This handbook presents a comprehensive introduction to the core areas of philosophy of education combined with an up-to-date selection of the central themes. It includes 95 newly commissioned articles that focus on and advance key arguments; each essay incorporates essential background material serving to clarify the history and logic of the relevant topic, examining the status quo of the discipline with respect to the topic, and discussing the possible futures of the field. The book provides a state-of-the-art overview of philosophy (...) of education, covering a range of topics: Voices from the present and the past deals with 36 major figures that philosophers of education rely on; Schools of thought addresses 14 stances including Eastern, Indigenous, and African philosophies of education as well as religiously inspired philosophies of education such as Jewish and Islamic; Revisiting enduring educational debates scrutinizes 25 issues heavily debated in the past and the present, for example care and justice, democracy, and the curriculum; New areas and developments addresses 17 emerging issues that have garnered considerable attention like neuroscience, videogames, and radicalization. The collection is relevant for lecturers teaching undergraduate and graduate courses in philosophy of education as well as for colleagues in teacher training. Moreover, it helps junior researchers in philosophy of education to situate the problems they are addressing within the wider field of philosophy of education and offers a valuable update for experienced scholars dealing with issues in the sub-discipline. Combined with different conceptions of the purpose of philosophy, it discusses various aspects, using diverse perspectives to do so. Contributing Editors: Section 1: Voices from the Present and the Past: Nuraan Davids Section 2: Schools of Thought: Christiane Thompson and Joris Vlieghe Section 3: Revisiting Enduring Debates: Ann Chinnery, Naomi Hodgson, and Viktor Johansson Section 4: New Areas and Developments: Kai Horsthemke, Dirk Willem Postma, and Claudia Ruitenberg. (shrink)

This paper defends a neorepublican account of civic virtue as consisting of stable traits of character, understood in broadly Aristotelian terms, that exhibit excellences associated with the role of citizen, and that contribute to the secure protection of freedom as non-domination. Such an account is important for the neorepublican project because neither laws nor social norms can yield reliable support for republican freedom without a parallel input from civic virtue. The paper emphasizes the need to distinguish civic virtue from desirable (...) norms, which can operate in tandem. Against other neorepublican accounts of civic virtue, it argues that the primary function of such virtue is not to support the stability of republican regimes. Rather, it has a corrective function, and may in fact challenge institutions, laws, and informal norms if they allow for the exercise of arbitrary power. Finally, the paper argues that this account of civic virtue is better positioned than a stability-focused account to shed light on the relationship between civic virtue and the common good. (shrink)

Neo-republicanism seems well suited to provide insight into current policies for the control and restriction of immigration. In this paper, I discuss three different accounts of domination to assess whether they can provide intuitively acceptable responses to the types of domination experienced by different groups of immigrants. First, I present and criticize an argument offered by Philip Pettit in support of the view that immigration restrictions could in principle avoid being dominating. My criticism focuses on Pettit’s account of non-arbitrary governmental (...) action that claims that laws and policies are not dominating when people have democratic control over the government’s activity. Given the failure of Pettit’s argument, I turn to the proceduralist account of non-arbitrary state action proposed by Frank Lovett, and discuss the limitations of the account in diagnosing all ways in which border controls and immigration policy can generate domination. Finally, I present and defend the view that governmental action is not dominating when there are adequate checks that protect the objective interests of individuals. (shrink)

This article discusses Philip Pettit’s neo-republicanism in light of the criterion of self-sustenance: the requirement that a political theory be capable of serving as a self-sustaining public philosophy for a pluralist democracy. It argues that this criterion can only be satisfied by developing an adequate politics of virtue. Pettit’s theory is built around the notion of freedom as non-domination, and he does not say much about the virtues of citizens or the policies the state may employ to encourage their development. (...) In order to explain the motivation to comply with republican laws that promote non-domination, Pettit relies on the phenomenon of civility and the mechanism of the intangible hand. But to understand what underlies an adequate level of robust civility one needs to focus on the more basic phenomenon of personal virtue. Policies that aim to promote non-domination should take into account the need to cultivate virtue among citizens, as well as the full range of conditions that favor its exercise. (shrink)

