The view that quantum particles cannot be regarded as individuals was articulated in the early days of the 'quantum revolution' and became so well-entrenched that French and Krause called it 'the Received View'. However it was subsequently shown that quantum statistics is in fact compatible with a metaphysics of particle individuality, subject to certain caveats. As a consequent it has been claim that there exists a kind of underdetermination of the metaphysics by the physics which in turn has (...) been used to motivate a form of 'notice' structural realism. In this essay I will review this purported underdetermination and the motivation for structural realism that it purportedly provides in the context of recent developments in both the philosophy of physics and metaphysics. I aim to conclude that such developments reinforce the underdetermination and allow one to respond to certain critical concerns regarding its motivational power. (shrink)

From all corners of the globe, the on-line revolution is proclaimed. The imperative is to connect; to shop, work, learn, be governed, even fall in love on-line. Government initiatives proliferate globally, stressing the urgency for citizens to become part of the so called Information Society. In the midst of all this euphoria the question must be raised 'Is this opportunity for all, or just a few?' Information and Communication Technologies are being introduced to the teaching and learning process at (...) an increasing pace. E-government ministers are particularly concerned about the 'have-nets' and 'have-nots' in this 'digital revolution'. Our research in schools and the HE sector, looking at women learning on-line, has indicated barriers. We discuss how gendered relations in the home, work and education go far beyond having access to IT. We illustrate how these relations contribute to the shaping of the gendered experiences of using technology in education. So whilst women are urged to get connected, we ask whether or not they will want to use technology as a tool to learn with. We suggest that the current gendered discourse surrounding technology and its use in all areas of society should inform government on-line learning policies globally, cutting through the euphoric hype. (shrink)

Abstract: In this paper I consider the significant but generally overlooked role that the French Revolution played in the development of German Idealism. Specifically, I argue that Reinhold and Fichte's engagement in revolutionary political debates directly shaped their interpretation of Kant's philosophy, leading them (a) to overlook his reliance upon common sense, (b) to misconstrue his conception of the relationship between philosophical theory and received cognitive practice, (c) to fail to appreciate the fundamentally regressive nature of his transcendental (...) argumentative strategy, and, ultimately, (d) to seek to deduce his philosophy from a single first-principle, one grounded in the immediate awareness of the subject's mental life. (shrink)

How did the French Revolution become thinkable? Keith Michael Baker, a leading authority on the ideological origins of the French Revolution, explores this question in his wide-ranging collection of essays. Analyzing the new politics of contestation that transformed the traditional political culture of the Old Regime during its last decades, Baker revises our historical map of the political space in which the French Revolution took form. Some essays study the ways in which the revolutionaries' (...) break with the past was prepared by competition between agents and critics of absolute monarchy to control the cultural resources and political meanings of French sought before 1789 to reconstitute their body politic; and by the invention of 'public opinion' as a new form of political authority displacing notions of 'representation', 'constitution', 'sovereignty' - and of 'the French Revolution' itself - the ambiguities, tensions, and contradictions that were to drive the revolutionary dynamic in subsequent years. The result is a substantial and unified set of studies, stimulating renewed reflection on one of the central themes in modern European history. (shrink)

Les remarques des jeunes Marx et Engels relatives à la Révolution française sont bien connues et ont été largement commentées. Mais on oublie souvent qu’ils appartiennent à une génération d’intellectuels contestataires allemands qui, dans les années 1830-1840, ne cesse de se référer au XVIIIe siècle français dans le but de le comparer à la philosophie et à la vie politique allemandes de leur temps. L’article propose une analyse de deux positions divergentes sur ces questions, formulées par deux représentants de cette (...) génération : celle de Ludwig Börne, qui ressortit à ce que l’on peut considérer comme une version allemande du jacobinisme, et celle de Bruno Bauer, Jeune hégélien promoteur d’une révolution philosophique allemande susceptible de surpasser la Révolution française en radicalité et en profondeur spirituelle. Ainsi, le rapport des intellectuels allemands à la Révolution française pendant le Vormärz apparaît dans toute l’ambiguïté relevée par Lucien Calvié : tel le renard aux raisins de la fable de La Fontaine, partagés entre attirance et frustration, les Allemands de gauche ont les yeux rivés sur une France révolutionnaire à la fois enviée et décriée. (shrink)

G. W. F. Hegel (1770–1831) has commonly been seen as Europe’s leading philosopher since Kant. His influence extended across the globe down to the Second World War – not least through his dissident disciple, Karl Marx. Since then, despite intermittent revivals, his importance has tended to be eclipsed by a rising tide of anti-modernist polemic, extending from Heidegger to postmodernism. Central to Hegel’s political thought was his view of the French Revolution. But notwithstanding its pivotal role in the (...) development of his ideas, his reaction to that event has been systematically misconstrued. In presenting a more faithful account of Hegel’s interpretation of his own era, the argument presented here places his response to contemporary developments in the context of a series of World Revolutions which framed the meaning of his age. This approach serves to illustrate the unique combination of historical and philosophical reasoning on which Hegel’s thought depended. In the process, reconstructing his arguments raises challenging questions about the applicability of bygone political ideas to later historical periods. (shrink)

