En este artículo me propongo abordar la cuestión del estatuto de la filosofía en lo que se ha denominado poshistoria desde una perspectiva que pretende articular el diagnóstico foucaultiano del presente con la filosofía política de Rancière. Lo que pretendo señalar es el sentido que adquiere una pos..

Existe un consenso general en torno a la condena de los textos de Foucault sobre la revolución iraní, a los que se considera un error manifiesto, ya sea debido a que el entusiasmo por la revolución islámica lo habría alejado imprudentemente de sus verdaderos intereses teóricos, ya sea debido a que ellos revelan un trasfondo totalitario, ingenuo y hasta misógino de su filosofía, lo cual, por supuesto, ahorra a los comentadores un trabajo hermenéutico sobre la inserción de tales escritos en (...) una obra cuya apuesta general aún es objeto de disputa académica. En este trabajo proponemos una vía alternativa de comprensión que no toma estos textos como un error, sino como parte de un diagnóstico al que se busca echar luz a través de la dimensión del viaje, el periodismo radical y la heterotopología como elementos fundamentales de una apuesta filosófica por la alteridad. There is consensus in disapproving the journalistic articles written by Foucault about the Iranian revolution. They are considered clear mistakes. Some say that this is so because the enthusiasm of Foucault towards the Islamic revolution moved him away from his true theoretical interests; others say that what those texts reveal is a totalitarian, naive, and even misogynistic background of his philosophy. By doing this, commentators spear themselves a hermeneutical work on the incorporation of those texts into a work whose general bet remains the subject of academic discussion. In this paper, we propose an alternative approach to the issue; one in which the texts are not considered a mistake but rather they are seen as part of a diagnosis that can get some light from the ideas of travel, radical journalism and heterotopology. These considered as fundamental elements of a philosophical bet on alterity. (shrink)

En artículo se propongo analizar el problema del «derecho de los gobernados en Foucault» a partir de algunos artículos del dosier «Michel Foucault y el derecho» de la revista Dorsal, n.° 7. A partir de los principales problemas y argumentos presentados en tales artículos procuraré organizar los ejes centrales que articulan el debate actual en torno a la cuestión del derecho en la obra de Michel Foucault. En un segundo momento, a partir de dos conceptos expondré una cuestión insuficientemente problematizada (...) en dicho dosier. A saber, los conceptos de «derecho del pueblo» y «deber de los gobernantes» y el problema del alcance de los derechos de los gobernados así como las condiciones de su ejercicio y las garantías que implica. (shrink)

In this paper, I intend to defend the following hypothesis: Foucault's definition of politics from 1979, i.e. the game between heterogeneous governmentalities, overdetermines the two other dimensions of the concept: the warlike or antagonistic relationship between subjects and the resistance of a form of subjectivation against a governmentality. To this end, I address the problem of the possible relationship between overdetermination and the Foucauldian concept of politics. In this sense, Laclau and Mouffe’s work and Althusser’s criticism delimit the field of (...) inquiry, although they do not exhaust it. This contrast will serve to bring to light the implications of a Foucauldian interpretation of overdetermination and thus describe Foucault’s critiques of the poststructuralist model for political thought. From this, I intend to state the fact that Mouffe’s latest writings seem to be oriented towards avoiding the risks that Foucault pointed out, bringing her reflection close to that of the French philosopher. (shrink)

This paper studies, with techniques ofAlgebraic Logic, the effects of putting a bound on the cardinality of the set of side formulas in the Deduction Theorem, viewed as a Gentzen-style rule, and of adding additional assumptions inside the formulas present in Modus Ponens, viewed as a Hilbert-style rule. As a result, a denumerable collection of new Gentzen systems and two new sentential logics have been isolated. These logics are weaker than the positive implicative logic. We have determined their algebraic models (...) and the relationships between them, and have classified them according to several standard criteria of Abstract Algebraic Logic. One of the logics is protoalgebraic but neither equivalential nor weakly algebraizable, a rare situation where very few natural examples were hitherto known. In passing we have found new, alternative presentations of positive implicative logic, both in Hilbert style and in Gentzen style, and have characterized it in terms of the restricted Deduction Theorem: it is the weakest logic satisfying Modus Ponens and the Deduction Theorem restricted to at most 2 side formulas. The algebraic part of the work has lead to the class of quasi-Hilbert algebras, a quasi-variety of implicative algebras introduced by Pla and Verdú in 1980, which is larger than the variety of Hilbert algebras. Its algebraic properties reflect those of the corresponding logics and Gentzen systems. (shrink)

This dialogue took place at the beginning of the process through which Lula became president of Brazil. It analyses the empowerment capacity of the Workers’ Party: it is made of collective discussion and free speech, working class embedding, openness to the whole society, welcome to minorities, respect and distance front other parties, sense of uniqueness. The French socialist party lacks those qualities, which one could, find also in Solidarnosc.

