How does violence shape citizens’ preferences for conflict termination? The existing literature has argued that violence either begets sympathy for more violence or drives support for making peace. Focusing on the 2016 Colombian Peace Agreement, this article finds that victimhood dissociation strongly shapes these preferences. With victimhood dissociation, a discrepancy exists between objective and subjective victimization, and the effect of violence on peace attitudes depends on citizens’ subjective interpretations of their personal experiences of violence. Citizens who do not (...) experience violence often see themselves as victims of the conflict and vice versa. Victimhood dissociation is linked to cultural stereotypes of victimhood as portrayed in elite narratives concerning the conflict. In Colombia, political leaders framed victimhood around rurality, business entrepreneurship, kidnapping, extortion, and disappearance. In 2016, this widespread narrative was instrumental for politicians opposing the peace agreement. Citizens who disassociated their personal experiences of violence from their self-understanding as victims were instrumental to the failure of the peace plebiscite. (shrink)

The Colombian conflict seems a typical instantiation of a “greedy war”and exhibits very strong links between criminal economic activities and rebel organizations. On the contrary, the author suggests that not even in Colombia does the “criminal rebels” thesis hold. On the other hand, the Colombian case shows that criminality and war mix in ways that escape a strictly economic interpretation of war.

Remarkable stories of resilience and forgiveness have been reported in the wake of the internationally recognised peace process in Colombia. From the perspective of Christian spirituality, this study seeks to understand the individual and communal values, beliefs and practices that made the reconciliation and restoration of a community possible after severe dislocation and violence, some of it of neighbour against neighbour. Interviews conducted in the field and transcribed by the author were used as texts. Transcripts were studied taking into account (...) cultural, geographic and historical contexts. I found that a deeply rooted family- and community-based Catholic culture, brought by the Spanish in the 16th century and continuing to influence this rural area, offered values, beliefs and devotional practices that gave meaning, strength and empowered the ability to forgive. Also, psychological and pastoral tools for grieving, together with sociological and political values about reconciliation and the rebuilding of a community’s fabric, intertwined with the religious values to deepen the capacity for reconciliation and community rebuilding. The experiences of these interviewees reveal a form of Christian spirituality lived through family and community ties that was augmented and empowered by values and practices of non-religious institutions, making possible significant personal and communal journeys of transformation and the concomitant remarkable resilience. (shrink)

This paper explores the theme of torture in the Colombian Truth Commission’s Final Report, focusing on its characterization of torture as a way of annulling a person’s identity. Drawing on Jean Améry’s approach, I argue that torture destroys the victim’s world and explore the further implications of this assertion. I begin by highlighting how the history of torture distorts legal and medical practices, masquerading as a quest for truth while exercising a farce of power, disintegrating the victim’s lived body. (...) By delving into Merleau-Ponty’s notion of “flesh,” I also explain how torture erodes the carnal trust that connects us to the world and enables proper communication. Consequently, torture results in an utter negation of the self and the world. In conclusion, I suggest that torture as understood as the destitution of a person’s world, can serve as a paradigm for comprehending the experiences of violence faced by victims in Colombia. (shrink)

The effort to build a political economy of war without politics is finding its limits. The question now is what comes next. How to put politics back in? This article compares systematically two non-state armed groups that participate in the Colombian conflict, the main guerrilla and the paramilitary. It shows that despite their similar financial bases, they appear to exhibit systematic differences— regarding both their social composition and their internal/external behavior—and claims that the key to understanding them is (...) the set of organizational devices that each group crafts in its process of survival and growth. All this suggests that a main tenet of the early political economy of war, that all non-state armed groups can be understood as being strategically identical, is flawed. It also poses a classificatory challenge. (shrink)

Three models of the response of American managers both to the violence of Colombian society and to the demands made by the Colombian narcotrafficker are identified: (1) conflict, (2) compartment, and (3) complementarity. The foundations of the models and their managerial consequences are decribed. Finally, the concepts underlying complementarity lead to social relatedness, both a new model of the business and society relationship and a guide for business ethics.