This book develops and applies a unified interpretation of John Rawls’ theory of justice as fairness in order to clarify the account of citizenship that Rawls relies upon, and the kind of educational policies that the state can legitimately pursue to promote social justice. Costa examines the role of the family as the "first school of justice" and its basic contribution to the moral and political development of children. It also argues that schools are necessary to supplement the education that (...) families provide, teaching the political virtues that support just social institutions. The book also examines the questions of whether civic education should aim at cultivating patriotic feelings, and how it should respond to the deep cultural pluralism of contemporary democratic societies. (shrink)

This paper offers an answer to an objection to Phillip Pettit’s neo‐republican account of freedom as non‐domination raised by Sharon Krause. The objection is that widespread prejudice, such as systemic racism or sexism, generates significant obstacles to individuals’ free agency but that neo‐republicanism fails to explain why these obstacles reduce freedom. This is because neo‐republicanism defines domination in terms of the capacity for arbitrary interference, but many prejudiced actions do not involve physical coercion, threats, or any other behavior typically described (...) as types of interference. The paper discusses three strategies to account for the impact of widespread prejudice on the domination of groups. It argues that the most plausible strategy redefines domination in terms of behavior that is prima facie wrong and lacks appropriate checks. Such behavior includes interference but also includes prejudiced actions, such as failing to select the most qualified candidate for a job. (shrink)

David hume is sometimes viewed as a skeptic who argues that none of our beliefs about the world are justified. this paper challenges that view by developing and explicating an account of justified belief that is compatible with hume's theories about belief formation, inference, and principles governing the association of ideas. it is noted that the resultant account bears some resemblance to contemporary causal/reliability views of justification.

This article considers why the influential neo-republicans Philip Pettit and Richard Bellamy tend to minimise or deny the role that natural or moral rights play in republican thought. It argues that their specific views about the theoretical role of such rights are motivated by methodological commitments. In Pettit’s case the commitments are to consequentialism and formalism, while in Bellamy’s it is to proceduralism. But these commitments get in the way of providing a fully adequate account of the value of freedom (...) as non-domination: one that allows us to determine when citizens actually enjoy this kind of freedom. Finally, the article argues that a full explanation of what it means to enjoy freedom as non-domination must unavoidably appeal to normative notions. (shrink)

One of the central elements of John Rawls’ argument in support of his two principles of justice is the intuitive normative ideal of citizens as free and equal. But taken in isolation, the claim that citizens are to be treated as free and equal is extremely indeterminate, and has virtually no clear implications for policy. In order to remedy this, the two principles of justice, together with the stipulation that citizens have basic interests in developing their moral capacities and pursuing (...) their conceptions of the good life, are meant to provide a more precise interpretation of what is involved in treating citizens as free and equal. Rawls’ critics, however, have argued that satisfying the two principles of justice is not the most appropriate or plausible way to respect the status of citizens as free and equal. In relation to this debate, the present paper has two aims. The first is to examine Rawls’ account of the type of freedom that a just society must guarantee equally to its citizens. I will argue that those who think of Rawls as a theorist of freedom as non-interference are mistaken, because his notion of liberty resembles in important respects the republican notion of freedom as non-domination. Second, I will consider the extent to which Rawls’ principles of justice successfully protect the freedom as non-domination of all citizens so as to effectively treat them as free and equal. (shrink)

