This policy-capturing study, conducted in China, investigated the cognitive basis of managerial decisions to make a corporate charitable donation, a global issue in the context of corporate social responsibility research and practice. Participants responded to a series of scenarios manipulating pressure from the five stakeholders most commonly addressed by CSR research. The independent variables examined included organizational factors and the participants’ personal values. Results indicate a large positive effect of shareholder and governmental pressure on the decision with lesser positive effects (...) from customers and competitors. Surprisingly, employee pressure had a negative effect on the decision to make a charitable donation. Further, personal values and perceived CEO attitudes toward charity were significantly related to the decisions participants made. In line with our theorizing, the findings indicate that a combination of personal, organizational, and institutional factors was salient in the minds of decision makers. (shrink)

Patrick Riley traces the forgotten roots of Rousseau's concept to seventeenth-century questions about the justice of God. If He wills that all men be saved, does He have a general will that produces universal salvation? And, if He does not, why does He will particularly" that some men be damned? The theological origin of the "general will" was important to Rousseau himself. He uses the language of divinity bequeathed to him by Pascal, Malebranche, Fenelon, and others to (...) dignify, to elevate, and to "save" politics. Originally published in 1986. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905. (shrink)

Moving from a purely religious rebirth to works grounded in a personal philosophy or aesthetic vocation, the autobiographies considered in this book stand as episodes in a genealogy of conversion.

This chapter contains sections titled: Editor's Prologue Rousseau's Philosophy of Transformative, “Denaturing” Education Dewey.

Dans les théories philosophiques majeures des XVIIIe et XIXe siècles se pose la question du peuple, de son rapport au souverain, de son unité et de ses divisions. Une première approche considère que le contrat social constitue la base sur laquelle se détermine le rapport du peuple au souverain . Alors que Rousseau met en avant l'idée d'une - difficile - «fusion» entre l'un et l'autre, Kant se réfère à la médiation des lois juridiques qui fondent et le peuple (...) et l'État à travers l'usage public de la raison. Hegel et Marx se situent en rupture avec ces thèses. Hegel fait de l'État universaliste la fin du développement de l'Esprit, et du peuple le produit de l'universalité incarnée par le monarque. Pour sa part, Marx voit dans le prolétariat, plutôt que dans le peuple, la classe sociale qui, au travers de la lutte des classes, est à même de porter l'émancipation populaire. En dépit de ces divergences, et d'une manière qui leur est transversale, ces théories philosophiques ne manquent pas de soulever un problème fondamental très contemporain: la séparation entre deux catégories de citoyens, selon que ces derniers s'intègrent ou non dans la société.In the major philosophical theories of 18th and 19th centuries the question of the people arises, in his connection to the sovereign, its unit and its divisions. A first approach considers that the social contract constitutes the base on which the connection of the people to the sovereign is determined . Whereas Rousseau proposes the idea of one - difficult - "merging" between one and the other, Kant refers to the mediation of the legal laws which melt and populates it and the State through the public use of the reason. Hegel and Marx are located in rupture with these thesis. Hegel made of the State universalist the end of the development of the Spirit, and of the people the result of the universality incarnated by the monarch. For its part, Marx sees in the proletariat, rather than in the people, the social class which, through the class struggle, is able to carry the popular emancipation. In spite of these differences, these philosophical theories don't fail to raise a very contemporary fundamental problem: separation between two categories of citizens, according to whether the latter are integrated or not in society. (shrink)

Presents an historical analysis of social contract theory by considering the works of prominent philosophers.

Universally regarded as the greatest French political theorist and philosopher of education of the Enlightenment, and probably the greatest French social theorist tout court, Rousseau was an important forerunner of the French Revolution, though his thought was too nuanced and subtle ever to serve as mere ideology. This 2001 volume systematically surveys the full range of Rousseau's activities in politics and education, psychology, anthropology, religion, music and theater.