The signature of the peace agreement between FARC guerrillas and the Colombian government has prompted reflection on the role that different sectors of society, including the mainstream media, have played in the perpetuation of the internal conflict. Based on CDA and SFL concepts, this paper contrasts the representation of victims in a 300,000+ word corpus of newspaper reports of violent acts committed by right-wing paramilitaries and Marxist guerrillas between 1998 and 2006, the most violent period of the (...) class='Hi'>conflict. The results clearly show not only a significantly higher word count for guerrilla victims’ statements, but also significantly more frequent examples of personalisation such as given names, kinship and emotional language. On the other hand, paramilitary victims are backgrounded by the significantly more frequent use of generic terms. These findings are consistent with previous studies on the topic which identified the systematic concealment of the responsibility of the paramilitaries in serious human right violations. (shrink)

After decades of armed conflict in Colombia, how do those most affected by that conflict understand forgiveness? While others have researched Colombians’ views of forgiveness, this study is the first to do so through discussion of a narrative of forgiveness. Readings of the biblical narrative chosen for this study, the Parable of the Unforgiving Debtor, can enable North Atlantic scholars to discover dimensions of the parable revealed by those who live lives that mirror the realities of the parable, (...) unlike such scholars. The study aims to understand how conflict survivors, especially internally displaced persons, understand forgiveness and its relation to politics. The study also aims to identify how these women and men read Matthew 18:21–35 differently from academics. Groups in eight locations around Colombia discussed Matthew 18:21–35. Researchers led lectura popular de la Biblia [people’s readings of the Bible], inviting participants to say how the parable related to their lives and to discuss the political consequences that would come from imitating characters in the parable. Conflict survivors said that forgiving was essential if their communities were going to be communities at all, especially communities at peace, offering freedom and economic opportunity. Unlike commentators, they read Matthew 18:21–35 as enjoining forgiveness towards those beyond their local church and for wrongs involving money and violence. As Colombian churches seek to counter resentment with forgiveness, they should be aware of the power of lectura popular, especially of this parable, to create a safe environment where conflict survivors can speak candidly. (shrink)

Human rights and conflict resolution have been traditionally perceived as two separate fields, with contradictory principles and conflicting approaches toward achieving peace. This essay aims to understand these two fields in a more integrative way, showing how a human rights perspective can enrich the theory and practice of conflict resolution. It clarifies the main characteristics of a human rights approach to conflict resolution and identifies a set of human rights standards guiding its implementation: a normative legal framework; (...) structural conditions for peace; participation and inclusion; and accountability and redress. The essay also briefly applies a human rights approach to the Colombian peace process and to the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization. The conclusion addresses one of the main criticisms of this approach and its principal challenges. (shrink)

Based on Fricker’s conceptualization of epistemic injustice and moral justice forgiveness, I propose an analysis of the relationship between epistemic injustice and redundant blame. Situated in the Colombian post-conflict context, it is argued that the negative identity prejudices applied to former guerrilla members produce a kind of epis- temic injustice and redundant blame that yields structural violence. It is suggested that a proper understanding of JEP and the Truth Commission’s work, as well as the concept of transitional justice, (...) would work as interpretative resources to favour the ex-rebels testimonial credibility. I conclude that the exercise of power which manipulates the in- terpretative resources available for a collective understanding of practices of justice and forgiveness in the post-conflict, is the cause of the structural violence against ex-rebels. (shrink)

In this introduction, we argue for a basic idea. Community-based spaces for promoting forgiveness and memory-making bear the promise of promoting some of the cultural transformations needed for thick, structural reconciliation. As we show by discussing some recent examples taken from the Colombian context of the past decade, these spaces do not compete, but actually complement a pragmatic, thin institutional design for reconciliation. This idea, as we discuss here, serves as the common thread connecting the articles in this special (...) issue. The texts reflect on the practice of forgiveness and some of its specific contours in the context of the Colombian conflict. (shrink)

Following Oliver Ramsbotham’s observation that conflict resolution and analysis have not taken radical disagreement seriously enough, and in light of his lament that he has not yet found an adequate philosophy of radical disagreement, this article claims that the philosophy of Alasdair MacIntyre provides some coreelements of any adequate philosophy of radical disagreement. MacIntyre’s theory suggests that the problem of radical disagreement is in fact more radical thanRamsbotham affirms. Ramsbotham’s account of the strategic engagement of discourses (SED) approach is (...) critiqued in light of MacIntyre’s diagnosis of radical disagreement, which calls into question its theoretical and philosophical basis. The main problem is held to be that of internal radical disagreement, which SED appears to skirt over. This is elucidated through a brief exploration of two philosophical approaches to moral-political disagreement in relation to Israeli peace activism and the Colombian conflict. (shrink)

