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  1. Hanan Alexander (2007). What is Common About Common Schooling? Rational Autonomy and Moral Agency in Liberal Democratic Education. Journal of Philosophy of Education 41 (4):609–624.
  2. Marcus Arvan (2011). People Do Not Have a Duty to Avoid Voting Badly: Reply to Brennan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Jason Brennan argues that people are morally obligated not to vote badly, where voting badly is voting “without sufficient reason” for harmful or unjust policies or candidates. His argument is: (1) One has an obligation not to engage in collectively harmful activities when refraining from such activities does not impose significant personal costs. (2) Voting badly is to engage in a collectively harmful activity, while abstaining imposes low personal costs. (3) Therefore, one should not vote badly. This paper shows that (...)
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  3. Robert Audi (1998). A Liberal Theory of Civic Virtue. Social Philosophy and Policy 15 (1):149.
    A democratic society cannot flourish if its citizens merely pursue their own narrow interests. If it is to do more than survive, at least a substantial proportion of its citizens must fulfill responsibilities that go beyond simply avoiding the violation of others' rights and occasionally casting a vote. The vitality and success of a democracy requires that many citizens — ideally all of them — contribute something to their communities and participate responsibly in the political process. The disposition to do (...)
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  4. Ryan K. Balot (2009). The Virtue Politics of Democratic Athens. In Stephen G. Salkever (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Political Thought. Cambridge University Press
  5. Gour Mohan Banerjee (1958). The Theory of Democratic Education. Calcutta, New Book Stall.
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  6. Ernest E. Bayles (1960). Democratic Educational Theory. New York, Harper.
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  7. Richard W. Bensel (1997). Killing for the Homeland: Patriotism, Nationalism and Violence. Journal of Ethics 1:165-85.
    Political choices favoring one''s country or one''s nationality are wrong if they conflict with a principle of universal free acceptability, prohibiting choices that violate every set of rules to which any willing cooperator would want all to conform. Despite its universalism, this principle requires patriotic favoritism in political choices and permits individuals to assert nationalist interests in claims for state aid. But it deprives patriotism and nationalism of any distinctive role in establishing the legitimacy of wars and uprisings. These restrictions (...)
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  8. Russell Bentley & David Owen (2001). Ethical Loyalties, Civic Virtue and the Circumstances of Politics. Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):223 – 239.
    This article addresses the question of how, if at all, citizens can sustain an effective sense of political belonging without sacrificing other sources of ethical identity. We begin with a critical analysis of Rousseau's classic considerations of politics and religion, which concludes that membership of a sub-political ethical community is incompatible with an effective sense of political belonging.This critique leads us to a consideration of the basic character of contemporary constitutional-democratic polities (drawing on the work of James Tully) and of (...)
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  9. Jennifer Bleazby (2006). Autonomy, Democratic Community, and Citizenship in Philosophy for Children: Dewey and Philosophy for Children’s Rejection of the Individual/ Community Dualism. Analytic Teaching 26 (1):31-52.
  10. Lawrence Blum (2007). Race, National Ideals, and Civic Virtue. Social Theory and Practice 33 (4):533-556.
  11. Richard Boyd (2004). Pity's Pathologies Portrayed: Rousseau and the Limits of Democratic Compassion. Political Theory 32 (4):519-546.
    Jean-Jacques Rousseau is renowned for defending the pity of the state of nature over and against the vanity, cruelty, and inequalities of civil society. In the standard reading, it is this sentiment of pity, activated by our imagination, that allows for the cultivation of compassion. However, a closer look at the "pathologies of pity" in Rousseau's system challenges this idea that pity is a pleasurable sentiment that arises from a recognition of the identity of our natures and leads ultimately to (...)
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  12. Geoffrey Brennan & Alan Hamlin, Economizing on Virtue.
    Our central aim is to explore the ideas involved in the claim that certain institutional structures economize on virtue and, in particular, to explore the widely held idea that reliance on institutions that economize on virtue may undermine virtue itself. We explore these ideas both by discussing alternative conceptions of virtue and economizing, and by constructing a simple model of the relationship between a specific institutional structure that may be said to economize on virtue and the emergence of virtue. "There (...)
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  13. Jason Brennan (2012). For-Profit Business as Civic Virtue. Journal of Business Ethics 106 (3):313-324.