Angaben zur Person Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) was born in the Calvinist city-state of Geneva on June 28, 1712. The epoch-making moment” in Rousseau’s life came in 1749, when he fell across the question of the Academy of Dijon which gave rise to my first writing” OC I, 1135). The question was “Whether the restoration of the Sciences and Arts has contributed to the purification of morals.” Rousseau’s answer to that question – a decisive No – was his (...) Discourse on the Origin of the Arts and Sciences , which won the prize for that year and set off firestorms in Europe with a ringing moral indictment of the Enlightenment. In succeeding years, Rousseau published several works, most notably his second Discourse (on inequality, 1755), his novel Julie (1760), his treatise on education Emile, 1762), the Social Contract (1762), and a series of more minor works (including important letters on theatre and on providence). (shrink)

This chapter contains section titled: Introduction: Life and Works of Jean‐Jacques Rousseau (1712‐78) Rousseau's General Will: Freedom of a Particular Kind Why “General Will”? Rousseau and Kant Rousseau and Hegel A Brief Conclusion.

On the one hand, anger and gratitude are crucial in appreciating what one owes to oneself or others; on the other, they disturb one's internal balance and reinforce one's dependence upon others. This book explores the tension between these two attitudes in the work of French Enlightenment writers such as Rousseau, Diderot, Marivaux, and Challe.

In his Confessions Jean-Jacques Rousseau tells the story of his life, from the formative experience of his humble childhood in Geneva, through the achievement of international fame as novelist and philosopher in Paris, to his wanderings as an exile, persecuted by governments and alienated from the world of modern civilization. In trying to explain who he was and how he came to be the object of others' admiration and abuse, Rousseau analyses with unique insight the relationship between an (...) elusive but essential inner self and the variety of social identities he was led to adopt. The book vividly illustrates the mixture of moods and motives that underlie the writing of autobiography: defiance and vulnerability, self-exploration and denial, passion, puzzlement, and detachment. Above all, Confessions is Rousseau's search, through every resource of language, to convey what he despairs of putting into words: the personal quality of one's own existence. (shrink)

In his Discourses, Rousseau argues that inequalities of rank, wealth, and power are the inevitable result of the civilizing process. If inequality is intolerable - and Rousseau shows with unparalledled eloquence how it robs us not only of our material but also of our psychological independence - then how can we recover the peaceful self-sufficiency of life in the state of nature? We cannot return to a simpler time, but measuring the costs of progress may help us to (...) imagine alternatives to the corruption and oppressive conformity of modern society. Rousseau's sweeping account of humanity's social and political development epitomizes the innovative boldness of the Englightment, and it is one of the most provocative and influential works of the eighteenth century. This new translation includes all Rousseau's own notes, and Patrick Coleman's introduction builds on recent key scholarship, considering particularly the relationship between political and aesthetic thought. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more. (shrink)

Les Confessions de Jean-Jacques Rousseau prétendent écarter tout précédent mais le modèle, pour être refusé, est bien là: celles d' Augustin relatent déjà les premières rencontres avec le Mal. Ces rencontres doivent, pour Rousseau, aboutir à sa disculpation, cela au prix de la tâche impossible et sans cesse réitérée d'être, en l'absence de Dieu, tant l'instance qui juge que celui qui est jugé. Rousseau's claim, in the Confessions, that he aims at "an undertaking which has no precedent" (...) is unconvincing, since he echoes Augustine's own Confessions. Both books cope with the question of Evil, both display narratives of early encounters with it. But Rousseau's endeavour to prove himself at all times guiltless jeopardizes his goal of showing a man in all the truth of his nature. (shrink)