Epistemic violence and epistemic injustice occur when a person or collective suffers unjust harm as epistemic subjects. This article explores the role of these issues in the conflict known as “laws of dispossession”, which consists of the systematic issu- ance of regulations that legalize extractivist and capitalist procedures in the indigenous ancestral territories. Specifically, this article argues that this phenomenon generates specifically epistemic harm to Colombian indigenous communities since it prevents them from inhabiting their territories in a way (...) that is coherent with their epistemic resources; also, that this damage stems from a significant inability of the neoliberal governments of the last two decades to recognize the particularities and importance of the concept of territory in the epistemological systems of the indigenous communities which imprints a dimension of epistemic marginalization to the phenomenon of political marginalization that these communities have denounced. (shrink)

The article contributes to a deeper understanding of the Colombian armed conflict by considering it from the perspective of the political emotions of disgust and shame. It also considers emergent emotions such as love and fear in the narrative of two former members of FARC, who were part of the group since their childhood and spent most of their lives in the armed conflict. Thus, these political emotions are linked to the dynamics of the conflict and (...) to the experiences of the former members. The interpretative analysis focuses on understanding the beliefs, judgments and assessments associated with liberty, will and human dignity. The literature review included major works regarding violence in Colombia and it revealed that such works did not considered emotional narrative. The conceptual framework is built around Nussbaum’s political emotions and the methodology is that of narrative analysis, which made possible to read the faces of individuals that have been disqualified and stigmatized, an acknowledgement that is necessary for reconciliation. Emotions activate and deactivate war actions: shame activates the search for truth, justice and reparation; disgust activates the fight against social injustice; fear activates distrust during war and peacetime; and love activates the possibility for many to sacrifice their lives and to recover their own dignity through devoting themselves to humanity and to deactivate the action of harm caused to others. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Rethinking Social Action through Music: The Search for Coexistence and Citizenship in Medellín’s Music Schools by Geoffrey BakerKim BoeskovGeoffrey Baker: Rethinking Social Action through Music: The Search for Coexistence and Citizenship in Medellín’s Music Schools (Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2021)If indeed there exists, as Geir Johansen has proposed,1 a self-critical movement within the field of music education, Geoffrey Baker is undoubtedly one of its leading figures. According (...) to Johansen, the self-critical turn is characterized by an increasing number of music educators directing criticism toward music education itself by denouncing overly romantic visions of “the power of music” and scrutinizing how music educational practices are implicated in the propulsion of problematic social forces of inequality, oppression, and injustice. Baker’s widely read book from 2014, El Sistema: Orchestrating Venezuela’s Youth,2 thoroughly denounced the globally acclaimed Venezuelan ‘musical miracle’ as a myth. Based on extensive field work in Venezuela, Baker painstakingly dissected El Sistema as an archaic, morally, and pedagogically flawed model of music education veiled in the empty rhetoric of music as a tool of social redemption and documented how such models are ripe with opportunities for abuse, in every sad sense of the word.The continuation of Baker’s critical project is published in the form of a four-hundred-page book, entitled Rethinking Social Action Through Music. Baker presents the text as “a ‘post-El Sistema’ project”3 as it constitutes a departure [End Page 92] from his preoccupation with ‘The System’ toward potential alternatives to the Venezuelan model. He finds such an alternative in the Red (Red de Escuelas de Música de Medellín), a network of music schools in the Colombian city of Medellín, which figures as the center of attention in Baker’s institutional ethnography. However, even as the Colombian institution is invoked as a counterexample to its Venezuelan sibling, the Red is not held up for its ability to enact social change or display of innovative pedagogical principles. What Baker finds exemplary and worthy of investigation is the willingness he locates within the administrative layer of the Red to continuously engage in reflective work with regards to the tensions, conflicts, and pitfalls, as well as potentials of musical-social work. Particularly, Baker’s attention is directed to the decision-making processes and discussions among the leaders of the institution; how senior staff members adopt self-critical stances, how needs for institutional change are recognized, the recurring frictions between musical staff and members of the institution’s social team, and tensions between public statements expressing confidence in the program’s efficacy and internal conversations full of ambivalence and doubt.It is with reference to the reflexive processes of the Red that Baker conducts insightful and well-informed discussions of a range of themes relevant to music educators and scholars. Baker situates his analysis within the wider landscape of SATM (Social Action Through Music), which can roughly be understood as the field of musical practice emanating from the large socio-musical orchestral programs conceived in Latin America in the last decades of the 20th century and subsequently spread as ‘Sistema-inspired’ offspring throughout the globe in the beginning of the 21st century. Yet, the discussions found in this book are easily connected to pertinent themes of the philosophy and sociology of music education, such as the notion of artistic citizenship, decolonization, the political nature of music education, ‘the social’ in music education, to name a few. One of the striking qualities of this book is its ability to identify important issues in the local context of Medellín, extract the underlying mechanisms and through empirical examples unfold a much broader discussion of what social justice and social change might mean in the field of music education. Baker, originally educated as an ethnomusicologist, reflects on these topics with depth and nuance, underscoring the relevance of approaching these complex issues through ethnographic work, rather than basing such discussions solely on conceptual exploration.Appearing as a red line throughout the book is Baker’s insistence on foregrounding the ambiguity and ambivalence of musical-social work. In fact, his critical encounter with the field... (shrink)