    According to the commonsense view of civic virtue, the places to exercise civic virtue are largely restricted to politics. In this article, I argue for a more expansive view of civic virtue, and argue that one can exercise civic virtue equally well through working for or running a for-profit business. I argue that this conclusion follows from four relatively uncontroversial premises: (1) the consensus definition of “civic virtue”, (2) the standard, most popular theory of virtuous activity, (3) a conception of (...)
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  14. Jason Brennan (2011). The Ethics of Voting. Princeton Univ Pr.
    In this provocative book, Jason Brennan challenges our fundamental assumptions about voting, revealing why it is not a duty for most citizens--in fact, he ...
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  15. Jason Brennan (2009). Polluting the Polls: When Citizens Should Not Vote. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 87 (4):535-549.
    Just because one has the right to vote does not mean just any vote is right. Citizens should not vote badly. This duty to avoid voting badly is grounded in a general duty not to engage in collectively harmful activities when the personal cost of restraint is low. Good governance is a public good. Bad governance is a public bad. We should not be contributing to public bads when the benefit to ourselves is low. Many democratic theorists agree that we (...)
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  16. Shelley Burtt (2007). Is Inclusion a Civic Virtue?: Cosmopolitanism, Disability, and the Liberal State. Social Theory and Practice 33 (4):557-578.
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  17. R. Freeman Butts (1993). Kenneth Benne: The Compleat Teacher, or the Philosopher's Practice of Civic Virtue. Educational Theory 43 (2):223-227.
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  18. Jennifer Dylan Callahan (2003). All for One: Consumer Culture and Civic Virtue. Dissertation, University of Minnesota
    My dissertation examines how consumer culture and the attitudes it fosters mitigate against important civic virtues, thus threatening the project of creating a just political society. I argue that a good political society rests on "civic-mindedness," a basic notion of the common welfare which takes human connectedness, interdependence and compassion as its foundations. This fundamental vision unites a political society and provides a starting point for its political decision-making; it also stands in a mutually supporting relationship with civic virtue, wherein (...)
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  19. H. G. Callaway (1994). Liberalism and the Moral Significance of Individualism. Reason Papers 19 (Fall):13-29.
    A liberalism which scorns all individualism is fundamentally misguided. This is the chief thesis of this paper. To argue for it, I look closely at some key concepts. The concepts of morislity and individualism are crucial. I emphasize Dewey on the "individuality of the mind" and a Deweyan discussion of language, communication, and community. The thesis links individualism and liberalism, and since appeals to liberalism have broader appeal in the present context of discussions, I start with consideration of liberalism. The (...)
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  20. Joshua Cohen (2003). Delibration and Democratic Legitimacy. In Derek Matravers & Jonathan E. Pike (eds.), Debates in Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology. Routledge, in Association with the Open University
  21. J. Angelo Corlett (2006). Review of David R. Hiley, Doubt and the Demands of Democratic Citizenship. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2006 (12).
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  22. M. Victoria Costa (2004). Political Liberalism and the Complexity of Civic Virtue. Southern Journal of Philosophy 42 (2):149-170.
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  23. Helmut Danner (1998). Existential Responsibility - The Civic Virtue. Studies in Philosophy and Education 17 (4):261-270.
    Responsibility can cast light on the context of consensus, conflict, and education. In terms of juridical responsibility, the person responds to a defined claim or duty. Education as an alive relationship between unique persons is characterized by existential responsibility - the response to a unique and problematic situation. Depending on which kind of society we are referring to, responsibility will serve society best as juridical responsibility when it is a ‘closed society’ and as existential responsibility when it is an ‘open’ (...)
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  24. George Elder Davie (1986/1987). The Crisis of the Democratic Intellect: The Problem of Generalism and Specialisation in Twentieth-Century Scotland. Barnes & Noble Books.
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  25. Michael Davis (1988). Civic Virtue, Corruption, and the Structure of Moral Theories. Midwest Studies in Philosophy 13 (1):352-366.
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  26. Candice Delmas (2014). The Civic Duty to Report Crime and Corruption. Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):50-64.
    Is the civic duty to report crime and corruption a genuine moral duty? After clarifying the nature of the duty, I consider a couple of negative answers to the question, and turn to an attractive and commonly held view, according to which this civic duty is a genuine moral duty. On this view, crime and corruption threaten political stability, and citizens have a moral duty to report crime and corruption to the government in order to help the government’s law enforcement (...)