This paper studies, with techniques ofAlgebraic Logic, the effects of putting a bound on the cardinality of the set of side formulas in the Deduction Theorem, viewed as a Gentzen-style rule, and of adding additional assumptions inside the formulas present in Modus Ponens, viewed as a Hilbert-style rule. As a result, a denumerable collection of new Gentzen systems and two new sentential logics have been isolated. These logics are weaker than the positive implicative logic. We have determined their algebraic models (...) and the relationships between them, and have classified them according to several standard criteria of Abstract Algebraic Logic. One of the logics is protoalgebraic but neither equivalential nor weakly algebraizable, a rare situation where very few natural examples were hitherto known. In passing we have found new, alternative presentations of positive implicative logic, both in Hilbert style and in Gentzen style, and have characterized it in terms of the restricted Deduction Theorem: it is the weakest logic satisfying Modus Ponens and the Deduction Theorem restricted to at most 2 side formulas. The algebraic part of the work has lead to the class of quasi-Hilbert algebras, a quasi-variety of implicative algebras introduced by Pla and Verdú in 1980, which is larger than the variety of Hilbert algebras. Its algebraic properties reflect those of the corresponding logics and Gentzen systems. (shrink)

One of the objectives in the field of artificial intelligence for some decades has been the development of artificial agents capable of coexisting in harmony with people and other systems. The computing research community has made efforts to design artificial agents capable of doing tasks the way people do, tasks requiring cognitive mechanisms such as planning, decision-making, and learning. The application domains of such software agents are evident nowadays. Humans are experiencing the inclusion of artificial agents in their environment as (...) unmanned vehicles, intelligent houses, and humanoid robots capable of caring for people. In this context, research in the field of machine ethics has become more than a hot topic. Machine ethics focuses on developing ethical mechanisms for artificial agents to be capable of engaging in moral behavior. However, there are still crucial challenges in the development of truly Artificial Moral Agents. This paper aims to show the current status of Artificial Moral Agents by analyzing models proposed over the past two decades. As a result of this review, a taxonomy to classify Artificial Moral Agents according to the strategies and criteria used to deal with ethical problems is proposed. The presented review aims to illustrate (1) the complexity of designing and developing ethical mechanisms for this type of agent, and (2) that there is a long way to go (from a technological perspective) before this type of artificial agent can replace human judgment in difficult, surprising or ambiguous moral situations. (shrink)

L'oeuvre Teologías deicidas, de Horacio Bojorge, a le mérite de faire un bilan critique de la pensée de J.L. Segundo appuyée sur une documentation aussi large que choisie. En ce qui concerne l'Informe critique de ses écrits plus importants, sa méthode et son contenu, elle rend largement actuelle la littérature critique relative au théologien uruguayen. Mais, en Teorema, où on cherche argumenta probantia d'un prétendu rationalisme de J.L. Segundo, il devient difficile de la suivre car elle offre en plusieurs points (...) importants une idée insuffisante de la systématique et de la théologie fondamentale. L'Auteur est un exégète compétent, mais son information dépend de quelques prémisses insuffisamment fondées. Ses réflexions au sujet de la pensée de J.L. Segundo peuvent aider à voir plus clairement certains aspects encore confus du débat, et pour cela il peut être utile de le suivre sur plus d'un point. Mais, son insinuation, ou sa suspicion, au titre d'un jugement de fond au sujet de Segundo, sont excessives. Ses erreurs peuvent être de nature logique, philosophique et théologique, mais cela ne l'autorise pas à la considération de sa pensée comme hérétique formaliter. En plus, sa critique s'appuie sur des conclusions difficilement démontrables, par exemple que l'Apologétique, ou théologie fondamentale, ne soit pas théologie ou que J.L. Segundo durcisse autour d'un paradigme de subordination de la foi à la raison critique. Il semble plus probable. (shrink)

