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  1. added 2019-01-21
    The European Public(s) and its Problems.Axel Mueller - 2015 - In Hauke Brunkhorst, Charlotte Gaitanides & Gerhard Grözinger (eds.), Europe at a Crossroad. From Currency Union to Political and Economic Governance? Baden-Baden, Germany: pp. 19-59.
    I present three versions –Grimm, Offe and Streeck—of a general argument that is often used to establish that the EU-institutions meets a legitimacy-disabling condition, the so called “no demos” argument (II), embedding them in the context of the notorious “democratic deficit” suspicions against the legal system and practice of the EU (I). After examining the logical structure behind the no-demos intuition considered as an argument (III), I present principled reasons by Möllers and Habermas that show why the “no demos” argument (...)
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  2. added 2019-01-18
    Why a World State is Unavoidable in Planetary Defense: On Loopholes in the Vision of a Cosmopolitan Governance.Pavel Dufek - 2019 - In Nikola Schmidt (ed.), Planetary Defense: Global Collaboration for Defending Earth from Asteroids and Comet. Cham: pp. 375–399.
    The main claim of this chapter is that planetary defense against asteroids cannot be implemented under a decentralized model of democratic global governance, as espoused elsewhere in this book. All relevant indices point to the necessity of establishing a centralized global political authority with legitimate coercive powers. It remains to be seen, however, whether such a political system can be in any recognizable sense democratic. It seems unconvincing that planetary-wide physical-threat, all-comprehensive macrosecuritization, coupled with deep transformations of international law, global (...)
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  3. added 2019-01-13
    Indirect Instrumentalism About Political Legitimacy.Matthias Brinkmann - forthcoming - Moral Philosophy and Politics.
    Political instrumentalism claims that the right to rule should be distributed such that justice is promoted best. Building on a distinction made by consequentialists in moral philosophy, I argue that instrumentalists should distinguish two levels of normative thinking about legitimacy, the critical and applied level. An indirect instrumentalism which acknowledges this distinction has significant advantages over simpler forms of instrumentalism that do not.
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  4. added 2019-01-01
    Die Rationalität eingefrorener Konflikte.Julian Fink - 2018 - Spektrum 2018 (2).
    Der Arktikel beschreibt die Logik des "eingefrorenen" Konflikts zwischen der Republik Moldau und der selbsternannten „Pridnestrowische Moldauischen Republik“ ("Transnistrien"). Bezugnehmend auf die strategischen Optionen der beteiligten Akteure wird erklärt warum der seit 1992 bestehende Konflikt zu keiner Lösung findet.
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  5. added 2018-12-10
    Must Politics Be War? Restoring Our Trust in the Open Society.Kevin Vallier - 2019 - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    Americans today are far less likely to trust their institutions, and each other, than in decades past. This collapse in social and political trust arguably fuels our increasingly ferocious ideological conflicts and hardened partisanship. Many believe that our previously high levels of trust and bipartisanship were a pleasant anomaly and that we now live under the historic norm. Seen this way, politics itself is nothing more than a power struggle between groups with irreconcilable aims: contemporary American politics is war because (...)
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  6. added 2018-12-03
    Public Reason, Compromise Within Consensus, and Legitimacy.Chong-Ming Lim - 2018 - In Nurdane Şimsek, Stephen Snyder & Manuel Knoll (eds.), New Perspectives on Distributive Justice: Deep Disagreements, Pluralism, and the Problem of Consensus. De Gruyter. pp. 225-242.
    A central idea of public reason liberalism is that the exercise of political power is legitimate when supported only by reasons which all citizens accept. Public reason serves as a necessary standard for evaluating the legitimacy of political decisions. In this paper, I examine the directive to employ public reason from the citizens’ perspective. I suggest that employing public reason potentially involves them engaging in different types of compromise. I consider how acknowledging these compromises sheds light on public reason liberalism. (...)
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  7. added 2018-11-18
    The Concept of Legitimacy.N. P. Adams - manuscript
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  8. added 2018-11-09
    Can the Rule of Law Apply at the Border?: A Commentary on Paul Gowder’s the Rule of Law in the Real World.Matthew J. Lister - 2018 - Saint Louis University Law Journal 62 (2):332-32.
    The border is an area where the rule of law has often found difficulty taking root, existing as law-free zones characterized by largely unbounded legal and administrative discretion. In his important new book, The Rule of Law in the Real World, Paul Gowder deftly combines historical examples, formal models, legal analysis, and philosophical theory to provide a novel and compelling account of the rule of law. In this paper I consider whether the account Gowder offers can provide the tools needed (...)