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  27. Dan Demetriou (forthcoming). Fighting Together: Civil Discourse and Agonistic Honor. In Laurie Johnson & Dan Demetriou (eds.), Matters of Honor: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Honor's Role in a Modern World. Lexington Books
    Whereas civil discourse is usually thought to be about defusing conflict, this essay argues it may be fruitfully thought of as fighting honorably for what we believe. Thus agonistic honor, which conceives of rightness in terms of fair and respectful contest for status, will be an especially important virtue in contexts—from classrooms to courtrooms to pluralistic democracies in general—where conflict is inevitable and desirable. To motivate this claim, I take a Hobbesian approach. I begin with a rational reconstruction of honor (...)
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  28. Dan Demetriou (2015). Civic Immortality: The Problem of Civic Honor in Africa and the West. Journal of Ethics 19 (3-4):257-276.
    From Thomas Hobbes to Steven Pinker, it is often remarked that cultures of honor are destabilizing and especially dangerous to liberal institutions. This essay sharpens that criticism into two objections: one saying honor cultures encourage tyranny, and another accusing them of undermining rule of law. Since these concerns manifest differently in established as opposed to fledgling liberal democracies, I appeal to Western and African examples both to motivate and allay these worries. I contend that a culture of civic honor is (...)
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  29. M. G. Dietz (2001). Civic, Good and Virtue. In Lawrence C. Becker & Charlotte B. Becker (eds.), Encyclopedia of Ethics. Routledge 1.
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  30. Derek Edyvane (2012). Civic Virtue and the Sovereignty of Evil. Routledge.
    The last decade has witnessed a growing perception of ethical crisis in public life. Circumstances of political uncertainty, fueled by the rise of international terror and global financial crisis, have placed the practice of civic virtue under severe strain. Our turbulent times have prompted many people to think less about the "good life" and the "good society" and more about their basic needs for safety and reassurance. Consequently, while prominent public commentators call for the reassertion of civic virtue in the (...)
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  31. Malcolm M. Feeley (1974). A Solution to the "Voting Dilemma" in Modern Democratic Theory. Ethics 84 (3):235-242.
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  32. Richard E. Flathman (1996). Liberal Versus Civic, Republican, Democratic, and Other Vocational Educations: Liberalism and Institutionalized Education. Political Theory 24 (1):4-32.
    Certainly, it is beneficial when the roles of man and citizen coincide as far as possible; but this only occurs when the role of citizen presupposes so few special qualities that the man may be himself without any sacrifice.... Education is only to develop a man's faculties, without regard to giving human nature any special civic character.¹.
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  33. Steven Forde (2006). Benjamin Franklin's "Machiavellian" Civic Virtue. In Paul Anthony Rahe (ed.), Machiavelli's Liberal Republican Legacy. Cambridge University Press
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  34. Matthias Fritsch (2008). Antagonism and Democratic Citizenship (Schmitt, Mouffe, Derrida). Research in Phenomenology 38 (2):174-197.
    In the context of the recent proliferation of nationalisms and enemy figures, this paper agrees with the desirability of retaining some of the explanatory and motivational potential of an agonistic account of politics, but gives reasons not to accept too much of Carl Schmitt's account of citizenship. The claim as to the necessarily antagonistic exclusion of concrete others can be supported neither on its own terms nor on Derridian grounds, as Chantal Mouffe, in particular, attempts to do. I then indicate (...)
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  35. Steve Fuller (2006). Review of Noretta Koertge (Ed.), Scientific Values and Civic Virtues. [REVIEW] Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2006 (3).
    The movement of epistemic standards closer to moral virtue reflects a worrisome trend in the recent renascence of naturalism in philosophy that links access to truth with a deepening sense of the knower's history. While it is relatively harmless to insist that mastery of a scientific specialty requires training in certain techniques, it is more problematic (pace Kuhn) to insist that all such specialists share the same disciplinary narrative -- and still more problematic to require that they pledge allegiance to (...)
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  36. Robert K. Fullinwider (1995). Citizenship, Individualism, and Democratic Politics. Ethics 105 (3):497-515.
    Examines liberalism's conception of individuals and society. Individualism and politics; Liberalism and the displacement of politics; Radical politics and civic individualism. Examines liberalism's conception of individuals and society. Individualism and politics; Liberalism and the displacement of politics; Radical politics and civic individualism.