Molecular Revolution in BrazilFélix Guattari and Suely Rolniktranslated by KarelClapshow and Brian HolmesYes, I believe that there is a multiple people, a people of mutants, apeople of potentialities that appears and disappears, that is embodied in social, literary, andmusical events.... I think that we're in a period of productivity, proliferation, creation, utterlyfabulous revolutions from the viewpoint of this emergence of a people. That's molecular revolution:it isn't a slogan or a program, it's something that I feel, that I live....--from MolecularRevolution in (...) BrazilFollowing Brazil's first democratic election after two decades of militarydictatorship, French philosopher Félix Guattari traveled through Brazil in 1982 with Brazilianpsychoanalyst Suely Rolnik and discovered an exciting, new political vitality. In the infancy of itsnew republic, Brazil was moving against traditional hierarchies of control and totalitarian regimesand founding a revolution of ideas and politics. Molecular Revolution in Brazil documents theconversations, discussions, and debates that arose during the trip, including a dialogue betweenGuattari and Brazil's future President Luis Ignacia Lula da Silva, then a young gubernatorialcandidate. Through these exchanges, Guattari cuts through to the shadowy practices of globalizationgone awry and boldly charts a revolution in practice.Assembled and edited by Rolnik, MolecularRevolution in Brazil is organized thematically; aphoristic at times, it presents a lesser-known,more overtly political aspect of Guattari's work. Originally published in Brazil in 1986 asMicropolitica: Cartografias do desejo, the book became a crucial reference for political movementsin Brazil in the 1980s and 1990s. It now provides English-speaking readers with an invaluablepicture of the radical thought and optimism that lies at the root of Lula's Brazil. Félix Guattari, post-'68 French psychoanalyst and philosopher, is the author of Anti-Oedipus, The Anti-Oedipus Papers, 2006), and other books. Semiotext haspublished the first two volumes of his complete essays, Chaosophy and Soft Subversions, and will publish the final volume, Chaos and Complexity, in 2008. Suely Rolnik is apsychoanalyst, cultural critic, and curator who lives and works in São Paulo, Brazil. She was aclose collaborator of Guattari during her exile in Paris from the military dictatorship inBrazil. (shrink)

L’édition des philosophes n’est pas conçue au XIXe siècle comme une tâche subalterne ou indifférente au travail philosophique lui-même. Mais elle n’est pas non plus réductible à des enjeux politiques, où il s’agirait seulement de se constituer des alliés et des ennemis dans une histoire réactualisée de la philosophie. Elle est au contraire pensée comme une pratique philosophique en elle-même. Les six études de ce dossier rendent compte de cette singularité de l’édition philosophique des classiques au XIXe siècle en France.

On a remarqué très tôt qu’il existait une parenté quant aux moyens rhétoriques entre la phénoménologie de Husserl et l’Archéologie de Foucault. Si on comprend la rhétorique non pas (comme les premiers dialogues de Platon voulaient le montrer) comme contraire de la philosophie, ni comme son vis-à-vis, mais comme dimension incontournable de l’argumentation philosophique, à travers la mise en place de moyens rhétoriques, performatifs et de mise en scène, alors cette parenté gagne une nouvelle signification. Husserl lui-même utilise le concept (...) d’« archéologie phénoménologique », dans un texte de 1932 (ici présenté, pour la première fois en français) et ce, dans un sens programmatique. À partir de cet arrière-plan, une convergence se dessine entre les tentatives de Husserl et de Foucault, d’une part de comprendre leur propre entreprise comme archéologie et de pourvoir celle-ci du prestige d’une science héroïque et en même temps d’une sobriété toute positiviste ; d’autre part d’éviter l’implication d’une ontologie platonicienne-dualiste de l’apparence et de l’Être, de la surface et de la profondeur à travers des interprétations spécifiques, visant à mettre en place une disposition horizontale des objets. (shrink)

Beaucoup plus abondante et variée que ne le laisse croire sa réputation, la référence religieuse joue chez Schopenhauer un rôle d�importance : alors que sa philosophie entend ramener les religions à leur pertinence authentique � c�est-à-dire morale, selon lui �, l�exemplarité religieuse et le discours mystique viennent en effet prendre le relais de l�exposition conceptuelle, à laquelle échappe la réalité toute pratique de la voie du renoncement qu�il entend comme l�aboutissement réel du parcours de sa pensée, ainsi que l�altération qui (...) s�ensuit d�une telle abnégation de l�essence. (shrink)

