Ocean biology helps regulate global climate by fixing atmospheric CO2 and exporting it to deep waters as sinking detrital particles. New observations demonstrate that particle fragmentation is the principal factor controlling the depth to which these particles penetrate the ocean's interior, and hence how long the constituent carbon is sequestered from the atmosphere. The underlying cause is, however, poorly understood. We speculate that small, particle‐associated copepods, which intercept and inadvertently break up sinking particles as they search for attached protistan prey, (...) are the principle agents of fragmentation in the ocean. We explore this idea using a new marine ecosystem model. Results indicate that explicitly representing particle fragmentation by copepods in biogeochemical models offers a step change in our ability to understand the future evolution of biologically‐mediated ocean carbon storage. Our findings highlight the need for improved understanding of the distribution, abundance, ecology and physiology of particle‐associated copepods. (shrink)

This paper explores Confucius’ views on warfare according to the Gongyang Commentary. Though often overlooked as a source for understanding Confucius’ position on warfare, the Gongyang Commentary is replete with comments and anecdotes on the topic. It articulates a complex set of ethico‐ritual principles pertaining to warfare in which certain kinds of warfare are clearly condoned and praised while others are clearly condemned and criticized. What according to the Gongyang Commentary was the Gentleman's position on warfare? The paper explores (...) this central question through a close reading of anecdotal narratives and selected passages from the Gongyang Commentary and related texts on the subject of warfare. (shrink)

Drawing on archival material in Utrecht and Rotterdam, we examine the geophysical surveys of Indonesia and Brazil carried out by Elie van Rijckevorsel during the period 1870 to 1890. We pay special attention to the complex interactions among university academics, government administrators and ministers of state, and private, ‘gentlemanly’ specialists. Making an appearance, in addition to Van Rijckevorsel, are the Utrecht polymath Christophorus Hendricus Diedericus Buys Ballot , the colonial and metropolitan astronomer Jean Abraham Chrétien Oudemans , colonial geophysicist Pieter (...) Adriaan Bergsma , French-Brazilian astronomer Emmanuel Liais , Colonial Minister Isaac Dignus Fransen van de Putte , and others. The decision of Van Rijckevorsel, an independently wealthy man of learning, to carry out a magnetic survey of the Malay archipelago spurred colonial authorities at The Hague to endow the finest geomagnetic observatory in the tropics. Van Rijckevorsel's interactions with academia and government suggest the extent to which wealthy Dutch patricians readily accepted government patronage for their scientific undertakings. A late-nineteenth-century Dutch ‘gentleman of science’ is seen to differ rather widely from his English counterpart of an earlier generation. An appendix reproduces, in English translation, correspondence from the early 1870s. (shrink)

Because Francis Galton (1822-1911) was a well-connected gentleman scientist with substantial private means, the importance of the role he played in the professionalization of the Victorian life-sciences has been considered anomalous. In contrast to the X-clubbers, he did not seem to have any personal need for the reforms his Darwinist colleagues were advocating. Nor for making common cause with individuals haling from social strata clearly inferior to his own. However, in this paper I argue that Galton quite realistically discerned (...) in the reforming endeavors of the 1860s, and beyond, the potential for considerably enhancing his own reputation and standing within both the scientific community and the broader Victorian culture. In addition, his professionalizing aspirations, and those of his reformist allies, were fully concordant with the interests, ambitions and perceived opportunities of his elite social group during the Victorian period. Professionalization appealed to gentlemen of Galton's status and financial security as much as it did to the likes of Thomas Huxley and John Tyndall, primarily because it promised to confer on the whole scientific enterprise an unprecedented level of social prestige. (shrink)

