I am reading an April 4 issue of the newspaper "Day" in an interview with the Director of the UOC of the Moscow Patriarchate Anthony. It reminds me of a well-known Ukrainian national comparison: it is yorking like a scar on a skillet. The Bishop's questions sound clear: Does your Church condemn the aggression of Russia and its annexation of Crimea? Why did not you condemn the aggressive actions of Russia Your Moscow Patriarch Kirill? No answer. The Church of the (...) Kyiv Patriarchate or the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the mouth of its predecessors has clearly said: We have aggression against Muscovy, we condemn it. Even my fellow countryman, the Cherkasy eparch of the UOC MP Metropolitan Sofroni called Putin a bandit. And Bishop Antony spoke so much that the elephant could be wrapped up in his printed interview, but the conqueror of the invader still failed. Therefore, the authorities of the Orthodox Church of Moscow jurisdiction do not hear the Ukrainian people, which all are inclined to go to the ranks of the National Guard to defend our independence. Even I in my 77 agreed to this. (shrink)

Unrealistic optimism is a bias that leads people to believe, with respect to a specific event or hazard, that they are more likely to experience positive outcomes and/or less likely to experience negative outcomes than similar others. The phenomenon has been seen in a range of health-related contexts—including when prospective participants are presented with the risks and benefits of participating in a clinical trial. In order to test for the prevalence of unrealistic optimism among participants of early-phase oncology trials, we (...) conducted a survey with patients over 18 years of age who were enrolled in a phase I, phase I/II, or phase II clinical cancer trial in the New York City area between August 2008 and October 2009. Participants in our study were asked to compare their own chances of experiencing a range of risks and benefits related to the trial they were enrolled in with the chances of the other trial participants. We found a significant optimistic bias in their responses. Respondents tended to overestimate the benefits of the trial they were enrolled in and underestimate its risks. In addition, we found no significant relationship between respondents’ understanding of the trial’s purpose and how susceptible they were to unrealistic optimism. Our findings suggest that improving the consent process for oncology studies requires more than addressing deficits in understanding. (shrink)

A Síndrome de Kabuki é um distúrbio bastante raro, com múltiplas anomalias congênitas. O objetivo do estudo foi descrever características comportamentais, cognitivas e sociais de uma criança com seis anos de idade com Síndrome de Kabuki, e suas implicações no processo escolar. Como resultados, verif..

The purpose of the article is to analyze different aspects of information activity through the prism of television content of Christian denominations. The information product of the Christian television space is researched; functional, genre and content specifics are studied. Methodology is systematic, comparative, axiological methods and approaches that allow deeply penetrate into the confessional information environment of the television section. Information activities of Ukraine Christian denominations are represented in societal, praxeological segment. The specific of Christian television genre and content was (...) analyzed. It is characterized by the use of this media channel as a mean of implementing its own religious mission, information and interpretation of denominations position on various aspects of society and human life to the believers and the general public, a powerful spiritual enlightenment. It has been found that the Christian television space contributes to deepening of individualistic and sometimes consumeristic approaches of modern man to religion, to own choice of religion and religious practices. (shrink)

У статті проаналізований медіа-простір, в якому православні та греко-католицька конфесії представлені постатями своїх речників. Спікерство в релігійних організаціях – це специфічний вид соціальних комунікацій, адже пріоритетною в них є керигма, тобто місійна проповідь. Головна мета статті – через аналіз вузлових повідомлень провідних речників православних та греко-католицькоїконфесій окреслити роль цих постатей у соціальних комунікаціях. Методологія. Реалізація мети та завдань статті зумовила застосування емпіричного та теоретичного методів. Зокрема,спостереження як емпіричний метод застосовуємо, щоб виокремити постаті провідних речників, їхні вузловімедіа-повідомлення. Метод порівняння використовуємо, щоб (...) дослідити комунікаційний дискурс кожної з церков в особі їхніх речників. Теоретичні методи дослідження дають змогу заглибитись у комунікаційне поле дискурсів. Розглядаючи окремі вектори комунікації між церквою та суспільством, використовуємо теорію дискурсу Е. Лакло і Ш. Муфф, де основою є боротьба дискурсів, а також теорію медій Максвела Мак-Комбса, що рольЗМІпоказує через аналіз їхньої дії та суспільних наслідків. В основі дослідження представлено такі завдання: проаналізувати громадську думку стосовно провідних речників конфесій; визначити, яку роль відіграють речники в генеруванні діалогу між цервою та суспільством; з’ясувати основні концептуальні повідомлення, які артикулюють речники; проаналізувати головні теми комунікаційного діалогу, а через них позиціювання цихцерков у медіа-просторі. Наукова новизна дослідження у виявленніролі речників православних і греко-католицької конфесій через їхні засадничі повідомлення у соціальних комунікаціях. Це дозволяє зробити висновок, що за період незалежності України з її конфесійного простору виокремилися авторитетні речники, які забезпечують для своїх церков ефективні соціальні комунікації. Православне середовище представлене низкою постатей речників, які артикулюють та уособлюють ті чи інші стратегічні вектори розвитку конфесій. Зокрема, УПЦ КПдіє як національна церква, активно проголошуючи необхідність для Української держави єдиної Помісної православної церкви. Патріарх Філарет у суспільній свідомості постає в образі загальнонаціонального релігійного лідера. Прес-секретар УПЦ КП Євстратій Зоря займається активним викриттям політики «русскогомира», донесенням через європейські структури до світової громадськості української позиції щодо релігійних аспектів воєнних дій.Середовище УПЦ МП сегментоване на два протилежних табори: проукраїнський та проросійський. Митрополит Володимир і прот. Георгій Коваленко як провідні речники конфесії демонструють позицію до автономії від РПЦ, розвиток її як української церкви, що прагне певної модернізації. Водночас митрополит Онуфрій уособлює консервативний і проросійський вектор розвитку УПЦ МП у парадигмі «русского мира». Греко-католики в інформаційному просторі України представлені постатями своїх речників кардинала Любомира Гузараі верховного архиєпископа Святослава, які завдяки своїй ґрунтовній освіті, духовному й церковному досвіду, активній громадянській позиції, відкритості є лідерами думок не тільки для греко-католицької аудиторії, але й загальноукраїнської. (shrink)

