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  1. Moral Principles and Political Obligations. [REVIEW]Philip Abbott - 1980 - Political Theory 8 (4):568-570.
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  2. Democratic Legitimacy and State Coercion: A Reply to David Miller.A. Abizadeh - 2010 - Political Theory 38 (1):121-130.
  3. On the Demos and its Kin: Nationalism, Democracy, and the Boundary Problem.Arash Abizadeh - 2012 - American Political Science Review 106 (4):867-882.
    Cultural-nationalist and democratic theory both seek to legitimize political power via collective self-rule: their principle of legitimacy refers right back to the very persons over whom political power is exercised. But such self-referential theories are incapable of jointly solving the distinct problems of legitimacy and boundaries, which they necessarily combine, once it is assumed that the self-ruling collectivity must be a pre-political, in-principle bounded, ground of legitimacy. Cultural nationalism claims that political power is legitimate insofar as it expresses the nation’s (...)
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  4. Against Plutocracies: Fighting Political Corruption.Harry Adams - 2008 - Constellations 15 (1):126-147.
  5. Castoriadis and the Non-Subjective Field: Social Doing, Instituting Society and Political Imaginaries.Suzi Adams - 2013 - Critical Horizons 13 (1):29 - 51.
    Cornelius Castoriadis understood history as a self-creating order. In turn, he elaborated history in two directions: as the political project of autonomy, and as the ontological modality of the social-historical. On his account, history as self-creation was only possible through the interplay of social (or political) imaginaries and social doing. Although social imaginaries are readily situated within the non-subjective field, non-subjective modes of doing have been less explored. Yet non-subjective contexts are integral to both the “doing” and “imaginary” dimensions of (...)
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  6. Review of Robert B. Talisse's Democracy and Moral Conflict. [REVIEW]Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij - forthcoming - Philosophical Quarterly.
  7. Islam, Secularism and Liberal Democracy: Toward a Democratic Theory for Muslim Societies by Nader Hashemi, 2009. [REVIEW]Hamid Algar - 2010 - Journal of Shi‘a Islamic Studies 3:344-347.
  8. Divide and Rule Better: On Subsidiarity, Legitimacy and the Epistemic Aim of Political Decision‐Making.Yann Allard‐Tremblay - 2016 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 33 (2):n/a-n/a.
    How should a political society be structured so as to legitimately distribute political power? One principle advanced to answer this question is the principle of subsidiarity. According to this principle, the default locus of political power is with the lowest competent political unit. This article argues that subsidiarity is a structural principle of a conception of political legitimacy informed by epistemic considerations. Broadly, the argument is that political societies organised according to the principle of subsidiarity can more effectively achieve political (...)
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  9. The Democratic Legitimacy of Bias Crime Laws: Public Reason and the Political Process. [REVIEW]A. Altman - 2001 - Law and Philosophy 20 (2):141-173.
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  10. Philosophy of the United States Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.Gordon L. Anderson - 2004 -
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  11. Legitimacy Without the Duty to Obey.Arthur Isak Applbaum - 2010 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 38 (3):215-239.
    This article aims to make conceptual room for a view about political legitimacy called the power-liability account. The view claims that politi- cal legitimacy is a form of normative power that entails moral liability, but not necessarily a moral claim-right that entails moral duty. The power-liability account supports appealing interpretations of justified civil disobedience in the face of legitimate but unjust law at home and of justified human rights interventions that violate legitimate international law abroad. I argue here only for (...)
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  12. Democratic Legitimacy and Official Discretion.Arthur Isak Applbaum - 1992 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 21 (3):240-274.
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  13. Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy.Richard J. Arneson - 2003 - Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):122–132.
  14. In Defense of Discretionary Association Theories of Political Legitimacy: Reply to Buchanan.Marcus Arvan - 2009 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Allen Buchanan has argued that a widely defended view of the nature of the state – the view that the state is a discretionary association for the mutual advantage of its members – must be rejected because it cannot adequately account for moral requirements of humanitarian intervention. This paper argues that Buchanan’s objection is unsuccessful,and moreover, that discretionary association theories can preserve an important distinction that Buchanan’s alternative approach to political legitimacy cannot: the distinction between “internal” legitimacy (a state’s ability (...)
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  15. Book Review:Anarchy or Government? An Inquiry in Fundamental Politics. William Mackintire Salter. [REVIEW]W. J. Ashley - 1896 - Ethics 6 (3):395-.