This chapter examines the normative question of whether the cultivation of patriotic and nationalist ideals and attachments should have a central place in programs of civic education. It argues that the most useful way to draw the distinction between patriotism and nationalism focuses on their respective objects of loyalty; patriotism is loyalty to a country while nationalism is loyalty to a people. This way of distinguishing between patriotism and nationalism forms the background for the discussion of a variety of instrumental (...) and non-instrumental arguments for cultivating patriotic and nationalist political attachments in schools. It also examines an assumption common to these programs of civic education: that a shared identity is crucial for citizens to have a sense of belonging that supports social stability and desirable forms of political change. The final part of the chapter introduces a number of alternative educational proposals that aim to avoid some of the difficulties faced by patriotic and nationalist strategies. These alternative proposals aim to encourage good citizenship while taking into account new challenges generated by the political, social, and economic conditions of an increasingly globalized world. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Hume Studies Volume XXIV, Number 1, April 1998, pp. 71-94 Hume on the Very Idea of a Relation MICHAEL COSTA I think it is a productive strategy in interpreting Hume's philosophy to examine very carefully exactly what constitutes for Hume the cognitive state of having a certain idea or belief. More often than not, interpretive pressures arise almost immediately when one comes to address the details in such cases. (...) Attempting to relieve these interpretive pressures can have substantial payoffs in understanding and evaluating Hume's philosophy, even when the attempts are not entirely successful.1 In this paper, I am going to raise the question, "What is the very idea of a relation for Hume?" which I will understand to mean, "What exactly constitutes the cognitive state of having an idea of a relation for Hume?" First I will argue for a particular account of what an idea of a relation must consist in for Hume. The account that I describe is essentially the same as one that has already been introduced by some recent work of Don Garrett,2 but I will offer here a new way of arriving at it. Also, I will examine in detail the capacity of the account to deal with each of Hume's categories of relation. Hume has extensive discussions of some of these (the "matters of fact" relations of space, time, identity, and causation), but almost nothing to say about some of the others (the "relations of ideas" of resemblance, contrariety, degree of quality, and quantity and number). All of them raise interpretive problems, and attempting to resolve them will suggest new ways of understanding a number of important issues in Hume's philosophy including: the nature of the cognitive process of comparing ideas and Michael Costa is at the Department of Philosophy, University of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina 29208 USA. email: [email protected] 72 Michael Costa deriving a general idea from the comparison, the distinction between having a belief and making an assertion or explicit judgment on the basis of one's beliefs, the nature of a fiction or fictitious idea, how Hume thinks that language and symbols enhance cognitive processing, and how we should understand Hume's empiricist criterion of meaning. The obvious place to start in addressing the question of what ideas of relation consist in for Hume is the section "Of relations" that appears early in the Treatise? Just prior to this section Hume indicates that he thinks of relations as complex ideas. He says, "complex ideas may be divided into Relations, Modes, and Substances" (T 13). He goes on in the section to draw a distinction between natural and philosophical relations as a distinction between those relations that are connected to associations in thought (the natural relations) and all relations whatsoever that can be conceived (the philosophical relations) (T 13-14). But that distinction does not in itself shed any light on the nature of our ideas of the latter as complex ideas. Nor, initially, do Hume's brief remarks on each of the seven categories of relations (T 14-15), although we will find some interesting issues to mine here after getting a better understanding of Hume's account of relations as complex ideas. We can get some help by recalling the way in which Hume draws the distinction between simple and complex ideas. This division is into Simple and Complex. Simple perceptions or impressions and ideas are such as admit of no distinction nor separation. The complex are the contrary to these, and may be distinguished into parts. Tho' a particular colour, taste, and smell are qualities all united together in this apple, 'tis easy to perceive they are not the same, but are at least distinguishable from each other. (T 2) A complex idea is one that can be distinguished into parts. Hume's illustration of the apple can easily mislead. He seems to be talking about an apple (physical object) as a collection of qualities. But for this to serve as an illustration of the distinction under discussion we must read him as talking about an impression or idea of an apple being a collection of impressions... (shrink)