This paper investigates the relationship between the eminent 19th-century naturalists Charles Darwin and Carl Vogt. On two separate occasions, Vogt asked Darwin for permission to translate some of the latter’s books into German, and in both cases Darwin refused. It has generally been assumed that Darwin turned down Vogt as a translator because of the latter’s reputation as a radical libertine who was extremely outspoken in his defence of scientific materialism and atheism. However, this explanation does not fit the facts, (...) since, on closer investigation, Darwin not only gave serious consideration to engaging Vogt as the German translator of two of his books, albeit ultimately rejecting him, but he also collaborated with Vogt on the French editions of his works. In this paper we argue that this was not because Darwin was unaware of Vogt’s personality and blunt writing style; rather, Darwin seems to have decided that the benefits he would gain from their association would clearly outweigh the risk of offending some of his readers: in working with Vogt, who was not only a knowledgeable scientist but also an avowed adherent of Darwinism, Darwin could be assured of the scientific quality of the translation and of an edition that would not distort his central concepts – both of which were by no means matters of course in 19th-century translations of scientific works. (shrink)

This essay recounts the author’s journey with her father during his prolonged decline due to dementia. The experience pushed her to break out of the confines of conventional scholarly research in her academic field of architectural history to a multi-disciplinary consideration of nineteenth-century environmental, sensory and horticultural therapies for the mentally ill. During her father’s illness, she discovered the tangible therapeutic benefits of momentary engagements with his environment through his five senses and through the emotional filter of poetry. This reorientation (...) to sensory and poetic experience had a beneficial impact on the caretaker as well. (shrink)

I argue 1) That in his celebrated Is/Ought passage, Hume employs ‘deduction’ in the strict sense, according to which if a conclusion B is justly or evidently deduced from a set of premises A, A cannot be true and B false, or B false and the premises A true. 2) That Hume was following the common custom of his times which sometimes employed ‘deduction’ in a strict sense to denote inferences in which, in the words of Dr Watts’ Logick, ‘the (...) premises, according to the reason of things, do really contain the conclusion that is deduced from them’; that although Hume sometimes uses ‘demonstrative argument’ as a synonym for ‘deduction’, like most of his contemporaries, he generally reserves the word ‘demonstration’ for deductive inferences in which the premises are both necessary and self-evident. 3) That Mr Hume did indeed mean to suggest that deductions from IS to OUGHT were ‘altogether inconceivable’ since if ought represents a new relation or affirmation, it cannot, in the strict sense, be justly deduced from premises which do not really contain it. 4) That in a large and liberal (or perhaps loose and promiscuous) sense Hume does deduce oughts and ought nots from observations concerning human affairs, but that the deductions in question are not inferences, but explanations, since in another sense of ‘deduce’, common in the Eighteenth Century, to deduce B from A is to trace B back to A or to explain B in terms of A; 5) That a small attention to the context of Hume’s remarks and to the logical notions on which they are based would subvert those vulgar systems of philosophy which exaggerate the distinction between fact and value; for just because it is ‘altogether inconceivable’ that the new relation or affirmation OUGHT should be a deduction from others that are entirely different from it, it does not follow that the facts represented by IS and IS NOT are at bottom any different from the values represented by OUGHT and OUGHT NOT. (shrink)

"A facsimile reprint of a letter written by the philosopher and historian David Hume in 1744 in defence of his views on ethics, in which he argues that a critique of the logic of a philosophical stance is not a general attack on the ethics of that position." --.

ABSTRACT Through an investigation of the public, professional, and private life of the Darwinian disciple George John Romanes, this essay seeks a better understanding of the scientific motivations for defending the practice of vivisection at the height of the controversy in late Victorian Britain. Setting aside a historiography that has tended to focus on the arguments of antivivisectionists, it reconstructs the viewpoint of the scientific community through an examination of Romanes's work to help orchestrate the defense of animal experimentation. By (...) embedding his life in three complicatedly overlapping networks—the world of print, interpersonal communications among an increasingly professionalized body of scientific men, and the intimacies of private life—the essay uses Romanes as a lens with which to focus the physiological apprehension of the antivivisection movement. It is a story of reputation, self‐interest, and affection. (shrink)

Spiritualité.--Esthétique du gentleman.--L'homme supérieur.--La femme supérieure.--L'art de la vie.