On a surtout retenu de l'oeuvre de Maritain sa participation à la réflexion politique. Ici l'auteur nous rappelle que la pensée de Maritain est fondamentalement orientée et centrée sur Dieu. À travers les vicissitudes de la vie de la cité, l'homme, doté d'un esprit qui est image de Dieu, cherche son repos et sa fin ultimes. Ceux-ci ne se trouvent qu'en Dieu. En recentrant ainsi la réflexion de Maritain, l'auteur lui donne toute sa profondeur. Les positions politiques de Maritain s'en (...) trouvent-elles nécessairement justifiées ou au contraire relativisées? Ce sera au lecteur, guidé par le travail profond et lumineux de M. Resch, de conclure."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

O objetivo deste artigo é refletir sobre o modo como as lutas locais e suas movimentações em torno do discurso dos direitos humanos podem ser alçadas à condição de ação política. Trata-se da tentativa de ampliar o conceito de política tendo em vista a potência de transformação contida nos coletivos de subjetividades portadoras de experiências comuns de violência e sofrimento. Fazendo uso do conceito de quilombo, em Beatriz Nascimento, buscaremos fundamentar o alargamento da ideia de política a partir de duas (...) configurações: a disputa por territórios e a conectividade entre saberes específicos e menores oriundos das lutas. Para tanto, cotejaremos o pensamento da autora com a filosofia contemporânea de Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze e Félix Guattari. Nossa hipótese é a de que o conceito de ação política demandaria um alargamento em sua formulação de modo a abranger as variadas e singulares formas de resistência cotidianas. (shrink)

L’intérêt et l’originalité de l’humanisme merleau-pontien consiste à mes yeux dans sa mise en lumière du dévoilement de l’origine refoulée de l’homme dans le registre de l’art et de l’expression du corps en général. Merleau-Ponty a su percevoir exemplairement ce mouvement de récursion vers l’inhumain dans l’oeuvre de Cézanne. « Je vous dois la vérité en peinture disait Cézanne ». Cézanne nous donne en effet la vérité de l’hominisation en peinture. Nul mieux que Merleau-Ponty nous permet d’entendre encore aujourd’hui la (...) voix de Cézanne. Il nous permet de fonder sur l’écho de cette voix un nouvel humanisme, un humanisme qui garde en mémoire l’inhumain, qui lève le refoulement mais sans le supprimer, tout comme l’artiste présente l’invisible du visible et tout comme le philosophe décrit la profondeur de l’être. Cet humanisme de la surrection est celui de l’apparition de l’homme à lui-même dans la constellation hasardeuse des signes et dans l’adversité du non-sens, à égale distance de l’humanisme sans vergogne des aînés de Merleau-Ponty et de l’antihumanisme postmoderne de ses cadets.The interest and originality of Merleau-Ponty’s humanism lie, in my view, in the unveiling of the repressed origin of humanity in the domain of art and the expression of the body more generally. Merleau-Ponty was able to perceive an example of this recursive movement toward the inhuman in Cézanne’s works. “I owe you the truth in painting,” said Cézanne. In effect, Cézanne gives us the truth of humanization in painting. None better than Merleau-Ponty allows us to hear Cézanne’s voice today. Through the echo of this voice, he allows us to found a new humanism, a humanism that bears the memory of the inhuman, that lifts up the repressed but without effacing it, all while presenting us with the invisible in the visible and exposing the profundity of the human being. This humanism of upheaval is that of the appearance of humanity to itself in a hazardous constellation of signs and in the adversity of non-sense set in equal distance from the shameless humanism of Merleau-Ponty’s predecessors and the postmodern antihumanism of those who came after him.L’interesse e l’originalità dell’umanismo merleau-pontyano consiste ai nostri occhi nella sua capacità di disvelare l’origine rimossa dell’uomo nella dimensione dell’arte e dell’espressione corporea in generale. Merleau-Ponty ha saputo percepire esemplarmente questo movimento di ritorno e di ricorso all’inumano nell’opera di Cézanne. “Je vous dois la vérité en peinture”, affermava Cézanne. Egli ci restituisce, in pittura, la verità dell’ominazione. Ancor oggi nessuno meglio di Merleau-Ponty ci consente di intendere la voce di Cézanne. Merleau-Ponty ci consente di fondare sull’eco di quella voce un nuovo umanismo, un umanismo che conserva memoria dell’inumano, che innalza il rimosso senza sopprimerlo, proprio come l’artista presenta l’invisibile del visibile, e il filosofo descrive la profondità dell’essere. Quest’umanismo della “surrezione” è l’umanismo dell’apparizione dell’uomo a se stesso nella costellazione aleatoria dei segni e nell’avversità del non-senso come rimosso, un umanismo che si pone a uguale distanza dall’umanismo senza vergogna dei predecessori di Merleau-Ponty e dell’anti-umanismo postmoderno dei suoi successori. (shrink)

