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Civic Virtue

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  1. Marcus Arvan, People Don't Have a Duty Not to Vote Badly, They at Most Have a Duty Not to Vote Really Badly: Reply to Brennan.
    Jason Brennan argues that people are morally obligated not to vote badly, where voting badly is voting “without sufficient reason” for harmful or unjust policies or candidates. His argument is: (1) One has an obligation not to engage in collectively harmful activities when refraining from such activities does not impose significant personal costs. (2) Voting badly is to engage in a collectively harmful activity, while abstaining imposes low personal costs. (3) Therefore, one should not vote badly. This paper shows that (...)
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  2. Marcus Arvan, Two Problems with Guerrero's Treatment of the Voting Paradox.
    Alexander A. Guerrero has advanced a new solution to the voting paradox. His argument is as follows: (1) The best practical measure of a candidate or elected official’s popular support in her electoral jurisdiction – her manifest normative mandate (MNM) – has important moral implications for how the candidate should act in office: (a) The higher a candidate’s or official’s MNM, the more morally justified she is in acting as a trustee of her constituents (i.e. as someone entrusted to act (...)
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  3. Russell Bentley & David Owen (2001). Ethical Loyalties, Civic Virtue and the Circumstances of Politics. Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):223 – 239.
    This article addresses the question of how, if at all, citizens can sustain an effective sense of political belonging without sacrificing other sources of ethical identity. We begin with a critical analysis of Rousseau's classic considerations of politics and religion, which concludes that membership of a sub-political ethical community is incompatible with an effective sense of political belonging.This critique leads us to a consideration of the basic character of contemporary constitutional-democratic polities (drawing on the work of James Tully) and of (...)
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  4. Jason Brennan (2009). Polluting the Polls: When Citizens Should Not Vote. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 87 (4):535-549.
    Just because one has the right to vote does not mean just any vote is right. Citizens should not vote badly. This duty to avoid voting badly is grounded in a general duty not to engage in collectively harmful activities when the personal cost of restraint is low. Good governance is a public good. Bad governance is a public bad. We should not be contributing to public bads when the benefit to ourselves is low. Many democratic theorists agree that we (...)
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  5. H. G. Callaway (1994). Liberalism and the Moral Significance of Individualism. Reason Papers 19 (Fall):13-29.
    A liberalism which scorns all individualism is fundamentally misguided. This is the chief thesis of this paper. To argue for it, I look closely at some key concepts. The concepts of morislity and individualism are crucial. I emphasize Dewey on the "individuality of the mind" and a Deweyan discussion of language, communication, and community. The thesis links individualism and liberalism, and since appeals to liberalism have broader appeal in the present context of discussions, I start with consideration of liberalism. The (...)
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  6. Nicholas F. Gier (2003). Nonviolence as a Civic Virtue: Gandhi and Reformed Liberalism. International Journal of Hindu Studies 7 (1-3).
    Peace is the primary public good. --James K. Galbraith Somehow or other the wrong belief has taken possession of us that ahimsa is preeminently a weapon for individuals and its use should, therefore, be limited to that sphere. In fact this is not the case.
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  7. J. B. Skemp (1969). Individual and Civic Virtue in the Republic. Phronesis 14 (2):107-110.
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  8. Herlinde Pauer-studer (2001). Liberalism, Perfectionism, and Civic Virtue. Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):174 – 192.
    This paper explores the question whether perfectionism amounts to a political doctrine that is more attractive than liberalism. I try to show that an egalitarian liberalism that is open to questions of value and that holds a conception of limited neutrality can meet the perfectionist challenge. My thesis is that liberalism can be reconciled easily with perfectionism read as a moral doctrine. Perfectionism as a political doctrine equally stays within the value framework of liberalism. Finally, I try to show that (...)
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  9. Lucas Swaine (2010). Heteronomous Citizenship: Civic Virtue and the Chains of Autonomy. Educational Philosophy and Theory 42 (1):73-93.
    In this article, I distinguish personal autonomy from heteronomy, and consider whether autonomy provides a suitable basis for liberalism. I argue that liberal government should not promote autonomy in all its citizens, on the grounds that not all members of liberal democracies require autonomy for a good life. I then outline an alternative option that I call a liberalism of conscience, describing how it better respects heteronomous citizens. I subsequently clarify how a liberalism of conscience is different than, and superior (...)
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  10. Bert Van Den Brink (2001). Introduction: Civic Virtue and Pluralism. Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):152 – 156.
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