Australia has experienced difficulties engaging with Asia-Pacific regional integration. Despite Australian attempts to punch above its weight in regional forums and to be a regional leader, it is still not regarded as a full member or as quite fitting into the region. It is an in the Asian context, and has experienced the of being neither here nor there. The former Rudd government's proposal for an (APC) by the year 2020 was a substantive initiative in Australia's ongoing engagement with Asia. (...) It has, however, attracted a high level of criticism both at home and abroad. The main critical analysis of the proposal has focused on institutional building or architecture, or its relationship with existing regional institutions, but overlooks a host of often fraught questions about culture, norms, identities, and international power relations. The APC concept needs to be scrutinized in terms of these questions with a critical eye. This paper examines the cultural, cognitive, and normative dimensions of Rudd's proposal. It analyses four dilemmas or awkward problems that the APC faces. (shrink)

Most of the current scholarship focuses on the functional aspects of regionalism such as economic and security issues, and the literature tends to be too focused on American or European concerns. Despite the early examination of varied ideas of Asian regionalism, there remains a substantive lack of critical scholarship that focuses on the study of Asian ideas, proposals, and visions of regionalism.

The very thought of deliberative politics in contemporary China may seem surprising. Indeed, there are questions over its veracity. Analyses of scholarship on deliberative democracy in China to date might be said to fall into two camps: one sees the emergence of deliberative democracy in China as a real prospect for democracy; the other dismisses it outright. This essay offers an alternative evaluation to these two camps. It proposes a theoretical reconstruction of deliberative culture that accounts for a proliferation of (...) contemporary deliberative practices in China and the CCP’s sponsorship of deliberative experiments and institutions. The theoretical reconstruction of contemporary deliberative practices bears traces of the Confucian moral code of deliberation and the institutionalization of deliberation throughout the history of the Chinese imperial states. The upshot in taking this theoretical approach is that we can confirm that the practice of deliberation in contemporary China is well and truly alive, but it does not readily map with Western theoretical models of deliberative democracy. This essay sets up a contrast between an authoritarian deliberation—the use of actual deliberative practices by the authoritarian state to improve governance and enhance its authority— and the “western” idealized version of democratic deliberation. It considers the limitations of the Chinese model of authoritarian deliberation and explains why and how it may constitute, at least partially, a defensible normative account of the contributions of deliberation to political legitimacy, and in doing so hopes to illustrate some important historical lessons for Western deliberative democracy. (shrink)

Influenced by the example of China, a literature is emerging that advocates a modernized version of Confucian meritocracy, often as an alternative to liberal democracy and even democracy itself. We...

Two existing models are used to conceptualize the constrained and limited participation in the communist system. The mobilization model suggests that participation was so mobilized by the party/state that it was largely meaningless, while the disengagement model supports the idea that many communist citizens adopted non-participatory behaviors such as non-voting as a means of protest. This paper attempts to demonstrate the importance of a third model – the emergent democratic culture model. The survey results show that the participation index is (...) in proportion to the number of elections in which a villager is involved; and a growing number of voters in Zhejiang are developing citizen-initiated participation, with rights consciousness. (shrink)

This paper is a detailed case study of China's first direct election of the township heads, examining the driving forces for and obstacles to direct township election, and Chinese utilitarian approach toward local democracy. The paper discusses the prospect of direct township election in China and highlights the Chinese paternalist model of democracy being implemented in practice.

This volume assembles a group of leading regional experts to formulate the first rigorous and comprehensive consideration of multiculturalism debates in South and East Asia. Through close examination of pre-colonial traditions, colonial legacies, and post-colonial ideologies, this volume sheds new light on religious and ethnic conflict in the area, and presents a ground-breaking assessment of what role - if any - the international community should play in promoting multiculturalism.

The failure to reconcile views of the past and to address historical injustice has damaged inter-state relations in Northeast Asia. Joint committees, dialogues and the participation of civil society have been used to address historical issues, but scholars in the disciplines of international relations and area studies have largely ignored these dialogues and deliberative forums. At the same time, there is an emergent theoretical literature on how deliberative democracy can address ethnic conflicts and historical injustice. There is a serious disconnect (...) or distance between the theoretical literature on the resolution of conflicts via deliberation on the one hand, and empirical studies of deliberative approach in East Asia on the other. This article aims to address this shortcoming in the study of the politics of historical dispute in Northeast Asia by proposing a deliberative approach to history disputes and highlighting the achievements, limits and dynamics of deliberation. Through mapping and comparative testing, we confirm that deliberation offers some potential for a departure from nationalist mentalities and a shift towards a consciousness of regional history in Northeast Asia. Our empirical test of the utility of the deliberative approach suggests that a new model for addressing regional disputes may be emerging.
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China now faces a national identity problem, that is, sections of the national population do not identify with the Chinese nation-state in which they live. Tibetans, for example, endeavor to create their own political identity through the reconstruction of a Tibetan cultural and ethnic identity. China's national identity problem also involves the question of reunification with Taiwan. In Taiwan, both the Guomindang and the Democratic Progressive Party governments have refused to reunify with China. The question of Taiwan and Tibet are (...) different cases and require different treatment,1 but Beijing's response to the two questions—refusing to adopt a democratic approach—is the same. (shrink)