Is it possible and whether it is necessary to consider the events of the inter-church and inter-church Orthodox life of Ukraine through the prism of national security? What are the pain points in relations between the Ukrainian state and the Orthodox Churches? Does the legislation in Ukraine regulate state-church relations in Ukraine and whether it is Ukrainian-centric? These and other issues were the subject of consideration of the Expert Round Table on "Fighting Identities in Orthodoxy of Ukraine after the" Revolution (...) of Dignity ": an aspect of national security", which took place in Kyiv on July 1, 2014. The organizers of the event were the All-Ukrainian Society "Prosvita" named after Taras Shevchenko and the Ukrainian Association of Religious Studies. In the work of the Round Table, in addition to the representatives of the organizers of this conference, experts from the UOC-KP, UOC-MP, the All-Ukrainian Orthodox Brotherhood of Andriy Pervozvannogo of the UOC-KP, scholars and public figures from different cities and regions of the country, and other interested persons took part. (shrink)

The task of this article is to clarify the appropriateness and adequacy of peace-making (confessional) rhetoric in the situation of the war of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, in particular, the meaningful correspondence of the concept of «peace» in its application or reading by the bearers of different worldview paradigms. The «russkii mir» cannot be translated either as «Russian peace» or as «Russian world». This is because the scope and content of these concepts are different. Rus (Kyiv`s Rus) (...) — a thousand-year-old princely state with its center in Kyiv, where the ancestors of modern Ukrainians lived, baptized by Prince Volodymyr in 988. Rus is not Russia. But Muscovy adopted the name Russia to derive its historiography from Rus. «Russkii mir» actually refutes the axiological principles laid down by ancient Rus’s civilization (freedom, dignity, partnership, co-creation, mutual responsibility). «Russkii mir» destroys peace in global or any local images, trying to grab the territory it decided to own. «Russkii mir» encroaches on world domination and therefore tries to impose its rules of the game on the world, which would reshape the world structure according to the wishes of the Russian dictators. For this, «russkii mir» uses any means and institutions as a tool: the army, weapons of mass destruction, atrocities, terror, lies, propaganda, the church and peace-making rhetoric. The goal is not to restore peace, but to establish the world domination of the Russian Empire in any of its variants (Muscovy, Russian Empire, Soviet Union, Russian Federation or Orthodox Civilization). Russian Orthodox Church plays a leading role in this — it uses religious rhetoric to formu- late a worldview model of the «russkii mir», consolidates the Russian population for a war of aggression, and justifies the atrocities of the Russian military with the sacred mission of restoring the Holy Rus’. Russian Orthodox Church justifies the «civilizing mission» of the Russian troops, actually calls to protect «our Common Russian Fatherland» by killing Ukrainians on the territo- ry of Ukraine. False messianism, manichaeism, paternalism, hatred of the civilized world that lives by democratic standards and respects the dignity and freedom of the individual, Russian arrogance, conceit, supremacy and egomania — this is what Russian Orthodoxy promotes with its religious rhetoric. Therefore, if we hear calls for «peace» from the bearer of the «russkii mir»’s worldview, it actually means a demand to come to terms with all their whims, to give up one’s own identity, one’s own world, one’s own life, if they do not fit into the concept of «russkii mir». (shrink)