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  9. added 2018-10-10
    Legitimacy and Institutional Purpose.N. P. Adams - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    Institutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. (...)
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  10. added 2018-09-28
    Two Conceptions of Legitimacy: A Response to Fabian Wendt’s Moralist Critique of Political Realism.Uğur Aytaç - 2017 - Kriterion - Journal of Philosophy 31 (3):57-76.
    Fabian Wendt argues that political realism is not capable of explaining how the state’s moral right to rule over its subjects is generated. I believe that Wendt’s criticism is not sound because his position relies on the false implicit assumption that realism and moralism ask the same philosophical questions on state authority. I contend that it is fallacious to evaluate the realist account of legitimacy by the standards of moralism, and vice versa, as these two accounts arrive at different conceptions (...)
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  11. added 2018-09-18
    The Power of Public Positions: Official Roles in Kantian Legitimacy.Thomas Sinclair - 2018 - In David Sobel, Steven Wall & Peter Vallentyne (eds.), Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy, volume 4. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  12. added 2018-09-07
    The Limits of Democratic Persuasion.Carl Fox - 2016 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche 6 (1).
  13. added 2018-09-07
    Legitimacy, Democracy, and Razian Authority.Scott Hershovitz - 2003 - Legal Theory 9 (3):201-220.
  14. added 2018-09-06
    Political Legitimacy Under Epistemic Constraints : Why Public Reasons Matter.Fabienne Peter - forthcoming - In Melissa Schwartzberg (ed.), Political Legitimacy.
    My aim in this paper is to provide an epistemological argument for why public reasons matter for political legitimacy. A key feature of the public reason conception of legitimacy is that political decisions must be justified to the citizens. Critics of the public reason conception, by contrast, argue that political legitimacy depends on justification simpliciter. Another way to put the point is that the critics of the public reason conception take the justification of political decisions to be based on reasons (...)
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  15. added 2018-08-22
    Self-Determination, Dissent, and the Problem of Population Transfers.Matthew Lister - 2016 - In Fernando R. Tesón (ed.), The Theory of Self-Determination. Cambridge University Press. pp. 145-165.
    Many of the major self-determination movements of the 20th and early 21st Centuries did not go smoothly, but resulted in forced or semi-forced transfers of groups of people from one country to another. Forced population transfers are not, of course, supported by major theorists of self-determination and secession. However, the problems that make population transfers extremely common in actual cases of self-determination and secession, are not squarely faced in many theories of self-determination. And, I shall argue, certain leading theories of (...)
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  16. added 2018-08-22
    The Place of Persecution and Non-State Action in Refugee Protection.Matthew Lister - 2016 - In Alex Sager (ed.), The Ethics and Politics of Immigration: Core Issues and Emerging Trends. Lanham, MD, USA: Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 45-60.
    Crises of forced migration are, unfortunately, nothing new. At the time of the writing of this paper, at least two such crises were in full swing – mass movements from the Middle East and parts of Africa to the E.U., and major movements from Central America to the Southern U.S. border, including movements by large numbers of families and unaccompanied minors. These movements are complex, with multiple causes, and it is always risky to attempt to craft either general policy or (...)
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  17. added 2018-08-22
    Citizenship, in the Immigration Context.Matthew Lister - 2010 - University of Maryland Law Review 70:175.
    Many international law scholars have begun to argue that the modern world is experiencing a "decline of citizenship," and that citizenship is no longer an important normative category. On the contrary, this paper argues that citizenship remains an important category and, consequently, one that implicates considerations of justice. I articulate and defend a "civic" notion of citizenship, one based explicitly on political values rather than shared demographic features like nationality, race, or culture. I use this premise to argue that a (...)
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  18. added 2018-08-14
    The Just State as a Round Square.Alison Jaggar - 1972 - Dialogue 11 (4):580-583.
  19. added 2018-08-01
    Jason Frank, Momentos constituyentes: paradojas y poder popular en los Estados Unidos de América posrevolucionarios [traducción].Facundo Bey & Jason Frank - 2012 - Revista Argentina de Ciencia Política EUDEBA 15:49-74.