Resumo: A partir de uma análise de categorias marxistas, neste artigo, quero trazer para o domínio da visibilidade a "questão da mulher" e defender que esta deve ser o fio condutor no processo de identificação de condições de possibilidade para a transformação do sistema das práticas que visam à emancipação humana, entendida como superação da lógica de dominação.: Based on an analysis of Marxist categories, I attempt in this article to bring into the domain of visibility the 'issue of women', (...) and argue that it must be the guiding thread in the process of identification of conditions of possibility for the transformation of the system of practices that aim at human emancipation, understood as overcoming the logic of domination. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:141 HUME AND CAUSAL INFERENCE Hume held that any time we reach by inference a belief about the existence or qualities of some object or event that we have not actually perceived, the inference is grounded in beliefs about causal relations holding between the object of belief and some other object or objects that have actually been experienced. I will examine here Hume's account of such causal inferences. There (...) are many places in the Treatise of Human Nature at which Hume seems to claim that causal inferences take place when and only when the percipient has had an extensive previous experience of objects of the respective types as regularly conjoined in relations of contiguity and temporal priority. It seems to me that reliance on these passages alone gives a distorted view of Hume's theory of causal inference. Contrary to appearances, Hume did not hold that extensive previous experiences of objects of the same types as properly conjoined is either necessary or sufficient for causal inference. Hume's view is more subtle and complicated, and there are important considerations of coherence and holism present in it. Getting Hume's view on this matter clear is important because it shows how he can escape some of the objections that have been laid against his theory, and it makes possible a reading of Hume as a causal realist. Hume's theory of inference provides the resources for drawing a distinction between accidental and genuine causal regularities and it is compatible with the view that causal relations (and not mere de facto regularities) hold among events in the world independently of their being perceived. The examination begins by looking at a different, but related, issue. Why does Hume think 142 that of the three types of association, only cause and effect association is capable of producing belief? Hume puts the question in the form of a possible objection to his account. For it may be said, that if all the parts of that hypothesis be true, viz. that these three species of relation are deriv'd from the same principles; that their effects in inforcing and inlivening our ideas are the same; and that belief is nothing but a more forcible and vivid conception of an idea; it shou'd follow, that that action of the mind may not only be deriv'd from the relation of cause and effect, but also from those of contiguity and resemblance. But as we find by experience, that belief arises only from causation, and that we can draw no inference from one object to another, except they be connected by this relation, we may conclude, that there is some error in that reasoning, which leads us into such difficulties. (T 107) It is important to note that Hume is talking here only about beliefs about the existence or situations of objects that have not been intuited or experienced. Beliefs about relations of ideas (e.g., that 2 + 2 = 4) are intuitions (or perhaps memories 2 of intuitions). Beliefs in the existence of things as experienced or in the previous existence of things as previously experienced automatically have the 3 vivacity of impressions or memory ideas. What Hume takes himself to need to explain is why cause and effect association allows for a transfer of this vivacity to an idea of an object or situation that has not itself been intuited or experienced and why 4 resemblance and contiguity association do not. If I see a green ball next to a red sweater, then I will normally subsequently believe that the green ball existed next to the red sweater at that time (at 143 least until my memories begin to lose vivacity). This is purely a matter of sense experience and memory. Now if I subsequently see a different red sweater (or the same sweater in a different location), I may be led to think of a green ball existing next to it purely through contiguity and resemblance association. But presumably I would not believe that a green ball existed next to the currently perceived red sweater unless I currently perceived a green ball or my belief was based on some 5 form of causal inference... (shrink)

This study surveys debates on citizenship, the state, and the bases of political stability. The survey begins by presenting the primary sense of 'citizenship' as a legal status and the question of the sorts of political communities people can belong to as citizens. (Multi)nation-states are suggested as the main site of citizenship in the contemporary world, without ignoring the existence of alternative possibilities. Turning to discussions of citizen identity, the study shows that some of the discussion is motivated by a (...) perceived need for citizens to have a sense of political belonging, on the assumption that such a sense promotes political activity and has other personal and social benefits. But there are serious problems with the strategy of understanding the relevant sense of belonging in terms of identification with the nation-state. The study explores a more promising way to generate this sense of belonging. First, societies should function, to a sufficiently high degree, in accord with political principles of justice and democratic decision making. Second, there should be a general consensus on political principles among citizens, as well as high levels of engagement in democratic deliberation. (shrink)

O presente estudo trata-se de uma revisão integrativa de literatura que teve como objetivo descrever a produção de literatura científica acerca das condições de saúde da população LGBTQIAPN+ no sistema prisional brasileiro. A busca pelas informações foi realizada na Biblioteca Virtual de Saúde e Google Acadêmico, utilizando os filtros “minorias sexuais e de gênero”, “prisões”, “condições de saúde” e “Brasil”, compreendendo o período de 2018-2023. Após aplicar os critérios de inclusão e excluídos os duplicados, foram selecionados cinco artigos, dos quais (...) emergiram dois temas de análise macro: principais problemas de saúde que impactam a população LGBTQIAPN+ no sistema prisional brasileiro e os principais desafios na execução da Política Nacional de Atenção Integral à Saúde população LGBTQIAPN+ no Sistema Prisional. Os estudos apontam a violação dos direitos das travestis e transexuais ao observar diversos problemas que se destacam no sistema prisional: alta prevalência de infecções sexualmente transmissíveis e doenças crônicas, violação do nome social, a negação de ingresso de roupas e utensílios femininos nos presídios masculinos, a prática de estupro e violência física e psicológica. Apesar dos inúmeros direitos garantidos constitucionalmente pela população LGBTQIAPN+, ainda é notória a discriminação acentuada, invisibilidade e maior vulnerabilidade em saúde no sistema prisional brasileiro. (shrink)