The confession quoted above by way of introduction reveals with tragic sincerity the fatal passion of an overly avid reader, unlimited in curiosity certainly but fully conscious of the demanding finality of the work he had to accomplish: the scientific critique of an international system of social organization, “in which man is a humiliated, enslaved, abandoned and scornful being” (1844). Cultivating poetry and philosophy in a world felt to be unlivable meant becoming an accomplice of those individuals and institutions principally (...) responsible for the barbarity called modern civilization. But to combat this, it was necessary to scour the murky historical horizon issued from a distant past where only great social revolutions marked the stages of a progression seen as ambiguous because realized by means of unspeakable phenomena of regression. Only one revolution took place under the contradictory sign of an emancipation with universal ambitions and of a decline with indelible consequences: the French Revolution. Conclusion as well as beginning, it was studied by Marx as a unique event, both in relation to its antecedents as well as its liberating promises. Although it is true that Marx “never wrote a history of the ancien régime”, a hardly significant remark, it is no less true that he studied and compiled, with the eagerness of a schoolboy enthralled by history, an enormous mass of documentation that can “help understand how (the ancien regime) gave birth to the Revolution”, despite what François Furet might think (Marx et la Révolution française, Paris, 1986, p. 79). Moreover, the author of Das Kapital drew from the revolutionary history of France the inspiration for a “poetry of the future” in which the following vision was designed:“The old bourgeois society, with its classes and its class antagonism, gave way to an association in which the free development of each individual is the condition for the free development of the whole” (1848). (shrink)

It is time to re-examine the French Revolution as a political resource. The historiography has so far ignored the question of popular sovereignty and emancipation; instead the Revolution has been vilified as a matrix of totalitarianisms by the liberals and as an ethnocentric phenomenon by postcolonial studies. This book examines why.

It is very widely accepted that the French Revolution represents a decisive moment in the history of archives, not only in France but throughout the world. The great German-born scholar Ernst Posner, writing in 1940, claimed that it "marks the beginning of a new era in archives administration."1 Posner's view has been reaffirmed many times since, in one form or another, by authors of various nationalities.In France itself this opinion is not contested. Rather than assert a claim of (...) historical primacy, however, the interest has been instead to emphasize the link between the Revolution and the present system of archival organization. A 2001 petition calling for the National Archives to be brought together under one... (shrink)

Like the French revolutionaries, Kant defended individual rights and a republican constitution. That he nonetheless rejected a right of revolution has puzzled scholars. In this article I give an overview of Kant’s rejection of a right of revolution, compare it to the German intellectual context, and use it to explain Kant’s view of the events in France. In Kant’s nuanced account of the revolution’s two central phases, he refined a distinction between legitimate political transition and lawless (...) popular rebellion. (shrink)

**" CHAPTER * HUMAN NATURE In May, at the time when the French Civil Code was being drafted, one of the orators of the Tribunat, in seeking to justify the ...

Im Jahr 1805 bezeichnete der Arzt Jean-Étienne Esquirol eine therapeutische Methode mit dem Begriff des „moralischen Schocks“ (sécousse morale). In vorliegendem Aufsatz wird dargestellt, inwiefern im Rahmen der Entwicklung der französischen Humanwissenschaften (sciences de l’homme, science social) um 1800 der Bezug auf den terreur konstitutiv für die Formierung dieser Behandlungsmethode war. Die psychiatrische und pädagogische Diskussion über diese nicht physische Einwirkung auf den Geist (esprit) von menschlichen Forschungsobjekten und Patient_innen bezog sich dabei wesentlich auf die Frage, ob das Volk durch (...) die schockartige Aufwallung der Revolution aus den unfreien Gewohnheiten des ancien régime befreit werden könne. Nach 1800, so wird im Folgenden gezeigt, bildete sich das professionelle Selbstverständnis der psychiatrischen und pädagogischen Expertise heraus, mit der Schocks in professionell kontrollierten Settings eingesetzt werden konnten, während die heilsame Wirkung des revolutionären Schocks negiert wurde. Im Aufsatz werden hierfür vier verschiedene Perspektiven auf die pathogenen oder heilsamen Wirkungen von Schocks unterschieden. Gestützt auf publizierte Texte und Material aus den Archives nationales sowie dem Institut national de jeunes sourds wird so im Aufsatz eine politische Geschichte der Entwicklung des moralischen Schocks entfaltet und die These vertreten, dass die Entwicklung von epistemischen und therapeutischen Techniken in den Humanwissenschaften wesentlich von der Abgrenzung von revolutionärer Gewalt sowie dem humanwissenschaftlichen Wunsch nach einer stabilen Regierung getragen war. (shrink)

To Kant, the French revolution's central events were the transfer of sovereignty to the people in 1789 and the trial and execution of the monarch in 1792-1793. Through a contextual study, this Element argues that while both events manifested the principle of popular sovereignty, the first did so in lawful ways, whereas the latter was a perversion of the principle. Kant was convinced that historical examples can help us understand political philosophy, and this Element seeks to show this (...) in practice. (shrink)

In this essay I distinguish the Phenomenology’s account of the French Revolution and Terror from the Philosophy of Right’s. Understanding the former’s discussion of the “Furie des Verschwindens” of Absolute Freedom requires an appreciation of the hopes and fears raised by the Enlightenment’s Nützlichkeit, the precise structure of “Absolute Freedom and Terror,” and the fact that Verschwinden for Hegel denotes a mode of non-corporeal negation that allows particulars to reveal a universality that they themselves are not. Read in (...) this light, the Phenomenology’s account better explains actual political experience than does the Philosophy of Right’s critique of “negative freedom.”. (shrink)

These essays On Hegel's political philosophy are taken from Ritter's influential Metaphysik and Politik. They discuss the importance of Hegel's evaluation of modernity by focusing upon his unique conceptions of property relations, morality, civil society, and the state.Ritter's work has played a seminal role in rekindling interest in Hegel's social and political philosophy. Ritter's clarity of expression makes Hegel's concepts accessible to a wide audience of philosophers, sociologists, political scientists, historians, and others concerned with the legitimacy of modernity, the relation (...) of society and the state, or in Hegel's relation to Marx and other later thinkers.Joachim Ritter was Professor of Philosophy at the University of Istanbul. This book is in the series Studies in Contemporary German Social Thought. (shrink)