The study of hyperidentities is a growing field of research. While hyperidentities hark back to before 1965, they have found a rebirth in the late seventies and early eighties. It is being expanded in several directions, from connections with clone theory, to finite basis problems, to semigroup theory, to classification of M-solid varieties. Applications to digital logic, formal languages, and hypertext systems have been suggested. The concept of a P-compatible equation, where P is a partition on the set of operation (...) symbols, is a good tool to study the structure of identities. In [4] we asked for P-compatible hyperidentities. In this paper we will consider hypersubstitutions which are compatible with the partition P and will develop a generalized equational theory for certain P-compatible hyperidentities. (shrink)

In the December 2015 Issue of the Police Journal Sam Poyser and Rebecca Milne addressed the subject of miscarriages of justice. Cold case investigations can address some of these wrongs. The salient points for attention are those just before his sudden death: Milligan was appointed Private Secretary to Jonathan Aitken, the then Minister of Arms in the Conservative government in 1994. The known facts are as follows: 1. Stephen David Wyatt Milligan was found deceased on Tuesday 8th February 1994 at (...) his Chiswick, West London house where he lived alone. His body was found by his secretary Vera Taggart who was told by Julie Kirkbride where a spare key to his London house was kept and who decided to go to his house that day because he was not answering his telephone. Police said he had made one last telephone call on Saturday evening at 9.00pm. 2. Stephen David Wyatt Milligan had been the elected Member of Parliament (‘MP’) for Eastleigh in Hampshire since 1992. 3. The important topics this MP was addressing in 1994 at the time of his death included: (i) rail privatization plans and the impact through job losses on communities, especially his own constituency of Eastleigh; (ii) arms dealings with Saudi Arabia, especially with his previous intelligence gathered as an economics journalist for esteemed publications; (iii) the UK military industry; (iv) homosexuality among senior government Ministers, as revealed by British footballer Fasanu; (v) personal relationship and planned marriage to his fiancée (Julie Kirkbride) who at the time was a political journalist. 4. Stephen Milligan was also appointed as Parliamentary Private Secretary to Jonathan Aitken, Arms Minister and this position must have required that he came ‘up to speed’ on international arms trade and indeed its relation to bribery and corruption across jurisdictions. Milligan’s experience and knowledge as a former high-level political and economics journalist must have been of huge benefit to government minister Jonathan Aitken who was later imprisoned for perjury. 5. Regarding Stephen Milligan’s death in 1994, the Guardian newspaper in their immediate obituary said that ‘The death of one of the government's most outspoken and loyal supporters will pose a stiff electoral test for the Tories to surmount. He was on the left of the Tory party - he had even had a brief flirtation with the SDP when it was formed - and was a noted Euro-enthusiast… the death of one of the government's most outspoken and loyal supporters will pose a stiff electoral test for the Tories to surmount. Regarding Stephen Milligan’s sudden and unexpected death in 1994, MP David Willetts (Conservative, Havant) said in March 2015, in his address in the House of Commons. ‘…The inevitable ups and downs and triumphs and disasters of politics are among the great features of this place. There are colleagues in all parts of the House who are tolerant and understanding. There are friendships that keep the downs as well as the ups of politics in perspective. Having entered the House in 1992, I think particularly of two good friends, Judith Chaplin and Stephen Milligan, who both died within two years of being elected; that loss stayed with me for a long time...’ 6. On 28 February 2000, in the House of Commons, at Column 106, Mr Mike Hancock (Portsmouth) said, on the deaths of Michael Colvin and of Stephen Milligan MP: ‘I knew Michael Colvin for nearly 30 years, from when he was first elected to Hampshire county council. During my time as leader of that council, he and the late former Member of Parliament for Eastleigh, Stephen Milligan, were usually the only Members of Parliament who readily supported the council when necessary. Michael Colvin supported many ventures in the county of Hampshire. He will be missed here, in his constituency, and in Europe, and I stress that Hampshire has lost a staunch supporter. I am sure that the county will at some stage want to record its regret at his death and its deepest appreciation of the part that he played in its life....’ -/- Mike Hancock had, like Stephen Milligan, served on the Select Committee on Defence. It is interesting that he mentioned Stephen Milligan’s support as MP for Eastleigh when Milligan had only been so appointed a couple of years before his sudden death, as compared to 30 years of support from Mike Colvin. 7. Mr Andrew Robathan (for Blaby) said in the House of Commons Hansard Debates on 27 January1997, (Column 62) (on the registering of sex offenders): ‘I remember the death of my honourable friend Stephen Milligan, who represented Eastleigh. The press reports of the time stated that each Metropolitan police station had a police officer in the pay of newspapers. I do not know whether that is true, but I am aware that the police are not renowned for being entirely secure with their information…’ This statement is mischievous and it has been demonstrated time and time again, as being untrue, especially during the recent press inquiry leading to the four-volume Leveson Report, published in November 2012, into phone hacking and the ethics and culture of the UK media, pursuant to section 26 of the Inquiries Act 2005, and ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 29 November 2012, ISBN: 9780102981063, by the Stationery Office Limited on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. In Volume 4 of the 2012 Leveson Report, chapter 4 concluded on the Press Complaints Commission (‘PCC’) and its effectiveness and revealed that the PCC does not initiate its own investigations other than those ‘needed to head off criticism of the press or self-regulation- or to accept complaints from third parties across the board and on a transparent basis… and the report states that ‘the resources of the police are limited’ in terms of being able to fully inspect the Press and media reports. (shrink)