The body as an object of the violence generated in the framework of the Colombian armed conflict occupies a central place in different works of art and literature in the country. In various cases, such centrality is due to the commitment of the authors to resignify the occurrence of massacres, kidnappings, disappearances or forced displacement, which involve or fall on the bodies of the victims. Such is the case of the works analyzed comparatively in this article: the installation (...) Signos cardinales by Libia Posada and the novel En el brazo del río by Marbel Sandoval. Both of these works converge in the resignification of the body in the context of forced displacement. Among the objectives, it seeks to define the way in which a cartographic narrative is configured in the works. It is also intended to reflect on the relationship between the body and forced displacement: internal and cross-border. The analysis proposed here revolves around the concept of cartographic narrative, which will be approached from, on the one hand, Ítalo Calvino, who defines cartography as a space-time union articulated in the idea of ​​itinerary; and on the other, by Michel de Certeau, since he considers the narrative structures, implicit in cartography, as a spatial syntax, that is, a notion that allows us to address the representation of forced displacement as a symbolic delimitation of reordering itineraries of space. (shrink)

Collective memories are multiple discursive practices, in which social representations about a common past are used to build and maintain cohesion and identity of groups socio-historically located at a socio-culturally determined moment and to project future in frameworks of rights and dignity. It is understood that the memories articulated to the Colombian armed conflict are diverse: different stories of violence, oppression and resistance of peoples, communities and groups are identified and made explicit. Thirty media narratives distributed in the (...) ElTiempo.com Special “Thirty encounters with peace” (2017) comprise the universe of research. The sample is made up of seven narratives that propose the sense of testimony. The selected format is storytelling, which is built in the special edition of the newspaper as a communication proposal for the reconstruction of the social fabric, within the year after the signing of the Peace Agreement between the National Government and the FARC-EP (post-agreement). The research is nucleated on situations of rights violations linked to the conflict, and the proposals derived from these narratives, as regards the overcoming of the exercises of violence to which they refer. The analysis is assumed from the principles of Multimodal and Multimedia Critical Discourse Studies (MMCDS). The forms of representation in the discourses, their multimodal articulations and the multimedia implications in the production of meanings are articulated; the final aim is to derive sociopolitical consequences of the discursive proposal, constructed and socialized in the narratives of the special edition of the newspaper. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to present the main contributions to peace, democracy, and the philosophy of education in Colombia, made by philosopher Guillermo Hoyos-Vásquez (Medellín, 1935 – Bogotá, 2013). The work of this Colombian philosopher stands out for its important contributions to political philosophy as the vital, supportive, and responsible exercise of thought concerning the public interest. Using Kant’s concept of practical reason, Husserl’s lifeworld [Lebenswelt], and Habermas’s communicative action as starting points, Hoyos-Vásquez succeeded in going beyond (...) these political philosophers by trying to apply their ideas in the midst of the difficult context of corruption, drug trafficking and armed conflict in Colombia over the past five decades. At the same time, Hoyos-Vásquez developed throughout his life a varied public activity as a thinker and educator, belying the myth of the theoretical distance between the philosopher and his/her political present or historical reality. The thought of Guillermo Hoyos-Vásquez, and his public action as an educator, represent a substantial contribution to contemporary political and educational philosophy, maintaining a close connection between theory and practice. (shrink)