  16. Self-Direction and Political Legitimacy: Rousseau and Herder.F. M. Barnard - 1988 - Oxford University.
    Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) has been called the German Rousseau. Yet while Rousseau is recognized as a political thinker, Herder is not. This book explores each thinker's ideas--on nature and culture, selfhood and mutuality, paternalism, freedom, and autonomy--and compares their conceptions of legitimate statehood. Arguing that the crux of political legitimacy for both men was the possibility of "extended selfhood," Barnard shows that Herder, like Rousseau, profoundly altered human self-understandings, thus influencing modes of justifying political allegiance.
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  17. Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power.Frederick M. Barnard - 2003 - Mcgill-Queen's University Press.
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  18. Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power.Frederick M. Barnard - 2001 - Mcgill-Queen's University Press.
    Barnard argues that Western democracy, if it is to continue to exist as a legitimate political system, must maintain the integrity of its application of performative principles. Consequently, if both social and political democracy are legitimate goals, limitations designed to curb excessive political power may also be applicable in containing excessive economic power. Barnard stresses that whatever steps are taken to augment civic reciprocity, the observance and self-imposition of publicly recognized standards is vital. Democratic Legitimacy will appeal to political scientists (...)
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  19. The Deconstitutionalization of America: The Forgotten Frailties of Democratic Rule.Roger M. Barrus, John H. Eastby, Joseph H. Lane, David E. Marion & James F. Pontuso - 2004 - Lexington Books.
    The American Constitution held out the hope that ordinary people were capable of deciding their own fates, and in doing so it immeasurably elevated the dignity of common people. The organization and interplay of the parts that comprise the whole American government exist to provide people the opportunity to govern themselves and, at the same time, reveal the limits of democratic self-rule. The forgetting of these limits is not only destructive to the constitution but the nation as a whole.
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  20. Foucault and Political Reason: Liberalism, Neo-Liberalism, and Rationalities of Government.Andrew Barry, Thomas Osborne & Nikolas S. Rose (eds.) - 1996 - University of Chicago Press.
    Despite the enormous influence of Michel Foucault in gender studies, social theory, and cultural studies, his work has been relatively neglected in the study of politics. Although he never published a book on the state, in the late 1970s Foucault examined the technologies of power used to regulate society and the ingenious recasting of power and agency that he saw as both consequence and condition of their operation. These twelve essays provide a critical introduction to Foucault's work on politics, exploring (...)
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  21. Freedom, Law and Authority: The State and Legitimacy.Norman Barry - 1988 - Royal Institute of Philosophy Lectures 24:191-206.
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  22. Globalizing the Democratic Community.Jens Bartelson - 2008 - Ethics and Global Politics 1 (4):159-174.
    This article discusses the problem of global democracy, and why democratic legitimacy seems so difficult to attain at the global level. I start by arguing that the difficulties we experience when we try to widen the scope of democratic governance beyond the boundaries of individual states have nothing to do with the characteristics of global society, but result from the underlying assumption that a political community has to be bounded and based on consent in order for democratic legitimacy to be (...)
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  23. A Constitution as an Act of Positivation of the Legitimacy Principle.L. Basta-Ivancevic - 1986 - Rechtstheorie 17 (1):111-121.
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  24. Bernard Williams: Political Realism and the Limits of Legitimacy.Alex Bavister‐Gould - 2013 - European Journal of Philosophy 21 (4):593-610.
    : A central component of Bernard Williams' political realism is the articulation of a standard of legitimacy from within politics itself: LEG. This standard is presented as basic, inherent in all political orders and the best way to underwrite fundamental liberal principles particular to the modern state, including basic human rights. It does not require, according to Williams, a wider set of liberal values. In the following, I show that where Williams restricts LEG to generating only minimal political protections, seeking (...)
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  25. Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State.David Beetham - 1991 - Analyse & Kritik 13 (1):34-45.
    Max Weber's typology of legitimate ,Herrschaft, has provided the basis for the treatment of legitimacy in twentieth century sociology and political science. The thesis of the article is that this typology is a misleading tool for the analysis of the modern state, and especially for the comparative analysis of political systems. This is because of basic flaws in Weber's conceptualisation of legitimacy itself, and in his account of the normative basis of authority. The article offers an alternative, multi-dimensional account of (...)