Este trabalho agencia a obra de Gilles Deleuze e Félix Guattari à educação em ciências ao jogar luzes sobre o deslocamento que permeia a organização deste componente curricular. O uso destes autores para pensarmos a educação em ciências, possibilita a (re)inserção da diferença e da multiplicidade, extirpadas do estrato científico pelo sonho moderno de totalização da realidade – que persiste no pedagógico – por meio da redução conceitual operada pela lógica da identidade. Assim, evidencia as (des)continuidades das práticas entre um (...) estrato e outro, como resultado da força de uma tradição que passa a ser subvertida pelo corte epistemológico deleuzo-guattariano. (shrink)

There are numerous studies that, from different perspectives, have dealt with the debate held in the Spanish Empire during the 16th century on the slavery of the American Indians, starring –among others– by Francisco de Vitoria and his disciples from the School of Salamanca, and also –outside the academic sphere– by Fray Bartolomé de las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda. The purpose of this work is to study whether this debate made its mark in Spanish society. For this, it (...) is analyzed three theatrical pieces from the Golden Age signed by playwrights of the stature of Tirso de Molina, Lope de Vega and Pedro Calderón de Barca, who –given their enormous popularity– had the capacity to reach the wide audience that congregated in the corrals of comedies. Were these three writers influenced by the controversy over the Indians carried out, among other authors, by Vitoria, Las Casas and Sepúlveda? Did they fully grasp in their works the subtle debate that Vitoria, Las Casas and Sepúlveda maintained when they interpreted Aristotelian arguments on slavery and the consequences that derived from them in terms of the possibility of enslaving or not the Indians? (shrink)

This article analyses the forms of dividuation workers undergo when they are linked to technologies, such as algorithms or artificial intelligence. It examines functionalities and operations deployed by certain types of Talent Management software and apps—UKG, Tribepad, Afiniti, RetailNext and Textio. Specifically, it analyses how talented workers materialise in relation to the profiles and the statistical models generated by such artificial intelligence machines. It argues that these operate as a nooscope that allows the transindividual plane to be quantified through a (...) process known as dividuation. Finally, by way of conclusion, the notion of the dividual is presented as the logic that characterises the human–machine relationship in the case of artificial intelligence and as the horizon of what Felix Guattari called “machinic capitalism”. (shrink)

Mgr Félix Hedde (1879-1960), o.p., est un personnage-clé de la mission des dominicains de Lyon dans le Haut-Tonkin. Son long ministère au Việt Nam (1926-1960) en fit un témoin privilégié d’une période dramatique de l’histoire du pays. Il a connu les années prospères de la colonisation française jusqu’en 1940, les souffrances de ses compatriotes pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la guerre d’Indochine, leur humiliation face à la décolonisation forcée, et enfin la persécution ouverte ou larvée des chrétiens sous le (...) régime communiste. Chez Félix Hedde, l’amour pour la mission du Tonkin, le désir d’y implanter l’Église, se conjuguait à sa volonté d’honorer ses traditions familiales et nationales. L’épreuve de l’occupation japonaise, de la guerre d’Indochine, des défaites de l’armée française, autant que le réconfort de la fidélité des chrétiens vietnamiens de la mission dans une situation de plus en plus critique, détachant Mgr Hedde de ses rêves patriotiques, le conduisirent à l’accomplissement de sa vocation missionnaire. Les conditions particulières de son territoire de mission, où les ethnies montagnardes sont très largement majoritaires, l’amenèrent cependant à proposer pour lui succéder le Français André Jacq, privant ainsi d’évêque les chrétiens du lieu, de 1958 à 1990. (shrink)

It is question in this text of analyzing the intention to mean something to somebody in the light of the husserlian concept of intentionality. The communication is described there as aiming at the cooperation between the persons by means of ostensive appearance of some of their intentions, on the foundation of the desire of recognition. The constituent role of the communication for any Community is put in it in evidence.