Resumen: Una lectura atenta acerca del Cautiverio Feliz de Pineda y Bascuñán, indudablemente, nos despertaría varias asociaciones, no solo con otras formas de literatura histórica propias de la época, sino que con otras obras de las que integra algunos elementos como: los modos de estructuración discursiva y los modelos o perfiles agenciales. En este sentido, la lectura de la obra de Pineda nos remitiría a El Cortesano de Baltazar Castiglione, por cuanto muchos de los rasgos del perfecto caballero, presentados en (...) El Cortesano, se encuentran insertos en algunos personajes de la obra de Pineda. No es raro encontrar en el Cautiverio, entre otras cosas, las cualidades del perfecto caballero plasmadas en los indígenas, virtudes que adornan también a algunos criollos y españoles antiguos.: A close reading to Pineda and Bascuñán’s Cautiverio Feliz, undoubtedly, would wake us a series of asociations, not only with other forms of historical literatura from the epoch, but also with other works that integrate some elements such as: kinds of speech structure and kinds of instrumental profiles. In this sense, reading Pineda`s work would lead us to Castiglione`s El Cortesano, because many of the characteristic of the perfect gentleman presented in El Cortesano, are inserted in some characters of Pineda`s work. It is not strange to find in El Cautiverio, among other things, the qualities of a perfect gentleman, shaped on the natives, virtues, virtues that also adorn some creole and old spaniards. (shrink)

Plutarch was a brilliant Platonist, an erudite historian, a gifted author of highly polished literary dialogues, a priest of Apollo at Delphi, and a devoted politician in his hometown Chaeronea. He felt confident in the most technical and specialized discussions, yet was not afraid of rhetorical generalizations. In his voluminous oeuvre, he appears as a sharp polemicist and a loving father, an ardent pupil but also a kind, inspiring teacher, a sober historian and a teller of wondrous tales. In view (...) of all these different personae, erudite versatility is without any doubt a major characteristic of Plutarch’s works. A Versatile Gentleman is dedicated to Luc Van der Stockt, professor emeritus of Greek language and literature at KU Leuven and a truly versatile gentleman. The volume aims to do justice to his and Plutarch’s versatility by discussing the Chaeronean from many different angles. As such, it sheds new light on the coherence of, and the tensions in, Plutarch’s thinking and writing. (shrink)