Exhumations aim to restore victims’ dignity because they constitute a step towards their individualisation and recognition as members not only of a particular family but of the human family. This article aims to contribute to the critical assessment of how the notion of human dignity and dignification are used in the context of mechanisms of transitional justice, such as exhumations. It focuses on the Colombian case from an interdisciplinary perspective based on socio-legal studies. The research is based on participant (...) observation, interviews, and thematic analysis of the uses of the term dignity and dignification in the texts of the laws and protocols for the exhumations of victims of the armed conflict in Colombia. It explores two dimensions of dignification, which in turn contributes to the understanding of the complex relationship between victims, the state, and institutions of transitional justice. (shrink)

In the second half of the 20th century, Latin American poetry has had to deal with representing the phenomenon of forced disappearance in its various poetic productions. Some of those have incubated in the Central American civil wars, the dictatorial regimes of the Southern Cone and even in countries with supposed democratic stability such as Mexico and Colombia. Memorial de Ayotzinapa, by the Mexican poet Mario Bojórquez, and Carta de las mujeres de este país, by the Colombian poet and (...) activist Fredy Yezzed, experiment with the discursive forms of the long poem and the letter poem, respectively, to construct collective memories around a phenomenon that continues to take lives to this day. Bojórquez's text is concerned with constructing a testimony, apparently in situ, of the disappearance of the forty-three Mexican teacher trainees; Yezzed's work, for its part, refrains from referring to a specific event or place in order to provide a more complete testimony of the Colombian armed conflict, nearly seventy years old. The article analyzes the forms of the text, the subjects and their spaces of enunciation, as well as the memory strategies that are seen in both works. Thus, the testimonial status of poetry is confirmed, sometimes overshadowed by genres such as the novel and the short story. (shrink)

This article analyzes the framing of the Revolutionary Armed Forces in Razón Pública, a Colombian digital magazine, from July 2008 to July 2018. The article’s methodology combines Natural Language Processing and close reading. Results indicate that the magazine’s language primarily framed FARC as a protagonist of the peace process, and, secondarily, as an actor of Colombia’s armed conflict and drug trafficking. Shortly after Juan Manuel Santos’ first inauguration as Colombian president, some authors forecasted that the conditions were (...) ripe for a peace process with FARC. During the official negotiation, FARC was framed as enigmatic, and rational protagonist of a challenging peace process. Overall, the frames detected in this analysis are an echo of the UNDP Colombian Report that called for analytic journalism that improves the public’s understanding of the country’s complex armed conflict and proposes negotiated and military solutions. (shrink)

This article explores how historical narratives affect the evaluation of political decisions regarding justice during peace negotiations. Specifically, this study evaluates how different narratives of the Colombian armed conflict relate to the preference for either restorative or retributive justice. Results revealed that a historically accurate narrative that included structural elements correlated with the preference for restorative justice, whereas a schematic narrative that focused on individual greed favoured the preference for retributive justice. These results are explained in terms of (...) the characteristics of expert historical narratives, which include structural elements, such as economic and institutional factors. The presence of these elements in the explanation of conflicts decreases the weight of individual decisions and, in this way, prevent ingroup attributional biases. (shrink)

En este artículo exploramos desde la literatura, por medio de Suenan timbres de Luis Vidales, la dinámica de las nacientes urbes colombianas que inician un proceso acelerado de modernización, carente de un desarrollo adecuado del pensamiento moderno, a la par con los nuevos avances materiales, lo que imposibilita debatir la pertinencia y el proceso de este tipo de transformaciones. Circunstancia que lleva a Colombia a experimentar los idiotismos de la modernización sin modernidad, impidiéndoles a los hombres entender las necesidades y (...) conflictos que genera el progreso. Estas aldeas de principios del siglo XX se convierten rápidamente en proyectos de ciudades determinadas por la aparición de nuevos objetos, creando una atmósfera móvil y ruidosa por oposición a la pasividad de las aldeas, realidad que nos recrea Vidales desde una poética comprometida con los cambios sociales y políticos como poeta de la crítica en Colombia. In this paper, from the literature of Luis Vidales’s Suenan timbres, we explore the dynamics of Colombian rising cities that initiate an accelerated modernization process, deprived of an appropriate development of modern thinking, along with the new material advances, which makes it impossible to debate the relevance and the process followed by these types of transformations. This situation leads Colombia to experience the idiotism of modernization without modernity, impeding men to understand the needs and conflicts generated by progress. These villages from twentieth century beginnings quickly turn into city projects determined by the arrival of new objects, creating a mobile and noisy atmosphere, opposed to villages’ passivity. From poetics committed to social and political change, Vidales recreates reality as a poet of criticism in Colombia. (shrink)