Causal theories of action are attempts to develop an account of actions in terms of events which have the right kind of causal ancestry. The causal ancestry must be traced back to some kind of intentional state in the agent, such intentional state must have the right kind of content, and it must cause the bodily movement in the ‘right’ way. Causal accounts differ on the nature of the intentional state, the nature of the content it must have, and the (...) specification of the ‘right’ kind of causal connection to bodily movements or other effects. Causal accounts also differ on the identification of the action itself. Some acounts say that the action is the bodily movement, provided that it was caused in the right way and had the right kind of effects. Others identify the action with the triggering intentional state, provided that it has the right kind of effects. Yet others identify the action with the composite event of the intentional state's causing the appropriate effects. Finally there are those which fail to identify the action with any of these events or combinations of them. (shrink)

É corrente se afirmar que antes da Modernidade não há registro de mulheres na construção do pensamento erudito. Que, se tomarmos, por exemplo, a Filosofia e a Teologia, que foram as duas áreas do conhecimento que mais produziram intelectuais, durante a Idade Média, não encontraremos aí a presença de mulheres. Entretanto, apesar de todas as evidências, se vasculharmos a construção do Pensamento Ocidental, veremos que é possível identificar a presença de algumas mulheres já nos tempos remotos, na Antiguidade Clássica e (...) na Patrística (ou Alta Idade Média). Mas é na Escolástica(Baixa Idade Média) que encontramos as primeiras Pensadoras, responsáveis por um sistema autônomo, distinguindo-se como fecundas escritoras, donas de obras tão profundas e importantes quanto as produzidas pelos homens de seu tempo, com os quais muitas vezes dialogaram em pé de igualdade. Dentro desse maravilhoso universo feminino de intelectuais, destacamos, na Escolástica, a figura de Hildegarda de Bingen (1098-1165), da qual trataremos um pouco neste artigo. (shrink)

Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.

The term sustainability has become one of the most significant in the current era. It seems to be ubiquitous amongst academics, politicians, business leaders, media personnel and even the general public. It is no exaggeration to state that it is considered all over the world to be the most pressing issue to be addressed for the long-term future of the planet and its inhabitants. The topic is of course complex, and the issue of sustainability is under much debate as to (...) what it actually is and how it can be achieved, but it is completely certain that the resources of the planet are fixed in quantity and, once used, cannot be reused except through being reused in one form or another. At present, much of the discourse of sustainability has focused upon the environment and in particular upon climate change and the effects that this is having. Thus, the discourse has tended to be about mitigation. Sustainability of course requires all three pillars of the triple bottom line—economic, environmental and social—to be addressed. Indeed, it might be considered that the effects upon the social, and how we choose to live our lives, might well be the most profound effect of achieving sustainability. This book therefore focuses upon some of the many aspects of the social and how we can adapt our lives to accommodate the requirements of sustainability. it therefore takes a very different approach to addressing the issues of sustainability, while of course not ignoring the other pillars. This book therefore sets out to examine various aspects of the changes to personal, corporate and institutional behaviour which may have to come about in our search for sustainability. It is tended to address some of the issues and how they are being dealt with in various parts of the world. As always, our concept is to share best practice and thereby enrich both the discourse and our progress towards sustainability. Thus, we focus upon the current situation while also considering the extent to which the focus is changing so much that we need to think about new approaches to our understanding of behaviour and differing effects in practice. The international origins of the contributors to this book make this an original contribution taking some of the best ideas from around the world. This book therefore addresses these issues from a perspective not generally addressed by researchers, or even by politicians and the press. It therefore provides fresh perspectives upon the important issue of our common future. As always, this approach is based on the tradition of the Social Responsibility Research Network srrnet.org (a worldwide body of scholars with membership of several thousand), which in its 20-year history has sought to broaden the discourse and to treat all research as inter-related and relevant to business. This tradition has always been to explore the subject widely and to seek relevant solutions, while also sharing best practice. This book is based primarily upon some of the contributions from the network at our recent conference and shows both commonality and diversity in approaches and effects. (shrink)