Westerners seem united in the belief that China has emerged as a major economic power and that this success will most likely continue indefinitely. But they are less certain about the future of China's political system. China's steps toward free market capitalism have led many outsiders to expect increased democratization and a more Western political system. The Chinese, however, have developed their own version of capitalism. Westerners view Chinese politics through the lens of their own ideologies, preventing them from understanding (...) Chinese goals and policies. In Contemporary Chinese Political Thought: Debates and Perspectives, Fred Dallmayr and Zhao Tingyang bring together leading Chinese intellectuals to debate the main political ideas shaping the rapidly changing nation. Investigating such topics as the popular "China Model", the resurgence of Chinese Confucianism and its applications to the modern world, and liberal socialism, the contributors move beyond usual analytical frameworks toward what Dallmayr and Zhao call "a dismantling of ideological straitjackets." Comprising a broad range of opinions and perspectives, Contemporary Chinese Political Thought is the most up-to-date examination in English of modern Chinese political attitudes and discourse. Features contributions from Ji Wenshun, Zhou Lian, Zhao Tingyang, Zhang Feng, Liu Shuxian, Chen Ming, He Baogang, Ni Peimin, Ci Jiwei, Cui Zhiyuan, Frank Fang, Wang Shaoguang, and Cheng Guangyun. (shrink)

This study focuses on the static output feedback control of nonlinear Markov jump singularly perturbed systems within the framework of Takagi–Sugeno fuzzy approximation. From a practical point of view, the phenomenon of asynchronous switching between the plant and the controller is considered and characterized by a finite piecewise-homogenous Markov process. Particularly, for facilitating the controller synthesis, the closed-loop system is transformed into a fuzzy Markov jump singularly perturbed descriptor system by adopting descriptor representation. In order to fully accommodate the system (...) features, an appropriate stochastic Lyapunov function is constructed. Afterwards, by combining Finsler’s lemma, the mean square exponential admissibility of the system is analyzed. The conditions ensuring the existence of the predesigned controller are given and further solved by designing a brief search algorithm. Finally, a typical circuit system is used to demonstrate the application potential of the developed control technology and the effectiveness of the control strategy. (shrink)

本书包括:在京西宾馆的报告;我读懂了马克思,因而反对伪科学;经验不等于实践;我的科学观与人文观等内容。.

何定生是顧頡剛在廣州中山大學任教時的學生，早年即已有文章收錄於《古史辨》中，而享有古史辨學者的光環。一九四九年隨國民政府來臺，任教於臺大中文系。生前出版有《詩經今論》一書，收錄三篇《詩經》研究論文，為 臺灣學界所仰重。一九七○去世後，其弟子何寄澎、曾志雄整理遺稿，出版《定生論學集──詩經與孔學研究》，收錄四篇論著。《何定生著作集》即在此二書的基礎上，復廣泛蒐求其論著、書信與相關資料，編為二冊。第一冊 為《何定生著作集一：詩經、孔學及其他》，第二冊為《何定生著作集二：尚書與文法》，雖尚未能將何氏著作網羅殆盡，但已足將何氏學術的主要面向及研究精華充分展現出來。 何定生深受五四以來新文化運動的影響，繼承顧頡剛及古史辨的學風，將此學風在戰後的臺灣學界持續發皇。何定生的學問主要表現在《詩經》，強調復古解放的精神，他呼籲今日的《詩經》研究，應從清學的漢學壁壘中出來， 以復於原始的樂歌地位。他認為惟有站在《儀禮》的樂歌地位來讀《詩經》，從人性的同類意識來接觸人性，才有碰到詩人靈感的可能。.

本书收录的16篇文章分为两个部分:第一部分属于哲学伦理学部分,包括政治哲学、应用伦理,也涉及到宗教与形而上学;第二部分是社会史部分,解释近三千年中国社会历史方面的初步探讨。.

本书厘清了何谓历史,何谓历史学,何谓历史学家等基本概念;认为历史的发展有其必然性与偶然性,而人类的历史是由自由人的自由意志作用的结果;历史学家对过去所构思出来的那幅历史图像,乃是他自己思想的外烁.

法律文化,是各民族、各国家和各地区法律善的整体表现,涉及法制建设和法律发展的整体水平,如立法、执法、司法和守法,以及法律教育、法律职业,民众的法律意识和法律观念等的发展状态。.

Shang ce. Ru xue yu si xiang -- xia ce. Qing dai xue shu si chao.