary virtue hath so eminently contributed to establish. That the Rights of Man may become as universal as your benevolence can wish, and that you may enjoy the happiness of seeing the New World regenerate the Old, is the prayer of..

The notion of a properly functioning human nature as a moral standard is a tenet of Western culture and is at the core Western humanism, Christian moral teaching, and natural law theory. Although these traditions recognize that the virtue of justice is exercised by giving one’s neighbor his due, they did not explore a person’s legitimate claims to goods in a modern theory of human rights. Enlightenment thinkers, as materialists and atheists, theorized that human rights are not related (...) to God or human nature but are privileges granted by government. Jacques Maritain developed theories of natural law and human rights. Maritain’s theory of human rights, employing a Thomistic methodology and founded on God and nature, is applicable to contemporary disputes, such as claims to a right to “same-sex” marriage. (shrink)

What is the common element linking the right to health care and the right of free speech, the right to leisure and the right of free association, the right to work and the right to be protected? Debates on the rights of man abound in the media today, but all too often they remain confused and fail to recognize the fundamental political conceptions on which they hinge. Several French theorists have recently attempted a new account of rights, one (...) that would replace the discredited Marxist view of rights as mere formalities concealing the realities of class domination. In this final volume of _Political Philosophy_, Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut summarize these efforts and put forward their own set of arguments. (shrink)

Insistiranje na tome da ljudska prava i prava coveka nisu jedno i isto, kako bi se u prvi mah moglo zakljuciti na temelju pojma "covek" koji se javlja u oba naziva, predstavlja okosnicu ovog rada. Razvijanjem ovog motiva u tekstu nastojim da pokazem sledece: da je pojam "covek", iako po definiciji inkluzivan i u apstraktnom smislu nediskriminativan, u vreme kada i prakticki ulazi u upotrebu zapravo zasnovan na precutnom iskljucivanju i da je samo na temelju tog iskljucivanja mogao da oznacava (...) "slobodne i jednake". Iako paralelni ili istovremeni nastanak i implementacija prava coveka i nacionalnih prava isprva deluje protivrecno, nastojim da pokazem da je taj paradoks samo prividan, buduci da je sam pojam coveka ogranicen i iskljucujuci, te utoliko kompatibilan s ekskluzivnoscu koja je nuzni uslov pojma nacije. Posledice nacionalizama - svetski ratovi, pre svega - iznele su na videlo nemogucnost opstanka koncepcije slobode i jednakosti zasnovane na bratstvu ljudi, i nemogucnost demokratije koja je samo parcijalna iako hini univerzalnost. Kodifikovanje univerzalnih ljudskih prava predstavlja odgovor na ovu unutrasnju diskrepanciju u jednakoj meri u kojoj je reakcija na razornost svih tipova nacionalizama. Pojam zivota, koji u tekstu obrazlazem, korespondira temeljnom zahtevu na pravo na zivot, koje vise ne pripada "coveku", vec svakome/svakoj. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThis paper examines the differences between the thought of Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Levinas concerning the “Rights of Man”, in relation to stateless persons. In The Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt evinces a profound scepticism towards this ideal, which for her was powerless without being tethered to citizenship. But Arendt’s own idea of the “Right to have Rights” is critiqued here as being inadequate to the ethical demand placed upon states by refugees, in failing to articulate just what states (...) might be responsible for. I argue that the ethical philosophy of Levinas meets this lacuna in Arendt’s thought, via his concept of the Face as the locus of human dignity and to which states can be recalled to responsibility. Levinas wrote several papers on what he called “the phenomenology of the Rights of Man”, and in his phrase, which provides a summation of precisely what is lacking in Arendt’s arguments: “In the face – a right is there”. (shrink)

On publication in 1791-92, the two parts of Paine’s Rights of Man proved to be both wildly popular and extremely controversial. It was one of the earliest political texts to question hereditary government, it advocated democratic principles, and introduced a blueprint for the modern welfare state. As a result the book was both an instant bestseller and led to Paine’s trial, in his absence, for seditious libel. The Routledge Guidebook to Paine’s Rights of Man provides a complete introduction (...) to this foundational text in the history of modern political thought, addressing: The context in which Rights on Man appeared: the rhetoric of ‘rights’, the proliferation of pamphlets and the French Revolution The key themes and ideas explored by Paine and his arguments against tradition The reception that Paine’s book received on publication and its ongoing influence. (shrink)

Although political theory was pronounced dead only a few short years ago, this collection of articles shows that much life is left in contemporary political theory. Based on a symposium concerning human rights held at the Sixth World Congress of the International Political Science Association held at Geneva in 1964, the collection includes papers by Macpherson, Polin, Chapman, Cranston, Raphael, Mayo, Schneider, and Fawcett. Macpherson and Polin set the context by exploring the concept of rights in Hobbes and (...) Locke. While the other papers have an eye on traditional discussions, they are also concerned with exploring what "rights" does and can mean in the contemporary world. The international gathering of authors brings together diverse points of view on the common problem of human rights.--R. J. B. (shrink)

Collects several works covering a variety of political subjects, including independence from Britain for the American colonies, service in the Continental army, ...

This is a new release of the original 1942 edition.

Acclaimed historian Peter LInebaugh provides an original examination of Paine's works and legacy in the introduction to these two influential arguments for liberty of political thought--including Common Sense, which inspired the American Revolution, and The Rights of Man, a defense of the French Revolution. Original.

In this final volume of Political Philosophy, Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut summarize these efforts and put forward their own set of arguments.

인권은 시민권과 관계없이 독자적 가치를 지니지만, 시민권이 박탈되면 인권도 박탈되는 상황에 처한다. 근대 이후로 민족 국가를 단위로 정체가 형성되었기 때문이다. 그래서 아렌트와 아감벤은 시민권이 없는 인권은 무의미하고 무기력하다고 토로한다. 그러나 이 글은, 인권이 독자적 가치를 지니며 정치적 저항의 동력이라는 점을 발리바르의 인권정치를 통해 논증한다. 발리바르에게 인권과 시민권을 정치적으로 천명한 세계사적 기반은 「인간과 시민의 권리 선언문」이다. 선언문은 인권과 시민권의 동등성, 자유와 평등의 동등성을 개시하지만, 동등성을 이탈하는 모순과 아포리아도 동시에 노정하기 때문에 정치적 봉기의 동력이 된다. 이 글은 동등성의 아포리아를 논증하면서 인권이 지닌 (...) 정치적 가능성을 이주자와 난민 여성이 겪는 배제와 혐오를 극복하는 데 활용하려고 한다. (shrink)