    Los teóricos de la democracia dejaron de lado la pregunta de quién legalmente forma parte del "pueblo" autorizado, pregunta que atraviesa a todas las teoría de la democracia y continuamente vivifica la práctica democrática. Determinar quién constituye el pueblo es un dilema inabordable e incluso imposible de responder democráticamente; no es una pregunta que el pueblo mismo pueda decidir procedimentalmente porque la propia premisa subvierte las premisas de su resolución. Esta paradoja del mandato popular revela que el pueblo para ser (...)
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  20. added 2018-07-20
    Authority.Fabian Wendt - 2018 - Cambridge: Polity Press.
    From citizens paying taxes to employees following their bosses’ orders and kids obeying their parents, we take it for granted that a whole range of authorities have the power to impose duties on others. However, although authority is often accepted in practice, it looks philosophically problematic if we conceive persons as free and as equals. -/- In this short and accessible book, Fabian Wendt examines the basis of authority, discussing five prominent theories that try to explain how claims to authority (...)
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  21. added 2018-07-20
    Politische Autorität: Eine Einführung.Fabian Wendt - 2018 - Münster: Mentis.
    Staaten beanspruchen für sich das Recht, Gesetze geben und mit Zwangsgewalt durchsetzen zu dürfen. Doch unter welchen Bedingungen haben sie dieses Recht tatsächlich? -/- Das ist die grundlegendste Frage der Politischen Philosophie. Obwohl wir die Autoritätsansprüche des Staates oft als selbstverständlich hinnehmen, erscheinen sie moralisch durchaus fragwürdig, wenn man Personen als frei und gleich begreift. Wie können wenige Parlamentsmitglieder das Recht haben, für Millionen Menschen verbindliche Gesetze zu erlassen? Wie können Polizeibeamte und Richter das Recht haben, diese Gesetze gegenüber Personen (...)
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  22. added 2018-06-15
    What Are Basic Liberties?Attila Tanyi & Stephen K. McLeod - manuscript
    Two moral powers are central to Rawls’s approach to specifying the basic liberties: the capacity for a sense of justice and the capacity for a conception of the good. The fundamental case in which the first capacity is exercised is in “the application of the principles of justice to the basic structure and its social policies”. The fundamental case in which the second capacity is exercised is in “forming, revising, and rationally pursuing such a conception over a complete life”. Rawls (...)
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  23. added 2018-06-08
    Dismantling Democratic States. [REVIEW]James Mahon - 2005 - The Review of Politics 67:153-155.
    In this review of Ezra Suleiman's book I explain his argument that democracies need independent professional bureaucracies with Weberian "impersonal" authority, and that the greatest threat to the authority of government and the health of democracy is the trend towards turning bureaucracy into an instrument of the governing political party of the day.
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  24. added 2018-06-01
    XIV—The Truth in Political Instrumentalism.Daniel Viehoff - 2017 - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 117 (3):273-295.
    How can one person’s having political power over another be justified? This essay explores the idea that such justifications must be in an important sense derivative, and that this ‘Derivative Justification Constraint’ bars certain justifications widely endorsed in political and philosophical debates. After critically discussing the most prominent extant articulations of the Constraint (associated with a view often called ‘political instrumentalism’), the essay offers a novel account of what precisely the Constraint bars (in short: justification by appeal to non-derivative goods (...)
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  25. added 2018-05-30
    Founding Acts: Constitutional Origins in a Democratic Age by Serdar Tekin. [REVIEW]Christopher Zurn - 2018 - The Review of Politics 80 (1):164-167.
  26. added 2018-05-22
    Autonomy, Authority, and Anarchy.James Humphries - 2017 - Dissertation, University of Glasgow
    The problem of the ‘mountain man’, the caricature of self-sufficiency and individualism, is not a new one for autonomy theorists. It seems plausible that there is genuine value in self-direction according to one’s deeply-held principles. If autonomy involves something like this, then anyone concerned with autonomy as a social rather than individualistic phenomenon must explain what the mountain man gets wrong when he denies that his autonomy admits of being placed under obligations to others. In particular, the mountain man challenges (...)
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  27. added 2018-05-22
    Why the Intrinsic Value of Public Goods Matters.Avigail Ferdman - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-16.
    Existing accounts of public-goods distribution rely on the existence of solidarity for providing non-universal public goods, such as the humanities or national parks. There are three fundamental problems with these accounts: they ignore instances of social fragmentation; they treat preferences for public goods as morally benign, and they assume that these preferences are the only relevant moral consideration. However, not all citizens unanimously require public goods such as the humanities or national parks. Public-goods distribution that is based only on citizens’ (...)