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  26. Books in Review : Legitimacy and the Politics of the Knowable by Roger Holmes. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976. Pp. VIII, 191. $11.50. [REVIEW]W. L. Bennett - 1978 - Political Theory 6 (1):131-134.
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  27. Political Justification, Theoretical Complexity, and Democratic Community.Christopher Bertram - 1997 - Ethics 107 (4):563-583.
  28. On Political Legitimacy, Reasonableness, and Perfectionism.Thomas M. Besch - 2013 - Public Reason 5 (1):58-74.
    The paper advances a non-orthodox reading of political liberalism’s view of political legitimacy, the view of public political justification that comes with it, and the idea of the reasonable at the heart of these views. Political liberalism entails that full discursive standing should be accorded only to people who are reasonable in a substantive sense. As the paper argues, this renders political liberalism dogmatic and exclusivist at the level of arguments for or against normative theories of justice. Against that background, (...)
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  29. Our Ways of Governance.Herman C. Beyle - 1948 - Endicott, N.Y., Citizenship and Political Science Staff of Triple Cities College.
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  30. Critical Theories of the State: Governmentality and the Strategic‐Relational Approach.Thomas Biebricher - 2013 - Constellations 20 (3):388-405.
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  31. On State Legitimacy.Joseph J. Bien - 2011 - Southwest Philosophy Review 27 (2):75-77.
  32. Convergence Liberalism and the Problem of Disagreement Concerning Public Justification.Paul Billingham - forthcoming - Canadian Journal of Philosophy:1-24.
    The ‘convergence conception’ of political liberalism has become increasingly popular in recent years. Steven Wall has shown that convergence liberals face a serious dilemma in responding to disagreement about whether laws are publicly justified. What I call the ‘conjunctive approach’ to such disagreement threatens anarchism, while the ‘non-conjunctive’ approach appears to render convergence liberalism internally inconsistent. This paper defends the non-conjunctive approach, which holds that the correct view of public justification should be followed even if some citizens do not consider (...)
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  33. A Horse in the Basement Nietzschean Reflections on Political Philosophy.Rudiger Bittner - 2010 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 7 (3):321-333.
    Political philosophers often see their task in providing a justification of states, with 'justification' understood, in analogy to the theological use of the term, as an argument showing states to be right, or unobjectionable. Political philosophers disagree on what property of a state it is that is required for its being right. In fact, it is difficult to see what could give this or that property of a state its right-making power. Since there is nothing that states as such are (...)
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  34. Some Themes in David Schmidtz, the Limits of Government: An Essay on the Public Goods Argument (Westview Press: 1991).William Boardman - unknown -
    The Scylla and Charybdis of institutions of cooperative enterprises are the potential for free riders, on the one hand, and the fact that some people may not value certain public goods. If we go to the one side, we encourage people who do value the public goods but whom cannot be excluded from enjoying them, to refuse to pay their share of the costs of providing them; if we go to the other side and force everyone to pay for them, (...)
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  35. Questions of Legitimacy? The Fit Between Researcher and Researched.Manjit Bola - 1996 - In Sue Wilkinson & Celia Kitzinger (eds.), Representing the Other: A Feminism & Psychology Reader. Sage Publications. pp. 125.
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  36. On the Legitimacy of Political Power: A Study of Locke's "Second Treatise of Government".Mauro P. Bottalico - 1997 - Dissertation, The Catholic University of America
    This dissertation applies the method of Platonic recollection to the legitimacy of political power: the reason for it, what distinguishes political power from other kinds of power, the sovereign's right to political power, and the scope of the sovereign's authority. My aim is to disclose the subject in its essential, intrinsic determinations. ;I begin with an historical situation in which a crisis of legitimacy precipitated by disagreements over the kind of warrant that is necessary and sufficient to establish a particular (...)
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  37. From the King's House to the Reason of State: A Model of the Genesis of the Bureaucratic Field.Pierre Bourdieu - 2004 - Constellations 11 (1):16-36.
  38. Constructive Politics as Public Work: Organizing the Literature.H. C. Boyte - 2011 - Political Theory 39 (5):630-660.