Que Burke se soit vu rapproché de Rousseau peut déconcerter : l'intéressé d'abord, sans doute, le lecteur des deux ensuite. Burke fait en effet de Rousseau le responsable sur le plan de la moralité des divagations et des excès de l'époque révolutionnaire et lui confère ainsi la dimension d'un Contre-éducateur. Le rapprochement cependant n'est pas inconcevable à partir du moment où chez tous deux l'écart se marque avec les théories contractualistes et où l'on prend en compte la conception (...) organique que se fait Burke du corps social. Mais Rousseau est un bien médiocre théoricien à ses yeux et ses talents littéraires sont nettement plus dévastateurs. Ce qu'il fait des passions humaines provoque l'irruption de la sentimentalité intempérée dans le champ du politique et cet effet est bien plus décisif pour le juger. La réponse de Burke est donc morale; cela fait qu'il peut se dispenser d'une réfutation — qui aurait pu être plus délicate — des thèses politiques.It must have seemed strange enough for Burke to be told that there was a deep agreement between himself and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Rousseau's ideas are for Burke the storehouse of revolutionary morals and the Nouvelle Héloïse provides the members of the National Assembly with a convenient textbook. This kind of thinking is unfit, in Burke's eyes, for a serious perusal and his followers must be hold in disgust. Nevertheless, likes and dislikes are not satisfactory explanations and as Burke is, even unwillingly, a political philosopher, he needed to be compared to Rousseau on some essential topics : the general will, the organic nature of society, the critique of contractualism. (shrink)

Rousseau’s moral and political philosophy is grounded in a largely overlooked virtue epistemology. This essay reconstructs this epistemology with a particular focus on Rousseau’s conception of how our capacity for sensation might be cultivated to develop the judgment and wisdom that distinguish the developed virtuous agent. It proceeds in three sections. The first section focuses on Rousseau’s conception of the first stage of development, and especially his sensationist claim that all knowledge originates in sensory impressions. The second (...) section examines the maturing agent’s transition from mere sensation to the cultivation of the capacity for judgment, particularly focusing on Rousseau’s account of the agent’s shift from the passive reception of sensory impressions of discrete objects to the active and synthetic processes of comparison and association that give rise to complex ideas and to moral conceptions. The third section turns to Rousseau’s conception of the developed mind, focusing on his claim that the intellectual virtues not only require cultivation but are indispensible to the proper exercise of freedom that distinguishes the fully moral human being. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Leibniz’s Political and Moral Philosophy in the Novissima Sinica, 1699–1999Patrick RileyThe Preface to Leibniz’s Novissima Sinica 1 contains an important but highly compressed and abbreviated quintessence of his theory of justice or jurisprudence universelle—a version so compressed and abbreviated that one must have a broader and fuller understanding of this universal jurisprudence before one can entirely appreciate what Leibniz has to say about Christian charity, Platonism, and geometry in (...) the Novissima Sinica itself. Above all, one wants to know why Leibniz, in the key paragraph of the Preface to Novissima Sinica, should describe the Chinese emperor as just and charitable and as a (more or less) “Platonic” geometer who is as wise as he is charitable. And why should Leibniz contrast this “wisely charitable” Chinese ruler with the Pontius Pilate who irresponsibly asked, “What is truth?” and then permitted the judicial murder of the very Christ who did most to make charity and justice coextensive by saying, “A new law I give unto you, that ye love one another”? 2 The wise course, therefore, is to throw enough light on Leibnizian universal jurisprudence in general to make his moral-political utterances in Novissima Sinica intelligible in particular.In 1693, four years before the publication of Novissima Sinica, Leibniz revealed the outlines of his jurisprudence universelle in the Codex Iuris Gentium:a good man is one who loves everybody, so far as reason permits. Justice, then, which is the virtue which regulates that affection which [End Page 217] the Greeks call philanthropy, will be most conveniently defined... as the charity of the wise man, that is, charity which follows the dictates of wisdom... Charity is a universal benevolence, and benevolence the habit of loving or of willing the good. Love then signifies rejoicing in the happiness of another..., the happiness of those whose happiness pleases us turns into our own happiness, since things which please us are desired for their own sakes. 3Slightly later, in La véritable piété, Leibniz indicated what this view of justice entails:those who... reduce justice to [mere] rigor, and who fail altogether to understand that one cannot be just without being benevolent... in a word, not only those who look for their profit, pleasure, and glory in the misery of others, but also those who are not at all anxious to procure the common good and to lift out of misery those who are in their care, and generally those who show themselves to be without enlightenment and without charity, boast in vain of piety which they do not know at all, whatever appearance they create. 4The central idea of Leibniz’s “universal jurisprudence,” which aims to find quasi-geometrical, eternal moral verities equally valid for all rational beings, human or divine, is that justice is “the charity of the wise” (caritas sapientis), 5 that it is not mere conformity to sovereign-ordained “positive” law given ex plenitudo potestatis (in the manner of Hobbes); nor is it mere “refraining from harm” or even “rendering what is due” (the neminem laedere and suum cuique tribuere of Roman law). 6 The equal stress on “charity” and on “wisdom” suggests that Leibniz’s practical thought is a kind of fusing of Platonism—in which the wise know the eternal truths such as absolute goodness (Phaedo 75d), which the gods themselves also know and love (Euthyphro 93-10e) and which therefore deserve to rule (Republic 443d-e) 7 —and of Pauline Christianity, whose key moral idea is that charity or love is the first of the virtues (“though I speak [End Page 218] with the tongues of men and of angels, and have not charity, I am become as sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal”). 8 Historically, there is nothing remarkable in trying to fuse Platonism and Christianity. Augustine’s thought (particularly the early De Libero Arbitrio) is just such a fusion. 9 But Leibniz was the last of the great Christian Platonists, and left the world just as Hume, Rousseau, and Kant were about to transform and “secularize” it.I. If one decomposes caritas sapientis into its parts, charity and wisdom, the provenance of both elements is clear enough... (shrink)