A formação docente brasileira foi marcada por interlocuções epistêmicas, mudanças e transformações estruturais e conjunturais, atreladas aos âmbitos sociais, culturais, econômicos, jurídicos e políticos, influenciando e configurando as dimensões do ser professor. Sua configuração, como um ser social, permite a transposição dicotômica entre conhecimentos científicos e senso comum, possibilitando reflexões a uma análise conjuntural acerca da realidade posta, efetivando a essencialidade do processo formativo elucidada a partir do rompimento alienado efetivado por meio dos princípios ideológicos que regem, fragilizam e fragmentam (...) essa formação. Propomos analisar evidências delineadas na Resolução CNE n. 6/2018, acerca da implementação nacional de políticas institucionalizadas neoliberais para formação docente em Educação Física. Para tal feito, nos ancoramos em características investigativo-descritivas com pressupostos de análise de conteúdo e documental, sustentados pelo subentendimento da teoria da alienação trazidas por Konder. Diante das análises, destacam-se indicadores dos ideários neoliberais, transcritos por meio de orientações com vistas à formação docente para atuação no mundo do trabalho. A partir das orientações normatizadas em prol de um processo formativo com competências e habilidades, delineadas nos indicadores destinados à “área de estudo e pesquisa”; “área de conhecimento específico para educação”, “atividade acadêmica para prática pedagógica”; e “componente curricular”, evidenciando os pressupostos de uma formação sistêmica e linear, subscrevendo a formação humana do futuro professor a determinados interesses e com viés que diverge dos pressupostos educacionais, suscitando uma possibilidade de alienação, induzindo à formação docente por meio de uma ideologia prescrita subliminarmente, à qual o profissional em formação será submetido, dificultando, por vezes, a construção de um conhecimento que propicie sua emancipação de forma crítica e reflexiva acerca da realidade social. Palavras-chave: Educação Física. Formação docente. Neoliberalismo. Alienação. (shrink)

Starting from a historical-juridical study of A. M. de Aldama on the origin and evolution of the reference to the teaching of Christian doctrine to pueri contained in the formula of final vows of all priests in the Society of Jesus, the author investigates the meaning of this ministry and its importance today. In an analytic section, the article traces the historical development of the ministry of education in Christian doctrine to pueri and rudes in the experience of Ignatius and (...) his first companions and in the foundational texts. The theme is treated above all in the light of some questions brought up by the historical data of the past and present. In conclusion the author seeks to reply synthetically to the questions, by showing some essential elements in the significance of the ministry of teaching Christian doctrine to children for an apostle in today's world. (shrink)

Fundado na Ásia, no século III, por Mani, o maniqueísmo se constituía, do ponto de vista doutrinal, numa gnose que misturava principios das seitas/religióes orientais, especialmente do Zoroastrismo e do Budismo, da Filosofia Grego-Romana e do Cristianismo. Sua tese fundamental consistía na afirma9áo de dois principios ontológicos do mundo: o Bem ou a Luz, representado no sol, e o Mal ou as Trevas, personificado na matéria. Desse dualismo ontológico nascia uma cosmologia/soteriologia que apresentava a história da salva9áo do mundo em (...) trés tempos: o primeiro, inicial, engloba as origens cósmicas dos dois principios e seus primeiros afrontamentos. O segundo, médio, é o tempo da mistura entre os dois Reinos, que se caracteriza peía queda de uma parte da Luz na matéria, bem como, é o tempo da criagáo dos seres no universo. Enfim, o terceiro, final, marca a liberta9áo de todas as partículas da Luz imbricadas na matéria, com o retorno da Luz ao reino do Pai e a queda definitiva da matéria no inferno. (shrink)

Em sua obra A Cidade de Deus, Santo Agostinho procura definir e relacionar dialeticamente os conceitos de Cidade de Deus e Cidade terrena, considerando a origem, natureza, desenvolvimento e fins das duas cidades. É aí que encontramos a sua teologia-filosofia da história, que nos faz identificar as duas cidades com certas realidades históricas: Cidade de Deus como sendo a Igreja, Cidade terrena como sendo o Império Romano. Contudo, Agostinho adverte que estes termos não são sinônimos.