    This essay argues that fulfilling the promise of participatory democratic theory requires ways for citizens to reconstruct the world, not simply to improve its governance processes. The concept of public work, expressing civic agency, or the capacity of diverse citizens to build a democratic way of life, embodies this shift. It posits citizens as co-creators of the world, not simply deliberators and decision-makers about the world. Public work is a normative, democratizing ideal of citizenship generalized from communal labors of creating (...)
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  39. Imperial Rulership and Cultural Change in Traditional China.Frederick Paul Brandauer & Chün-Chieh Huang - 1994 -
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  40. Imagination, Prophecy, and Morality: The Relevance and Limits of Spinoza's Theory of Political Myth.J. Brennan - 2014 - Télos 2014 (169):64-83.
    Myth presents us with two major problems: definition and usage. In this paper I focus on the latter problem and argue in defense of Spinoza’s theory of political myth as opposed to the dichotomy of “myth as progress” and “myth as regression.” Spinoza’s theory is preferable because it allows for a full-bodied understanding of myth, its legitimate uses and its dangers for slipping into superstition. Because myth plays on the imagination, the basest form of knowledge available to all people and (...)
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  41. Why Liberal States Must Accommodate Tax Resistors.Jason Brennan - forthcoming - Public Affairs Quarterly.
    Liberal states ought to accommodate conscientious tax resistance for the same reasons they should accommodate conscientious objection to fighting in war. Conscientious objection to fighting is nothing special.
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  42. The Right to a Competent Electorate.Jason Brennan - 2011 - Philosophical Quarterly 61 (245):700-724.
    The practice of unrestricted universal suffrage is unjust. Citizens have a right that any political power held over them should be exercised by competent people in a competent way. Universal suffrage violates this right. To satisfy this right, universal suffrage in most cases must be replaced by a moderate epistocracy, in which suffrage is restricted to citizens of sufficient political competence. Epistocracy itself seems to fall foul of the qualified acceptability requirement, that political power must be distributed in ways against (...)
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  43. Education, Autonomy, and Democratic Citizenship: Philosophy in a Changing World.David Bridges (ed.) - 1997 - Routledge.
    This international collection forms a response from 22 educators to our changing political environment and to the reassessment they provoke of the principles shaping educational thought and practice. The philosophical discussion, however, remains clearly rooted in the world of educational practice and its political content.
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  44. Political Anti-Intentionalism.Matthias Brinkmann - forthcoming - Res Publica:1-21.
    There has been little debate in political philosophy about whether the intentions of governments matter to the legitimacy of their policies. This paper fills this gap. First, I provide a rigorous statement of political anti-intentionalism, the view that intentions do not matter to political legitimacy. I do so by building on analogous debates in moral philosophy. Second, I sketch some strategies to defend political anti-intentionalism, which I argue are promising and available to a wide range of theories of legitimacy. Third, (...)
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  45. Hegel's Political Philosophy: A Systematic Reading of the Philosophy of Right.Thom Brooks - 2013 - Edinburgh University Press.
    A new edition of the first systematic reading of Hegel's political philosophy Elements of the Philosophy of Right is widely acknowledged to be one of the most important works in the history of political philosophy. This is the first book on the subject to take Hegel's system of speculative philosophy seriously as an important component of any robust understanding of this text. Key Features •Sets out the difference between 'systematic' and 'non-systematic' readings of Philosophy of Right •Outlines the unique structure (...)
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  46. Political Legitimacy and Democracy.Allen Buchanan - 2002 - Ethics 112 (4):689-719.
  47. Recognitional Legitimacy and the State System.Allen Buchanan - 1999 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 28 (1):46-78.
  48. Democratic Legitimacy: The Limits of Instrumentalist Accounts. [REVIEW]Richard M. Buck - 2012 - Journal of Value Inquiry 46 (2):223-236.
  49. Religion, Identity, and Political Legitimacy: Toward Democratic Inclusion.Richard M. Buck - 2008 - Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (3):340-358.
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  50. Review of Schlesinger, War and the American Presidency. [REVIEW]H. G. Callaway - 2008 - Reason Papers 2008 (No. 30):121-128.
    This is a expository and critical review of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. 's last book, War and the American Presidency. The book collects and focuses recent writings of Arthur Schlesinger on the themes of its title. In its short Foreword and seven concise essays, the book aims to explore, in some contrast with the genre of “instant history,” the relationship between President George W. Bush’s Iraq adventure and the national past. This aim and the present work are deserving of wide attention, (...)
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