The text brings a reflection on pain and memory relationship from Colombian sculptor Doris Salcedos’s work Shibboleth, whose background is the current Colombian armed conflict. More precisely, it emphasizes on the relevance of memory in a community’s authentic historical configuration. Or, in Beuys’ words, showing the wounds is highly important when trying to find cure and healing for a serious ill society, bathed in a bloody conflict between those born there, a land that, like it or (...) not, it’s found to be common for all of us. (shrink)

There are many open questions concerning relationships between social subjects and armed actors in a context of prolonged violence. The collective actors and the role of autonomous actions are at issue. This situation is even more complex if we focus on a segment of the population: Colombian women, historically, have been excluded and victimized by the war in many ways. Exploring the framework of forced migration in Colombia, this paper analyzes claims made about recognition and inclusion and examines the (...) political strategies that emergent actors are attempting to implement. Women in a war context have developed holistic and empowered ways of resistance to create a space where self-determination is possible. Beyond the struggle for sheer survival, the everyday experience of conflict, interactions among diverse actors and the practices of the resistance show that women have an active role in mobilization and self-organization instead of being merely co-opted or submitted by the armed actors. (shrink)

Cet article prétend expliquer l'invisibilité relative du conflit armé colombien par rapport à d'autres situations de crise internationale. Au lieu de présupposer que le problème repose sur une faible médiatisation des événements rapportés à la Colombie, il se penche sur les tentatives de mise en sens des événements effectuées par les journalistes au moment de leur médiatisation. L'argument central est que l'opacité du « problème colombien » sur la scène internationale est surtout liée à la difficulté de parvenir à élaborer (...) un récit capable de rendre intelligible ce qui se passe en Colombie.This article tries to explain the relative invisibility of the Colombian armed conflict in relation to other international crisis situations. Instead assume that the problem lies in a low media coverage of events reported to the British, it focuses on the attempts of making sense of the events conducted by journalists at media coverage. The central argument is that the opacity of the "Colombian problem" on the international scene is mainly due to the difficulty of reaching to develop a story that can make sense of what is happening in Colombia. (shrink)

The purpose of this research paper is to do reflection on the importance of the preservation of the justice in the peace talks in Colombia for that serve the construction a better country and a better society of the post-conflict. To achieve it is necessary to revise the justice concepts of redress of Adam Smith and associate it with the concept of utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill as search for the general happiness. The investigation go to do a traceability (...) exhaustive of the Peace Accords in Colombia to compare them with those achieved by other societies of the post-conflict in two countries in Europe and one from Latin America. The research conclude in the need of a peace agreement respectful of the right victims and territories affected by the armed conflict. An agreement to reduce as far as possible the not social satisfactions about Colombian political and justice institutions in the future. (shrink)

Young children judge that violations of ordinary, causal constraints are impossible. Yet children’s religious beliefs typically include the assumption that such violations can occur via divine agency in the form of miracles. We conducted two studies to examine this potential conflict. In Study 1, we invited 5- and 6-year-old Colombian children attending either a secular or a religious school to judge what is and is not possible. Children made their judgments either following a minimal prompt or following a (...) reminder of God’s extraordinary powers. Irrespective of their education, and whether or not they had been reminded of God’s extraordinary powers, children systematically judged violations of ordinary, causal constraints to be impossible. In Study 2, we asked if more extensive reminders of God’s special powers would prompt religious children to say that the impossible can happen. Five- and 6-year-old Colombian children attending either a secular or a religious school were presented with narratives in which the protagonist desired an ordinarily impossible outcome. In half the stories, the protagonist prayed to God for the desired outcome. Irrespective of education and of whether the protagonist prayed, children systematically concluded that the desired outcome would not occur and justified that conclusion by reference to ordinary causal constraints. Nevertheless, in a minority of their replies children did assert that violations of ordinary causality are possible. Overall, irrespective of their religious education, young children judge that events rarely deviate from their natural course; only occasionally do they acknowledge exceptions. (shrink)

The article “Diálogos de paz en Colombia: una Mirada desde la justicia del resarcimiento”[1] holds that the end-of-conflict agreement signed by the Colombian government and the FARC does not bring any general utility; specially because of the absolute impunity that Transitional Justice implies. The deal is dubbed “utilitarian”, meaning that the agreement was made in the personal interests of those who intervened in it -Government and guerrilla-. In contrast, this article will defend the general utility of the agreement (...) and show that, although there are social costs, these were necessary to end the conflict. And they are more than offset in terms of general well-being by the outcome itself.------------------------[1] Article written by Ángel Emilio Muñoz Cardona and published by this journal in the vol. XXI/2 2017. (shrink)