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  28. added 2018-04-28
    Strategies for Advancing Evolution.John E. Stewart - manuscript
    As detailed in The Evolutionary Manifesto and Evolution’s Arrow, an understanding of the large-scale processes that govern the evolution of life is capable of making sense of human existence. This evolutionary worldview is revealing that we are not just meaningless accidents in a universe that is indifferent to our existence. Instead it shows that humanity has a critical role to play in the future evolution of life on this planet and in the universe. -/- But what specifically do we need (...)
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  29. added 2018-03-05
    Intencionálně Nový Způsob Myšlení o Volbách.Thom Brooks - 2004 - Filosoficky Casopis 52:483-488.
  30. added 2018-02-17
    A Moral Theory of Political Reconciliation.Colleen Murphy - 2010 - New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Following extended periods of conflict or repression, political reconciliation is indispensable to the establishment or restoration of democratic relationships and critical to the pursuit of peacemaking globally. In this book, Colleen Murphy offers an innovative analysis of the moral problems plaguing political relationships under the strain of civil conflict and repression. Focusing on the unique moral damage that attends the deterioration of political relationships, Murphy identifies the precise kinds of repair and transformation that processes of political reconciliation ought to promote. (...)
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  31. added 2018-02-16
    Proceduralism and the Epistemic Dilemma of Supreme Courts.Federica Liveriero & Daniele Santoro - 2017 - Social Epistemology 31 (3):310-323.
    Proceduralists hold that democracy has a non-instrumental value consisting in the ideal of equality incorporated by fair procedures. Yet, proceduralism does not imply that every outcome of a democratic procedure is fair per se. In the non-ideal setting of constitutional democracies, government and legislative decisions may result from factional conflicts, or depend on majoritarian dictatorships. In these circumstances, Supreme Courts provide a guardianship against contested outcomes by enacting mechanisms of checks and balances, constitutional interpretation and judicial review. Yet, in virtue (...)
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  32. added 2018-02-16
    Pure Epistemic Proceduralism.Fabienne Peter - 2008 - Episteme: A Journal of Social Epistemology 5 (1):33-55.
    In this paper I defend a pure proceduralist conception of legitimacy that applies to epistemic democracy. This conception, which I call pure epistemic proceduralism, does not depend on procedure-independent standards for good outcomes and relies on a proceduralist epistemology. It identifies a democratic decision as legitimate if it is the outcome of a process that satisfies certain conditions of political and epistemic fairness. My argument starts with a rejection of instrumentalism–the view that political equality is only instrumentally valuable. I reject (...)
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  33. added 2018-02-16
    Rawls' Idea of Public Reason and Democratic Legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2007 - Politics and Ethics Review 3 (1):129-143.
    Critics and defenders of Rawls' idea of public reason have tended to neglect the relationship between this idea and his conception of democratic legitimacy. I shall argue that Rawls' idea of public reason can be interpreted in two different ways, and that the two interpretations support two different conceptions of legitimacy. What I call the substantive interpretation of Rawls' idea of public reason demands that it applies not just to the process of democratic decision-making, but that it extends to the (...)
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  34. added 2018-02-16
    The Political Egalitarian’s Dilemma.Fabienne Peter - 2007 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 10 (4):373-387.
    Political egalitarianism is at the core of most normative conceptions of democratic legitimacy. It finds its minimal expression in the "one person one vote" formula. In the literature on deliberative democracy, political equality is typically interpreted in a more demanding sense, but different interpretations of what political equality requires can be identified. In this paper I shall argue that the attempt to specify political equality in deliberative democracy is affected by a dilemma. I shall illustrate the political egalitarian's dilemma by (...)
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  35. added 2017-10-03
    La società internazionale e il problema della legittimazione del diritto internazionale penale.Elisa Orrù - 2009 - In Silvia Maria Pizzetti (ed.), La storia e la teoria della vita internazionale. Interpretazioni e discussioni. Milano: Unicopli. pp. 153-166.
    Il diritto internazionale penale è un fenomeno relativamente recente della vita internazionale ed è una disciplina tuttora in formazione. La sua nascita e il suo sviluppo hanno suscitato grande interesse nella comunità scientifica, perchè il trasferimento, seppur parziale, del potere punitivo dallo Stato a organismi internazionali è una novità assoluta della struttura politico-giuridica dei rapporti internazionali. Il trasferimento della competenza penale dalla sfera nazionale alla sfera internazionale è realizzato, secondo l'argomento giustificativo che sostiene la creazioni dei tribunali penali internazionali, in (...)
