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  1. Alessandro Antonietti (2010). Do Neurobiological Data Help Us to Understand Economic Decisions Better? Journal of Economic Methodology 17 (2):207-218.
    The contribution that neurobiological data provide us to comprehend the psychological aspects of economic decision-making is critically examined. First, different kinds of correspondences between neural events and mental activities are identified. On the basis of the distinctions made, some recent studies are selected, each of which focuses on a different stage of decision-making and employs a different set of neurobiological data. The thorough analysis of each study suggests that neuro-mental correspondences do not have an evidentiary function but rather a heuristic (...)
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  2. R. E. Backhouse (2000). Reaffirming the Englightenment Vision A Review of Edward O. Wilson's Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge. Journal of Economic Methodology 7 (1):153-156.
  3. Peter Carruthers (2002). Human Nature and the Limits of Science, John Dupré. Clarendon Press, 2001, 211 Pages. [REVIEW] Economics and Philosophy 18 (2):351-385.
  4. Victoria Chick & Sheila Dow (2005). The Meaning of Open Systems. Journal of Economic Methodology 12 (3):363-381.
    There has been considerable discussion lately of the concept of open systems, which has revealed that different participants are using the terms ?openness? and ?closure? in different ways. The purpose of this paper is to address issues of meaning that arise in this particular discourse, with a view to clarifying both conflicts in usage and the underlying issues involved. We explore the different meanings of openness and closure extant in the literature, as applied at the ontological and epistemological levels, focusing (...)
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  5. Christopher Clarke (2014). Neuroeconomics and Confirmation Theory. Philosophy of Science 81 (2):195-215.
    Neuroeconomics is a research programme founded on the thesis that cognitive and neurobiological data constitute evidence for answering economic questions. I employ confirmation theory in order to reject arguments both for and against neuroeconomics. I also emphasize that some arguments for neuroeconomics will not convince the skeptics because these arguments make a contentious assumption: economics aims for predictions and deep explanations of choices in general. I then argue for neuroeconomics by appealing to a much more restrictive (and thereby skeptic-friendly) characterization (...)
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  6. John B. Davis (2006). Social Identity Strategies in Recent Economics. Journal of Economic Methodology 13 (3):371-390.
    This paper reviews three distinct strategies in recent economics for using the concept of social identity in the explanation of individual behavior: Akerlof and Kranton's neoclassical approach, Sen's commitment approach and Kirman et al.'s complexity approach. The primary focus is the multiple selves problem and the difficulties associated with failing to explain social identity and personal identity together. The argument of the paper is that too narrow a scope for reflexivity in individual decision?making renders the problem intractable, but that enlarging (...)
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  7. Jelle de Boer (2008). Collective Intention, Social Identity, and Rational Choice. Journal of Economic Methodology 15 (2):169-184.
    In this paper I propose that what social psychologists refer to as social identity is a plausible empirical correlate on the part of the individual to what some philosophers and economists call collective intention. A discussion of an experiment yields the question what kind of mental state social identity might be and how it is related to the standard desire/belief conception. It is argued that social identity involves both a desire and a belief, and that one distinguishing feature of it (...)
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  8. Andy Denis, Some Notes on Methodological Individualism: Orthodox and Heterodox Views.
    methodology both of neoclassical and Austrian economics, as well as other approaches, from New Keynesianism to analytical Marxism. Yet there is considerable controversy as to what the phrase means. Moreover, the methodologies of those to whom the theoretical practice of MI is ascribed differ profoundly on the status of the individual economic agent: economics.
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  9. Ken Dennis (1995). A Logical Critique of Mathematical Formalism in Economics. Journal of Economic Methodology 2 (2):181-200.
    Mathematical economic theory is lacking in logical rigour. Even if the mathematics used in constructing formal economic theory is rigorous as pure mathematics, economic theory possesses both mathematical and non-mathematical components. But mathematical reductionism fails to formalize the non-mathematical components of economic theory, and the method of numerics (outlined in this paper) shows how, in simple cases, the two components of economic theory can be formally identified, distinguished, and integrated. However, the real challenge to formalizing economic theory points not to (...)