The gender perspective theory is a framework that assists Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS) scholars and practitioners to develop less violent and more equal societies. In Colombia, this theory is under attack from Protestant Christian churches that have produced the category of gender ideology to delegitimize the gender perspective. In this article, we analyse the narratives used by members of the Protestant Christian churches and conservative political leaders in Colombia to create the category of gender ideology. This new concept (...) became a central element both in forging the identity of Protestant Christian congregations and in opposing the peace agreement reached by the Colombian government and FARC guerrillas. We discuss how family plays a significant role in the development of the gender ideology. Finally, we contend that gender ideology is a social category that is gaining ground in legal and academic circles in Colombia, forming an identity for Christian conservatives centered in a Manichean world that excludes people who traditionally have been marginalized in Colombian society. (shrink)

Young children judge that violations of ordinary, causal constraints are impossible. Yet children’s religious beliefs typically include the assumption that such violations can occur via divine agency in the form of miracles. We conducted two studies to examine this potential conflict. In Study 1, we invited 5- and 6-year-old Colombian children attending either a secular or a religious school to judge what is and is not possible. Children made their judgments either following a minimal prompt or following a (...) reminder of God’s extraordinary powers. Irrespective of their education, and whether or not they had been reminded of God’s extraordinary powers, children systematically judged violations of ordinary, causal constraints to be impossible. In Study 2, we asked if more extensive reminders of God’s special powers would prompt religious children to say that the impossible can happen. Five- and 6-year-old Colombian children attending either a secular or a religious school were presented with narratives in which the protagonist desired an ordinarily impossible outcome. In half the stories, the protagonist prayed to God for the desired outcome. Irrespective of education and of whether the protagonist prayed, children systematically concluded that the desired outcome would not occur and justified that conclusion by reference to ordinary causal constraints. Nevertheless, in a minority of their replies children did assert that violations of ordinary causality are possible. Overall, irrespective of their religious education, young children judge that events rarely deviate from their natural course; only occasionally do they acknowledge exceptions. (shrink)

Medellín has been a privileged subject in Colombian cinema. In films whose stories take place in Medellín and movies' plots that revolve around the production of Medellín’s space, themes like social exclusion and violence become representational elements associated to marginality and segregation, as well as to struggles over the control of the urban territory and its correlates expressed on female and male bodies. By drawing on emotional geography, this article examines these films to explain how Medellín is constructed visually (...) and discursively to elaborate stories based on segregation, exclusion along race and class, and the armed conflict that Colombia has experienced in its recent history, a conflict of which Medellín has been a battleground. Additionally, it becomes clear that social conflict in Medellín is a multi-scalar process. The ways in which political and social tensions have been experienced in the city—and their correlates in the production of urban spaces—are fundamentally shaped by the nature and structure of the urban territories where conflict materializes. In visual narratives, stories unfold at these multiple sites of urban conflict. These topics are representations built on dichotomies like inclusion/exclusion, center/periphery, and masculine/feminine, depicting Medellín as an ill city, an urban collection of geographies that suffer from an illness of which drug trafficking is its main cause and violence its main symptom. (shrink)

Este documento analiza cómo se presenta la deshumanización en los conflictos armados e intenta demostrar que, en la mayoría de los casos, lo ‘discursivo’ y lo ‘violento’ coexisten de modo que el ‘otro’ es una construcción difusa que cambia según el contexto. Como consecuencia, no puede establecerse una división clara entre ‘enemigo’ y ‘adversario’, por lo que debe aceptarse que dicha relación es mucho más compleja. Para esto, se revisa la historia del conflicto armado colombiano desde mediados del siglo XX, (...) usando la teoría posestructuralista del discurso de Chantal Mouffe y Ernesto Laclau, y el concepto de lo ‘político’ de Carl Schmitt. (shrink)