In A Dentist and a Gentleman the sociologist Tracey Adams retells a familiar professionalization story, this time about elite dental practitioners in nineteenth‐century Ontario who launched a status‐enhancement project to reshape their self‐ and public image into “professional gentlemen” and establish monopoly control over dental practice. Dentists secured legislation in 1868 giving them authority to set entrance requirements, test and license practitioners, and establish a college. In subsequent decades they campaigned against those they called “quacks” who practiced without a (...) license, advertised, charged low fees, maintained dirty offices, misled patients about pain, or brought the gentlemanly status of dentistry into disrepute.Despite early resistance, the project had mostly succeeded by 1918, as dentists skillfully linked their expertise to emerging public health concerns and a professional image subtly reoriented toward an ideal of public service. By 1900 dental rhetoric was warning Canadians of an impending crisis of tooth decay and dental disease that would bring physical deterioration and mass feeblemindedness in its wake. Racial degeneracy, dentists warned, began in the mouth; the advance of civilization produced too much soft food and sugar, too little chewing, and too many high‐strung and overindulgent mothers. Only dentists, as “sentinels at the portal of the alimentary tract” , could stand against this threat to Anglo‐Saxon civilization. Rhetoric like this, combined with doses of guilt heaped on mothers, teachers, school boards, and public health agencies, resulted by 1915 in regular dental inspections of schoolchildren, free dental clinics, and the creation of the army dental corps.Dentistry brought unique twists to this familiar professionalization story. Prior to 1860 dentistry was an especially low‐status craft, associated with uneducated, itinerant tooth‐drawers or craftsmen like blacksmiths and gunsmiths . Professionalizing dentists therefore felt a special imperative to recast themselves as “gentlemen”; this image also reassured the upper‐middle‐class women who were dentists' main clientele. Unexpectedly, as Adams shows in an intriguing analysis, dentists benefited from an invaluable social alliance with physicians, who offered no opposition of the sort they raised against other rival groups of healers to dentists' professional aspirations.The study deals extensively with how gender shapes professions. Dentistry's professionalization, Adams insists, involved the adoption of a new ideal of personal masculinity, as seen in admonitions to dentists to establish firm, courteous, expert authority over their clients and in dentists' efforts to shape the imagined persona of the ideal dental assistant as uniquely female and wifelike. This masculine crafting of the profession notwithstanding, Ontario dentists evinced less overt opposition to women aspirants than did doctors or lawyers. Nevertheless, the proportion of female practitioners was much lower in dentistry than in medicine or law and remains substantially lower today. Adams brings considerable insight to her discussion of these facts and their causes, and she presents useful comparisons among the professions.This study has a few limitations. Perhaps because the author's sources are mainly professional journals, her account mostly mirrors the outlook of the professionalizing elite and her prose occasionally adopts their moralizing and improving tone. Regrettably, the book deals scarcely at all with what dentists actually did. One learns little about how changing scientific and medical ideas affected dentists' work, how dentists utilized anaesthesia and coped with the problem of pain, and what controversies over diagnostics and treatment animated the profession or about dentists' training and income. This is a history of dentistry's professionalization, not of dental medicine per se. But Isis readers impressed by this solid and modest study will hope that a history of dental practice will be Tracey Adams's next project. (shrink)

Hume’s Letter from a Gentleman is an important document for Hume scholarship because, among other things, it serves as a useful tool for the interpretation and analysis of Hume’s philosophical intentions in the Treatise. The Letter itself, however, raises several difficult problems of interpretation. One of the most important of these concerns the identity of Hume’s “accuser“-the author of A Specimen of the Principles concerning Religion and Morality &c., to which Hume is responding in the Letter. Clearly the interpretation (...) of the Letter, and its relevance to the Treatise, will vary depending on who is identified as the source of the accusations against Hume, and what is made of this person’s motivation and philosophical commitments. The immediate difficulty is that the Specimen is presented anonymously, and thus conjectures must be made about the author on the basis of available evidence. (shrink)

Newman’s explicit presentation of the ideal type, “the gentleman,” appears first and foremost in his Oratory papers of 1847 and 1848, and appears only secondarily, and then but partially, four and five years later in his Dublin Discourses of 1852. This essay traces lines of similarity and of difference between these successive portraits and distinguishes both from the attractive, better-known sketch Newman presents as Lord Shaftesbury’s, the “beau ideal” of the man of the world.

The danger of being a gentleman: reflections on the ruling class in England (1932).--On the study of politics (1926).--Law and justice in Soviet Russia (1935).--The judicial function (1936).--The English constitution and French public opinion,1789-1794 (1938).--The committee system in English local government (1936).--Nationalism and the future of civilization (1932).--Mr. Justice Holmes: for his eighty-ninth birthday (1930).

A landmark of Enlightenment thought, Hume's _An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding_ is accompanied here by two shorter works that shed light on it: _A Letter from a Gentleman to His Friend in Edinburgh_, Hume's response to those accusing him of atheism, of advocating extreme skepticism, and of undermining the foundations of morality; and hisof _A Treatise of Human Nature_, which anticipates discussions developed in the _Enquiry_. In his concise Introduction, Eric Steinberg explores the conditions that led Hume to write (...) the Enquiry and the work's important relationship to Book I of Hume's _A Treatise of Human Nature_. (shrink)