A DISTORÇÃO NO USO DE MEDIDAS PROVISÓRIAS NA SEARA TRIBUTÁRIA E SEUS REFLEXOS NA ILEGALIDADE DA MP 685/2015.

Edward Hemmerde and Francis Neilson were both Liberal MPs at the outbreak of the First World War, bound together by a common commitment to the principle of land taxation. A shortage of money, at a time when MPs had only just started to receive salaries, led them into extra-parliamentary co-operation in the joint authorship of plays. But the two men fell out over the profits from their literary endeavours. One or other was clearly not telling the truth. Although he gave (...) up his parliamentary career in opposition to British involvement in the war, Neilson later prospered greatly as a writer in the United States. Meanwhile, Hemmerde turned to his career as Recorder of Liverpool, but the wealth that he craved eluded him. This article reminds us that financial impropriety among MPs is no new phenomenon, while highlighting the difficulty of establishing certain historical truth in the face of conflicting documentary evidence. (shrink)

Updates Open Letter to my MP: Lynne Jones Why large IT development projects are problematic The mathematics of searching for a design Richard Feynman wrote: Getting requirements right from the start is impossible Are problems unique to IT projects? Physical constraints Implications for Government policy What can be done? Some suggested prerequisites: requirements for openness A precedent for this proposal: The internet How the internet grew Implications for government policy Are some projects exceptions? Concluding Comment NOTE: Related comment.

Der Band gibt erstmals einen umfassenden Überblick über den lyrischen Nachlass des jungen Nietzsche aus den 1850er und -60er Jahren. Zusätzlich präsentiert Armin Thomas Müller eine Beispiel-Edition und historisch kontextualisierende Analyse des Manuskripthefts Mp I 22 von 1858. Somit trägt der Band grundlegend zur literatur-, philosophie- wie kulturgeschichtlichen Auseinandersetzung mit Nietzsche bei. Armin Thomas Müllers Arbeit nimmt den bislang in der literaturwissenschaftlichen wie auch philosophischen Auseinandersetzung mit Friedrich Nietzsche vernachlässigten lyrischen Nachlass aus der Zeit zwischen 1850 und 1869 in den (...) Blick. Anschließend an eine grundlegende Einführung in das Thema wird Nietzsches Jugendlyrik überblicksartig vorgestellt mit Schwerpunkten zur Editions- und Forschungsgeschichte, zu literaturgeschichtlichen Kontexten sowie zu den autoreflexiven Aufzeichnungen des jungen Nietzsche, die das Thema (lyrischer) Dichtung umkreisen. Die vorliegende Publikation enthält zudem eines heutigen materialorientierten Standards entsprechende Faksimile-Edition mit diplomatischer Transkription des Manuskripthefts Mp I 22 von 1858. Das kulturgeschichtliche Erkenntnispotenzial in Nietzsches Jugendgedichten wird abschließend in einer textgenetischen und historisch kontextualisierenden Analyse der edierten lyrischen Texte aus Mp I 22 deutlich. Auf dieser Grundlagenforschung werden weiterführende Auseinandersetzungen mit Nietzsche aufbauen können. (shrink)

Maybe they have been made, but I missed them because I don’t read and listen enough, as most of my energies are focused elsewhere. Apologies if this is all old hat. Don’t feel you have to read on. In case others are interested, I shall put this on my web site at http://www.cs.bham.ac.uk/˜axs/gov/ My main point is that it is just silly to talk so much about universities and top-up fees without putting universities in the context of a complete policy (...) on post-school education. What I am offering is not a detailed policy, but a framework for thinking about the problem. Perhaps someone has already done this but I have never heard it mentioned in any of the public debates. I suspect that’s because this top-up fees issue is not part of a coherent policy but just a sort of religious commitment to a “new way”, like other things done by this government. I start with some comments on the fees issue, then go on to talk about how to think about post-school education, distinguishing several categories that need to be separated and funded differently as part of a joined-up system. (shrink)