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  10. Brian Epstein (2014). Why Macroeconomics Does Not Supervene on Microeconomics. Journal of Economic Methodology 21 (1):3-18.
    In recent years, the project of providing microeconomic foundations for macroeconomics has taken on new urgency. Some philosophers and economists have challenged the project, both for the way economists actually approach microfoundations and for more general anti-reductionist reasons. Reductionists and anti-reductionists alike, however, have taken it to be trivial that the macroeconomic facts are exhaustively determined by microeconomic ones. In this paper, I challenge this supposed triviality. I argue that macroeconomic properties do not even globally supervene on microeconomic ones. This (...)
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  11. Roberto Fumagalli (2011). On the Neural Enrichment of Economic Models: Tractability, Trade-Offs and Multiple Levels of Description. Biology and Philosophy 26 (5):617-635.
    In the recent literature at the interface between economics, biology and neuroscience, several authors argue that by adopting an interdisciplinary approach to the analysis of decision making, economists will be able to construct predictively and explanatorily superior models. However, most economists remain quite reluctant to import biological or neural insights into their account of choice behaviour. In this paper, I reconstruct and critique one of the main arguments by means of which economists attempt to vindicate their conservative position. Furthermore, I (...)
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  12. Margaret P. Gilbert (2001). Collective Preferences, Obligations, and Rational Choice. Economics and Philosophy 17 (1):109-119.
    Can teams and other collectivities have preferences of their own, preferences that are not in some way reducible to the personal preferences of their members? In short, are collective preferences possible? In everyday life people speak easily of what we prefer, where what is at issue seems to be a collective preference. This is suggested by the acceptability of such remarks as ‘My ideal walk would be . . . along rougher and less well-marked paths than we prefer as a (...)
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  13. Glenn W. Harrison (2008). Neuroeconomics: A Critical Reconsideration. Economics and Philosophy 24 (3):303-344.
    Understanding more about how the brain functions should help us understand economic behaviour. But some would have us believe that it has done this already, and that insights from neuroscience have already provided insights in economics that we would not otherwise have. Much of this is just academic marketing hype, and to get down to substantive issues we need to identify that fluff for what it is. After we clear away the distractions, what is left? The answer is that a (...)
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  14. Daniel Hausman (2001). Explanation and diagnosis in economics. Revue Internationale de Philosophie 3:311-326.
  15. Santhi Hejeebu & Deirdre McCloskey (2004). Polanyi and the History of Capitalism: Rejoinder to Blyth. Critical Review 16 (1):135-142.
    Abstract Mark Blyth's rebuttal to our constructive critique of Polanyi ?blithely? takes for granted the accuracy of Polanyi's now?outdated historiography of capitalism?by means of a loose, overly expansive definition of capitalism that question?beggingly equates it with modernity. Blyth emphasizes the need to view markets as ?socially embedded,? with which we agree?but he appears not to take account of the individual self?interest that is thus embedded. Similarly, he asserts a priori the role of ideas in history, in parallel to the economists (...)
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  16. Albert O. Hirschman (1985). Against Parsimony: Three Easy Ways of Complicating Some Categories of Economic Discourse. Economics and Philosophy 1 (1):7-21.
    Economics as a science of human behavior has been grounded in a remarkably parsimonious postulate: that of the self-interested, isolated individual who chooses freely and rationally between alternative courses of action after computing their prospective costs and benefits. In recent decades, a group of economists has shown considerable industry and ingenuity in applying this way of interpreting the social world to a series of ostensibly noneconomic phenomena, from crime to the family, and from collective action to democracy. The “economic” or (...)
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  17. Geoffrey M. Hodgson (1999). A Brief Response to Jürgen Lange-von Kulessa. Journal of Economic Methodology 6 (3):439-441.