European Journal of Philosophy, Volume 29, Issue 1, Page 105-119, March 2021.

Modern commercial society has been criticized for attenuating virtue and inhibiting the ethical self-realization of its participants. But Adam Smith, a founding father of liberal commercial modernity, anticipated precisely this critique and took specific measures to circumvent it. This article presents these measures via an analysis of his response to the critique of liberal commercial modernity set forth by Rousseau. It principally argues that Smith's distinctions of the love of praise from the love of praiseworthiness, and the love of (...) glory from the love of virtue, were elements of a normative moral education that sought to elevate civilized man's corrupted self-love, and thereby recover within modern commercial society a respect for ethical nobility. (shrink)

In his Discourses, Rousseau argues that inequalities of rank, wealth, and power are the inevitable result of the civilizing process. If inequality is intolerable - and Rousseau shows with unparalleled eloquence how it robs us not only of our material but also of our psychological independence - then how can we recover the peaceful self-sufficiency of life in the state of nature? We cannot return to a simpler time, but measuring the costs of progress may help us to (...) imagine alternatives to the corruption and oppressive conformity of modern society. Rousseau's sweeping account of humanity's social and political development epitomizes the innovative boldness of the Enlightenment, and it is one of the most provocative and influential works of the eighteenth century. This new translation includes all Rousseau's own notes, and Patrick Coleman's Introduction builds on recent key scholarship, considering particularly the relationship between political and aesthetic thought. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie Jahrgang: 99 Heft: 4 Seiten: 380-404.

A number of prominent moral philosophers and political theorists have recently called for a recovery of love. But what do we mean when we speak of love today? Love's Enlightenment examines four key conceptions of other-directedness that transformed the meaning of love and helped to shape the way we understand love today: Hume's theory of humanity, Rousseau's theory of pity, Smith's theory of sympathy, and Kant's theory of love. It argues that these four Enlightenment theories are united by a (...) shared effort to develop a moral psychology that can provide both justificatory and motivational grounds for concern for others in the absence of recourse to theological or transcendental categories. In this sense, each theory represents an effort to redefine the love of others that used to be known as caritas or agape - a redefinition that came with benefits and costs that have yet to be fully appreciated. (shrink)

This rich collection will introduce students of philosophy and politics to the contemporary critical literature on the classical social contract political thinkers Thomas Hobbes , John Locke , and Jean-Jacques Rousseau . A dozen essays and book excerpts have been selected to guide students through the texts and to introduce them to current scholarly controversies surrounding the contractarian political theories of these three thinkers.

British Journal for the History of Philosophy, Volume 19, Issue 5, Page 1001-1004, September 2011.