Este artigo dialoga com autores que estudam a temática juventude e escola, problematizando a função da escola como locus de socialização. Parte do pressuposto de que muitos problemas enfrentados pelos jovens na escola é resultado de uma realidade em que as culturas juvenis, caracterizadas por determinadas formas de comportamento, como, gostos, atitudes, estilo de vida, forma de ser, vestir, dançar, falar, se divertir e se relacionar não podem se fazer presentes. Em virtude disso, analisa a desarticulação da escola com as (...) perspectivas dos jovens, ao acharem-na desinteressante por não contemplar seus anseios e suas necessidades e tampouco reconhecer a realidade em que estão inseridos. Parte da concepção de que a escola deve contemplar espaços e situações que promovam experiências de sociabilidade. Busca uma reflexão acerca do papel da escola diante das tensões e dos dilemas juvenis. (shrink)

Baseado no princípio ontológico da vera justitia, ou da “divina ordem”, segundo a qual é justo que se “subordinem as coisas somente às dignas, as corporais às espirituais, as inferiores às superiores, as temporais às sempiternas” (Ep., 140), o que resulta, na prática, na subordinação dos governados aos governantes, Agostinho introduz em sua doutrina ético-política o conceito de força coercitiva, como instrumento prático garantidor da ordinata concordia ou pax temporalis, na civitas, de forma que, punido pelo reto castigo, o pecador (...) possa retornar à ordem e assim alcançar a vida eterna. Em Agostinho, todas as formas de castigos por ele admitidos não têm um caráter de perseguição, vingança ou sadismo, mas de correção e reintegração do pecador na ordem, por isso devem ser guiados pela caridade. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Força coercitiva. Castigo. Justiça. Ordem. Paz. Caridade. ABSTRACT With basis on the ontological principle of Vera justitia, or of “divine order”, according to which it is fair to “subordinate things only to the worthy ones, the corporal to the spiritual, the inferior to the superior, the temporal to the sempiternal” (Ep. 140), this results, in practice, in the subordination of the governees to the governators, Augustine introduces in his ethical-political doctrine the concept of coercitive force, as the practical instrument that warrants the ordinata concordia or pax temporalis, in civitas, in such a manner, that punished by the straight punishment, the sinner may return to order and so reach eternal life. In Augustine, all forms of punishment by him admitted do not take a character of persecution, revenge or sadism, but of correction and reintegration of the sinner in the order, and, for this reason, punishment must be guided by charity. KEY WORDS – Coercitive force. Punishment. Justice. Peace. Charity. (shrink)

A LAUDATO SI: UM NOVO, NECESSÁRIO E APROFUNDADO OLHAR SOBRE A CRISE SOCIOAMBIENTAL NA SOCIEDADE CONTEMPORÂNEA.

Fundado na Ásia, no seculo III, por Mani, o maniqueismo se constituia, do ponto de vista doutrinal, numa gnose que misturava principios das seitas/religioes orientais, especialmente do Zoroastrismo e do Budismo, da Filosofia Grego-Romana e do Cristianismo. Sua tese fundamental consistia na afirmacao de dois principios ontol6gicos do mundo: o bem ou a Luz, representado no sol, e o Mal ou as Trevas, personificado na materia. Desse dualismo ontológico nascia uma cosmologia/soteriologia que apresentava a história da salvaçáo do mundo em (...) três tempos: o primeiro, inicial, engloba as origens cósmicas dos dois principios e seus primeiros afrontamentos. O segundo, medio, eo tempo da mistura entre os dois Reinos, que se caracteriza pela queda de uma parte da Luz na materia, bern como, e 0 tempo da criacao dos seres no universo. Enfim, o terceiro, final, marca a libertacao de todas as particulas da Luz imbricadas na materia, com o retorno da Luz ao reino do Pai e a queda definitiva da materia no inferno. (shrink)