  18. Nien-hê Hsieh (2007). Is Incomparability a Problem for Anyone? Economics and Philosophy 23 (1):65-80.
    The incomparability of alternatives is thought to pose a problem for justified choice, particularly for proponents of comparativism better than,worse than,equally good,roughly equalon a par. namely, rejection of the transitivity of the relation In this paper, I argue that proponents of comparativism need not incur this cost. I defend the possibility of justified choice between incomparable alternatives on grounds that comparativists can accept. The possibility of incomparability has been met with resistance, in part because of the intuitive appeal of comparativism. (...)
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  19. Frank Jackson & Philip Pettit (1992). In Defense of Explanatory Ecumenicalism. Economics and Philosophy 8 (1):1--21.
    Many of the things that we try to explain, in both our common sense and our scientific engagement with the world, are capable of being explained more or less finely: that is, with greater or lesser attention to the detail of the producing mechanism. A natural assumption, pervasive if not always explicit, is that other things being equal, the more finegrained an explanation, the better. Thus, Jon Elster, who also thinks there are instrumental reasons for wanting a more fine-grained explanation, (...)
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  20. Juergen Lange-Von Kulessa (1997). Searching for a Methodological Synthesis -Hayek's Individualism in the Light of Recent Holistic Criticism. Journal of Economic Methodology 4 (2):267-287.
    This paper compares different strategies of analysing economic phe-nomena, namely individualism and holism. As it turns out, a main point for which methodological individualism is criticized is its supposed reductionism and the related arbitrariness of choosing individuals as a unit of explanation. The paper shows that there exists at least with F. A. Hayek an author who presents an evolutionary theory of economic and social change that avoids the reductionism of orthodox individualistic theory. According to Hayek, the social scientist should (...)
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  21. John Latsis (2007). Quine and the Ontological Turn in Economics. In Clive Lawson, John Latsis & Nuno Martins (eds.), Contributions to Social Ontology. Routledge. 15--127.
  22. John Lawson (2007). Economics and Autism : Why the Drive Towards Closure? In Clive Lawson, John Latsis & Nuno Martins (eds.), Contributions to Social Ontology. Routledge. 15--293.
  23. Tony Lawson (2004). Reorienting Economics: On Heterodox Economics, Themata and the Use of Mathematics in Economics. Journal of Economic Methodology 11 (3):329-340.
  24. Clement Levallois (2012). Foundations of Neuroeconomic Analysis. Journal of Economic Methodology 19 (1):81-84.
    Journal of Economic Methodology, Volume 19, Issue 1, Page 81-84, March 2012.
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  25. Mark A. Lutz (1993). The Utility of Multiple Utility: A Comment on Brennan. Economics and Philosophy 9 (01):145-.
  26. Philip Mirowski (1984). The Role of Conservation Principles in Twentieth-Century Economic Theory. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 14 (4):461-473.
  27. Alessio Moneta (2005). Causality in Macroeconometrics: Some Considerations About Reductionism and Realism. Journal of Economic Methodology 12 (3):433-453.
    This paper investigates the varieties of reductionism and realism about causal relations in macroeconometrics. There are two issues, which are kept distinct in the analysis but which are interrelated in the development of econometrics. The first one is the question of the reducibility of causal relations to regularities, measured in statistics by correlations. The second one is the question of the reducibility of causes among macroeconomic aggregates to microeconomic behaviour. It is argued that there is a continuum of possible positions (...)
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  28. Michiru Nagatsu (2010). Function and Mechanism: The Metaphysics of Neuroeconomics. Journal of Economic Methodology 17 (2):197-205.
    In this paper, I examine metaphysical aspects in the neuroeconomics debate. I propose that part of the debate can be better understood by supposing two metaphysical stances, mechanistic and functional. I characterize the two stances, and discuss their relations. I consider two models of framing, in order to illustrate how the features of mechanistic and functional stances figure in the practice of the sciences of individual decision making.
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  29. Julie A. Nelson (2009). Ethics, Evidence and International Debt. Journal of Economic Methodology 16 (2):175-189.
    The assumption that contracts are largely impersonal, rational, voluntary agreements drawn up between self-interested individual agents is a convenient fiction, necessary for analysis using conventional economic methods. Papers prepared for a recent conference on ethics and international debt were shaped by just such an assumption. The adequacy of this approach is, however, challenged by evidence about who is affected by international debt, how contracts are actually made and followed, the behavior of actors in financial markets, and the motivations of scholars (...)