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  37. William A. Galston (2007). Pluralism and Civic Virtue. Social Theory and Practice 33 (4):625-635.
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  38. Nicholas F. Gier (2003). Nonviolence as a Civic Virtue: Gandhi and Reformed Liberalism. [REVIEW] International Journal of Hindu Studies 7 (1-3):75-97.
    Peace is the primary public good. --James K. Galbraith Somehow or other the wrong belief has taken possession of us that ahimsa is preeminently a weapon for individuals and its use should, therefore, be limited to that sphere. In fact this is not the case.
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  39. Alexander A. Guerrero (2015). On Marie Collins Swabey’s “Publicity and Measurement”. Ethics 125 (2):555-558,.
  40. Fuat Gursozlu (2014). Pluralism, Identity, and Violence. In Gail Presbey Greg Moses (ed.), Peace Philosophy and Public Life. Rodopi 93-109.
  41. Amy Gutmann (2009). Educating for Individual Freedom and Democratic Citizenship : In Unity and Diversity There is Strength. In Harvey Siegel (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of Education. Oxford University Press
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  42. Amy Gutmann (2009). Social and Political Issues. Educating for Individual Freedom and Democratic Citizenship : In Unity and Diversity There is Strength. In Harvey Siegel (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of Education. Oxford University Press
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  43. Bonna Devora Haberman (1994). What is the Content of Education in a Democratic Society? Journal of Philosophy of Education 28 (2):183–190.
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  44. Francisco Herreros (2007). Size and Virtue. European Journal of Political Theory 6 (4):463-482.
    The importance of the size of a political community for the development of civic virtue has usually been related to the advantages of small size in the possibility of direct democracy and the fulfilment of the classical ideal of freedom as governing and being governed by turn. While these are important variables for the development of civic virtue, in this article it is argued that small size also matters because it allows the development of civic virtue by a reputation-building mechanism. (...)
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  45. Graham Hubbs (2015). On Leslie Macfarlane’s “Justifying Political Disobedience”. Ethics 125 (4):1148-1150.
    There is no consensus on the legitimacy of Chelsea Manning’s and Edward Snowden’s secret-revealing activities. Some see them as courageous acts of whistleblowing; to others they seem wanton acts of self-aggrandizement; still others find them traitorous acts of defiance. We can gain some clarity on these cases, I believe, if we consider them against the backdrop of Leslie Macfarlane’s “Justifying Political Disobedience.” After characterizing political disobedience, Macfarlane analyzes the possible justifiability of a politically disobedient act in terms of the act’s (...)
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  46. David H. Jones (1992). A Pragmatic Defense of Some Liberal Civic Virtues. Southern Journal of Philosophy 30 (2):77-92.
  47. Barbara Kelly, Teaching Respect as a Civic Virtue in Diverse Societies.
    This thesis explores the meaning and educational implications of respect in liberal multicultural democracies. Significantly, I examine respect from a philosophical perspective as a civic virtue, and hence as a central aim of civic education.
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  48. John Ladd (1991). Bhopal: An Essay on Moral Responsibility and Civic Virtue. Journal of Social Philosophy 22 (1):73-91.
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  49. Theresa Man Ling Lee (2007). Rethinking the Personal and the Political: Feminist Activism and Civic Engagement. Hypatia 22 (4):163-179.
    : The slogan "the personal is political" captures the distinctive challenge to the public-private divide posed by contemporary feminists. As such, feminist activism is not necessarily congruent with civic engagement, which is predicated on the paradoxical need to both bridge and sustain the public-private divide. Lee argues that rather than subverting the divide, the politics of the personal offers an alternative understanding of civic engagement that aims to reinstate individuals' dignity and agency.
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  50. R. J. Leland & Han van Wietmarschen (2012). Reasonableness, Intellectual Modesty, and Reciprocity in Political Justification. Ethics 122 (4):721-747.
    Political liberals ask citizens not to appeal to certain considerations, including religious and philosophical convictions, in political deliberation. We argue that political liberals must include a demanding requirement of intellectual modesty in their ideal of citizenship in order to motivate this deliberative restraint. The requirement calls on each citizen to believe that the best reasoners disagree about the considerations that she is barred from appealing to. Along the way, we clarify how requirements of intellectual modesty relate to moral reasons for (...)
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