What is political about political refugeehood? Theorists have assumed that refugees are special because their specific predicament as those who are persecuted sets them aside from other “necessitous strangers.” Persecution is a special form of wrongful harm that marks the repudiation of a person's political membership and that cannot—contrary to certain other harms—be remedied where they are. It makes asylum necessary as a specific remedial institution. In this article, I argue that this is correct. Yet, the connection between political membership, (...) its repudiation, and persecution is far from clear. Drawing on normative political thought and research on autocracies, repression, and migration studies, I show that it is political oppression that marks the repudiation of political membership and leads to various forms of repression that can equally not be remedied at home. A truly political account moves away from persecution and endorses political oppression as the normative pillar of refugeehood and asylum. (shrink)

Who should be recognized as a refugee? This article seeks to uncover the normative arguments at the core of legal and philosophical conceptions of refugeehood. It identifies three analytically dist...

Who should be recognized as a refugee? This article seeks to uncover the normative arguments at the core of legal and philosophical conceptions of refugeehood. It identifies three analytically distinct approaches grounding the right to refugee status and argues that all three are normatively inadequate. Refugee status should neither be grounded in individual persecution for specific reasons (classical approach) nor in individual persecution for any discriminatory reasons (human rights approach). It should also not be based solely on harm (humanitarian approach). (...) Rather, this article argues, it should be based on political oppression – on persons lacking public autonomy, formally expressed as a lack of legal–political status. The normative foundation for a claim to refugee status lies in the inability of a person to control, amend and seek recourse to the specific situation she faces. It lies in the lack of public autonomy expressed as a lack of legal–political rights. What matters for a claim to refugee status is thus the legal–political disenfranchisement of a person, ultimately leaving her with no recourse to the particular situation she faces other than flight. Refugees, then, are not only those who fear harm or persecution, but those who are politically oppressed. (shrink)

Should refugees govern refugee camps? This paper argues that they should. It draws on normative political thought in consulting the all-subjected principle and an instrumental defense of democratic rule. The former holds that all those subjected to rule in a political unit should have a say in such rule. Through analyzing the conditions that pertain in refugee camps, the paper demonstrates that the all-subjected principle applies there, too. Refugee camps have developed as near distinct entities from their host states. They (...) have formed their own economic, legal and even political systems within which refugees are subjected to political rule. The paper then demonstrates that democratic rule should be preferred over any other decision-making procedure. No amount of experts can replace the institutions that would lead to the accountability of decision-makers and to the incorporation of refugees as situated and epistemically diverse knowers of the problems they face and the solutions that would work best. (shrink)

Should refugees receive political rights in liberal democracies? I argue that they should. Refugees are special – at least when it comes to claims towards democratic inclusion. They lack exit options and are significantly impacted by decisions made in liberal democracies. Enfranchisement is a matter of urgency to them and should occur on a national level. But what justifies the democratic inclusion of refugees? I draw on the all-subjected principle in arguing that all those subjected to rule in a political (...) unit should have a say in such rule. I show that refugees cannot be denied democratic inclusion based on the argument that transients should be excluded from participation. Refugees are not transients. Finally, I show that naturalization is not a prerequisite for enfranchisement. Political rights and citizenship can be had independently of each other. Refugees, then, should be nationally enfranchised as soon as they receive refugee status. (shrink)

A menudo, el destello de los beneficios que reporta la inteligencia artificial en numerosos espacios, eclipsa los impactos medioambientales de esta tecnología. En este sentido, en un contexto marcado por la superación de los límites planetarios, es conveniente iniciar una senda reflexiva que aspire a plantear una inteligencia artificial sostenible. El compromiso con la responsabilidad y el cultivo del cuidado modelan un marco ético para la realización de la sostenibilidad como un ideal moral indispensable para el presente y el futuro (...) de los intelectos sintéticos. El reconocimiento y la estimación de la vulnerabilidad de la biosfera constituyen dos piezas claves para comprender los efectos de una agencia moral mediada por la tecnología. (shrink)

I offer here a critical assessment of Beall and Ficara’s most recent take on Hegelian contradictions. By interpreting differently some key passages of Hegel’s work, I favor, unlike them, a no-gaps approach which leads to a different logic.