In Nicomachean Ethics VII, Aristotle offers an account of akrasia that purports to salvage the kernel of truth in the Socratic paradox that people act against what is best only through ignorance. Despite Aristotle’s apparent confidence in having identified the sense in which Socrates was right about akrasia, we are left puzzling over Aristotle’s own account, and the extent to which he agrees with Socrates. The most fundamental interpretive question concerns the sense in which Aristotle takes the akratic to be (...) ignorant. The received view in the literature has been the intellectualist interpretation, which takes akratic agents to be so ignorant of the wrongness of what they do as to be unaware of it. In recent decades, many scholars have identified serious problems in this interpretation and have moved towards the non-intellectualist reading, the strong version of which takes clearheaded akrasia to be possible. There is, however, a glaring shortage of discussion of the difficulties facing the strong... (shrink)

Public discourse is often caustic and conflict-filled. This trend seems to be particularly evident when the content of such discourse is around moral issues (broadly defined) and when the discourse occurs on social media. Several explanatory mechanisms for such conflict have been explored in recent psychological and social-science literatures. The present work sought to examine a potentially novel explanatory mechanism defined in philosophical literature: Moral Grandstanding. According to philosophical accounts, Moral Grandstanding is the use of moral talk to (...) seek social status. For the present work, we conducted six studies, using two undergraduate samples (Study 1, N = 361; Study 2, N = 356); a sample matched to U.S. norms for age, gender, race, income, Census region (Study 3, N = 1,063); a YouGov sample matched to U.S. demographic norms (Study 4, N = 2,000); and a brief, one-month longitudinal study of Mechanical Turk workers in the U.S. (Study 5, Baseline N = 499, follow-up n = 296), and a large, one-week YouGov sample matched to U.S. demographic norms (Baseline N = 2,519, follow-up n = 1,776). Across studies, we found initial support for the validity of Moral Grandstanding as a construct. Specifically, moral grandstanding motivation was associated with status-seeking personality traits, as well as greater political and moral conflict in daily life. (shrink)

Territorial disputes have defined modern politics, but political theorists and philosophers have said little about how to resolve such disputes fairly. Is it even possible to do so? If historical attachments or divine promises are decisive, it may not be. More significant than these largely subjective claims are the ways in which people interact with land over time. Building from this insight, Avery Kolers evaluates existing political theories and develops an attractive alternative. He presents a novel link between political legitimacy (...) and environmental stewardship, and applies these ideas in an extended and balanced discussion of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. The result is the first systematic normative theory of territory, and an impressive example of applied philosophy. In addition to political theorists and philosophers, scholars and students of sociology, international relations, and human geography will find this book rewarding, as will anyone with wider interests in territory and justice. (shrink)

Objective: To identify the frequency and nature of care conflict dilemmas that United States long-term care providers encounter, response strategies, and use of ethics resources to assist with dispute resolution. Design: An online cross-sectional survey was distributed to the Society for Post-Acute and Long-Term Care Medicine (AMDA). Results: Two-thirds of participants, primarily medical directors, have rejected surrogate instructions and 71% have managed family conflict. Conflict over treatment decisions and issues interpreting advance directives were frequently reported. Half of (...) facilities lack a formal dispute mediation policy. Only five respondents have called an ethics consult for assistance. Conclusion: Ethically tense care conflicts commonly arise in long-term and post-acute care facilities. Few facility procedures incorporate ethics resources into actual practice. Recommendations are made to create actionable policy, increase access to ethics services, and support staff skill development in order to improve the end-of-life care experiences for patients, families, and care facility staff. (shrink)

In recent years, a lot of academic attention has been paid to the public discussion on ‘Black Pete’ (Zwarte Piet) in the Low Countries. Black Pete is a much-debated blackface character which is part of the Saint-Nicholas tradition – a yearly festive event taking place at the beginning of December associated with gifts and celebration. ‘Tradition’ versus ‘racism’ seem to be the main arguments in the debate. The current study analyses the debate as it evolved in Flanders from 2012 until (...) 2022, applying Critical Discourse Analysis to find out how the thinking about the event and the Black Pete character, as reflected in the newspapers, changed over a decade. Our sample consists of 143 articles from the four most read newspapers in Flanders (De Standaard, De Morgen, Het Laatste Nieuws, Het Nieuwsblad). All journalistic genres were included, news reports as well as opinion articles, but also readers’ letters. Based on an analysis of naming, modality and evidentiality (Fairclough [2013]. Critical discourse analysis: The critical study of language. Routledge; Halliday [1994]. An introduction to functional grammar. Arnold), we illustrate and demonstrate how the tone of the debate gradually changed from a discourse of conflict into a discourse of moderation and appeasement. (shrink)