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  30. Julie A. Nelson (1992). Gender, Metaphor, and the Definition of Economics. Economics and Philosophy 8 (01):103-.
    Let me make it clear from the outset that my main point is not either of the following: one, that there should be more women economists and research on “women's issues” (though I think there should be), or two, that women as a class do, or should do, economics in a manner different from men (a position with which I disagree). My argument is different and has to do with trying to gain an understanding of how a certain way of (...)
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  31. Warren J. Samuels (1996). Postmodernism and Economics: A Middlebrow View. Journal of Economic Methodology 3 (1):113-120.
    Exposition and defense of postmodernism in regards to epistemology and language in economics. Centers on truth versus tools and truth versus story while emphasizing social constructivism, methodological pluralism, and multiplicity of truth. Affirms quest for confident knowledge but emphasizes limitations with regard to results understood as truth. Defends and puts into perspective the charge of ?anything goes?. Adopts self-reflexive view of postmodernism itself.
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  32. Warren J. Samuels (1995). Some Thoughts on Multiplicity. Journal of Economic Methodology 2 (2):287-292.
    Analyzes means and results of reduction of variables from evident multiplicity to a manageable few, the latter driven by conceptions of science and disciplinary paradigm and problem formulation. Attention is given to the use of such concepts as ?natural?, ?distortion?, ?anomalies?, and assumptions as to rights. To the inevitability of the selective reduction of multiplicity and complexity is juxtaposed the necessity of taking account thereof and of the limits thereby imposed on analysis.
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  33. J. P. Smit, Filip Buekens & Stan du Plessis (2011). What is Money? An Alternative to Searle's Institutional Facts. Economics and Philosophy 27 (1):1-22.
    In The Construction of Social Reality (1995), John Searle develops a theory of institutional facts and objects, of which money, borders and property are presented as prime examples. These objects are the result of us collectively intending certain natural objects to have a certain status, i.e. to ‘count as’ being certain social objects. This view renders such objects irreducible to natural objects. In this paper we propose a radically different approach that is more compatible with standard economic theory. We claim (...)
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  34. Genaro Sucarrat (2010). Econometric Reduction Theory and Philosophy. Journal of Economic Methodology 17 (1):53-75.
    Econometric reduction theory provides a comprehensive probabilistic framework for the analysis and classification of the reductions (simplifications) associated with empirical econometric models. However, the available approaches to econometric reduction theory are unable to satisfactorily accommodate a commonplace theory of social reality, namely that the course of history is indeterministic, that history does not repeat itself and that the future depends on the past. Using concepts from philosophy this paper proposes a solution to these shortcomings, which in addition permits new reductions, (...)
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  35. Erik Weber & Jeroen Van Bouwel (2002). Symposium on Explanations and Social Ontology 3: Can We Dispense with Structural Explanations of Social Facts? Economics and Philosophy 18 (2):259-275.
    Some social scientists and philosophers (e.g., James Coleman and Jon Elster) claim that all social facts are best explained by means of a micro-explanation. They defend a micro-reductionism in the social sciences: to explain is to provide a mechanism on the individual level. The first aim of this paper is to challenge this view and defend the view that it has to be substituted for an explanatory pluralism with two components: (1) structural explanations of P-, O- and T-contrasts between social (...)
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  36. Amos Witztum (2012). The Firm, Property Rights and Methodological Individualism: Some Lessons From J.S. Mill. Journal of Economic Methodology 19 (4):339-355.
    In modern economics, the firm is a means of overcoming the inefficiencies generated by transaction costs and incomplete contracts. Its boundaries, therefore, are the means by which the efficiency of competition can be salvaged. Whether or not agents feel comfortable with the values which underlie various ownership structures remains outside this theory. Moreover, the working of different ownership structures is entirely based on the presumption that agents' motivation (as opposed to incentives) will remain constant. This, of course, is typical of (...)
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