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  36. added 2017-10-03
    Sovranità e giustizia internazionale: il rapporto tra Unione Europea e Corte Penale Internazionale.Elisa Orrù - 2005 - Teoria Politica 21 (3):59-72.
    The European Union and the International Criminal Court are two of the most original and interesting elements of the contemporary international situation. Both of them are the result of a delicate balance between ethical issues and political interests and, consequently, institute a complex relationship with states' sovereignty. Their common ground of values has brought the European Union to sustain the International Criminal Court since its preparatory works. Through the analysis of the most significant documents and the ways of the cooperation (...)
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  37. added 2017-09-20
    The Schengen Information System and Data Retention. On Surveillance, Security and Legitimacy in the European Union.Elisa Orrù - 2017 - In Elisa Orrù, Maria Grazia Porcedda & Sebastian Weydner-Volkmann (eds.), Rethinking Surveillance and Control. Beyond the 'Security vs. Privacy' Debate. Baden-Baden: Nomos. pp. 115-136.
    As a technique of social control based on the collection of information, surveillance has been a central instrument of any administrative power since the modern era. Surveillance, however, can be carried out in different ways and these can provide important information on the basic features of a particular political system. Indeed, the introduction of surveillance measures has an impact on key relationships of a political system, such as liberty and security, autonomy and authority. When a political system is, like the (...)
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  38. added 2017-09-16
    The Relational Conception of Practical Authority.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Law and Philosophy 37 (5):549-575.
    I argue for a new conception of practical authority based on an analysis of the relationship between authority and subject. Commands entail a demand for practical deference, which establishes a relationship of hierarchy and vulnerability that involves a variety of signals and commitments. In order for these signals and commitments to be justified, the subject must be under a preexisting duty, the authority’s commands must take precedence over the subject’s judgment regarding fulfillment of that duty, the authority must accept the (...)
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  39. added 2017-08-25
    The Democratic Legitimacy of Bias Crime Laws: Public Reason and the Political Process.Andrew Altman - 2001 - Law and Philosophy 20 (2):141-173.
  40. added 2017-08-18
    Tolerating Hate in the Name of Democracy.Amanda Greene & Robert Mark Simpson - 2017 - Modern Law Review 80 (4):746-65.
    This article offers a comprehensive and critical analysis of Eric Heinze’s book Hate Speech and Democratic Citizenship (Oxford University Press, 2016). Heinze’s project is to formulate and defend a more theoretically complex version of the idea (also defended by people like Ronald Dworkin and James Weinstein) that general legal prohibitions on hate speech in public discourse compromises the state’s democratic legitimacy. We offer a detailed synopsis of Heinze’s view, highlighting some of its distinctive qualities and strengths. We then develop a (...)
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  41. added 2017-08-10
    Istituzione e funzionamento della Corte penale internazionale.Elisa Orrù - 2012 - In La giustizia internazionale. Un profilo storico-politico dall'arbitrato alla Corte penale. Roma: Carocci. pp. 233-257.
  42. added 2017-08-09
    Suverenitet U Savremeno Doba.Jovana Ciric - 2008 - Filozofija I Društvo 19 (1):191-216.
    Le sujet de ce texte est le problème des limites et des transformations de la souveraineté nationale aux XXe et XIe siècles, à l'égard de l'association des Etats -Nations aux organisations internationales et aux alliances militaires et à l'égard des phénomènes transnationaux supranationaux et de la mondialisation. L'interdépendance des Etats associés diminue leur indépendance et l'expansion des phénomènes transnationaux échappe au contrôle de l'Etat - Nation. La souveraineté nationale est mise en question et il faut la réexaminer. D'abord nous nous (...)
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  43. added 2017-08-03
    The Transcivilisational Perspective and the Universalism of the International Criminal Court.Elisa Orrù - 2014 - Storia Del Pensiero Politico 3 (2):285-310.
    The International Criminal Court (ICC) seems to have finally realized the ending legal globalists have long yearned for: a potentially universal, centralized and permanent court, able to enforce international humanitarian law without the mediation of the state. A legal system of mankind seems now more possible than ever before. The universalistic claim of the ICC, I contend in this article, is nevertheless potentially biased by a West-centric prejudice. Critically drawing on the transcivilizational perspective suggested by Onuma Yasuaki, I propose to (...)
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  44. added 2017-08-03
    Fuori dall’«occidente»: prospettive «asiatiche» sulla legittimità internazionale.Elisa Orrù - 2012 - In Alessandro Colombo (ed.), Crisi della legittimità e ordine internazionale. Lo scontro sui principi costitutivi della giustizia internazionale. Milano: Guerini e Associati. pp. 155-168.
    Il concetto di legittimità è al tempo stesso definito e indefinito, chiaro e sfuggente. Da un lato, esso evoca immediatamente e spontaneamente un sentimento di approvazione, perché chiaramente collegato nel linguaggio comune a un giudizio valutativo positivo. Dall’altro lato, se analizzato da vicino, il suo contenuto appare sfuggente, polisemico, controverso. Questo ne fa una categoria potente dal punto di vista politico ed estremamente affascinante da un punto di vista scientifico. Nelle pagine seguenti verranno analizzate le teorie di tre autori che (...)
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  45. added 2017-08-02
    Legitimacy and Justice in Republican Perspective.Philip Pettit - 2012 - Current Legal Problems 65:59-82.
    Let justice be a feature of the social order imposed by a state and legitimacy a feature of how it is imposed: one that makes the imposition acceptable. This article argues that, so understood, legitimacy is quite a distinct concern from justice; that the core concern is with showing how state coercion is consistent with people’s being free citizens; that this does not require showing that the state exists by consensus or contract; that the best hope of satisfying the concern (...)
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  46. added 2017-07-31
    Sorveglianza e potere nella Unione Europea.Elisa Orrù - 2015 - Filosofia Politica 29 (3):459-474.
    Surveillance, understood as the collection of information about populations for supervision purposes, is a critical technique of social control. As such, it can reveal important features of the power that exercises it. The article analyses two contemporary surveillance measures in Europe: the Schengen Information System and the Directive 2006/24/EC on data retention. The analysis aims to identify the structural characteristics of the changing power of the EU and the role security plays in it. The main thesis is that security is (...)
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  47. added 2017-07-09
    Teze o Přelití V Participativní Demokracii: Empirická Relevance a Normativní Udržitelnost [The Spillover Thesis in Participatory Democratic Theory: Empirical Relevance and Normative Defensibility].Jan Čambora & Pavel Dufek - 2016 - Czech Political Science Review 22 (2):75–102.
    The paper focuses on the “spillover thesis” which constitutes a pillar of much of contemporary participatory democratic theory; specifically, we assess the claim that workplace democratization leads to a higher degree of political participation amongst labourers. The paper analyses the thesis as formulated by Carole Pateman, including its later revisions triggered by ambiguous results of empirical studies aiming to (dis)prove it. The spillover thesis is then confronted with important methodological and theoretical critiques, the upshot being that in order to be (...)
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  48. added 2017-06-14
    A Fair Play Account of Legitimate Political Authority.Justin Tosi - 2017 - Legal Theory 23 (1):55-67.
    There is an emerging consensus among political philosophers that state legitimacy involves something more than—or perhaps other than—political obligation. Yet the principle of fair play, which many take to be a promising basis for political obligation, has been largely absent from discussions of the revised conception of legitimacy. This paper shows how the principle of fair play can generate legitimate political authority by drawing on a neglected feature of the principle—its stipulation that members of a cooperative scheme must reciprocate specifically (...)
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  49. added 2017-04-28
    Pratiques Chrétiennes Pour le Vivre-Ensemble Dans des Démocraties Plurielles, L’Église Et L’État Selon Augustin.Manuel Lencastre Cardoso - 2017 - Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 73 (1):101-132.
    The variety of religious communities present in today’s western-European countries, and their subsequent political impact, urgently calls for a new model of articulation between church and state, religion and politics. This essay makes some suggestions for one such model based on Saint Augustine’s sermons and letters. In those writings, Augustine shows us the everyday political practices of his Christian community – practices based on which this article proposes a model where both the religious communities are entitled to be present in (...)
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  50. added 2017-04-08
    Institutional Legitimacy.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy:84-102.
    Political legitimacy is best understood as one type of a broader notion, which I call institutional legitimacy. An institution is legitimate in my sense when it has the right to function. The right to function correlates to a duty of non-interference. Understanding legitimacy in this way favorably contrasts with legitimacy understood in the traditional way, as the right to rule correlating to a duty of obedience. It helps unify our discourses of legitimacy across a wider range of practices, especially including (...)
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