We explore the interaction between oculomotor control and language comprehension on the sentence level using two well-tested computational accounts of parsing difficulty. Previous work (Boston, Hale, Vasishth, & Kliegl, 2011) has shown that surprisal (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008) and cue-based memory retrieval (Lewis & Vasishth, 2005) are significant and complementary predictors of reading time in an eyetracking corpus. It remains an open question how the sentence processor interacts with oculomotor control. Using a simple linking hypothesis proposed in Reichle, Warren, and (...) McConnell (2009), we integrated both measures with the eye movement model EMMA (Salvucci, 2001) inside the cognitive architecture ACT-R (Anderson et al., 2004). We built a reading model that could initiate short “Time Out regressions” (Mitchell, Shen, Green, & Hodgson, 2008) that compensate for slow postlexical processing. This simple interaction enabled the model to predict the re-reading of words based on parsing difficulty. The model was evaluated in different configurations on the prediction of frequency effects on the Potsdam Sentence Corpus. The extension of EMMA with postlexical processing improved its predictions and reproduced re-reading rates and durations with a reasonable fit to the data. This demonstration, based on simple and independently motivated assumptions, serves as a foundational step toward a precise investigation of the interaction between high-level language processing and eye movement control. (shrink)

Aesthetic chills occur in artistic, scientific and religious context. We introduce a theoretical framework relating them to humans’ vital need for cognition. We discuss the implications of such a framework and the plausibility of our hypothesis. Numerous references to chills are introduced.

This paper studies the possible influences on Boole's logic of the writings related to the controversy over the quantification of the predicate between the philosopher William Hamilton and the mathematician Augustus De Morgan. As Boole himself testified in the introduction to his book The mathematical analysis of logic , this controversy was the external agent that stimulated him into writing up his earlier thoughts about a new conception of logic. But in addition to the external role that was played by (...) the controversy, it seems that other kinds of influences on Boole of Hamilton's and De Morgan's ideas about logic, which were made explicit in writings related to the controversy, can also be traced. (shrink)

The mounting pressures of the climate -and ecological crisis organising politics under a “new climatic regime” (Latour 2017, 3). The epistemic and affective interference of Holocene collapse (author 2022) mobilises Minority-world liberal and far-right resistance, driving feedbacks that undercut democratic capacities for mitigation and adaptation (IPCC 2022). This paper proposes approaching such resistance through an “ecology of practices” (Stengers 2005, 2010), thereby delineating a shared modern timespace linked to affordances of whiteness. In response, the paper proposes a ‘politics of life’ (...) that displaces humanistic agency as the bearer of historical progress and territorial integrity. (shrink)

This paper discusses the pluralist theory of reparations for historical injustice offered by Daniel Butt (Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 24(5):1161–75, 2021). Butt attempts to vindicate purely past-regarding corrective duties in response to Alasia Nuti’s historical-structural model of reparations. I agree with Butt that reparative justice requires both past-regarding and future-looking structural duties. And I agree with him that Nuti’s model leaves out purely past-regarding duties. I argue, however, that Butt does not offer a genuinely pluralist account. I present minimal (...) necessary conditions for past-regarding (corrective) justice and demonstrate that the past-regarding duties Butt advocates do not meet these conditions. The past-regarding duties Butt offers collapse into the kinds of distributive (structural) duties from which he attempts to separate them. Yet, I suggest these shortcomings are instructive and sketch a path forward for a genuinely pluralist account of reparations. A genuinely pluralist account must follow this path in order to vindicate the intuitions that motivate both past-regarding duties and the structural injustice model. (shrink)

Contemporary liberal states must provide an answer to the “question of cultural diversity”, requiring a principled way to determine which minority cultural practices a state must accommodate and support. (Liberal egalitarian) multiculturalism answers this question neatly by creating a dichotomy between national minorities and ethnic minorities (the national/ethnic “dichotomy”). Where national minorities are entitled to extensive and far-reaching cultural rights, ethnic minorities are entitled to significantly fewer cultural rights and accommodations. This dichotomy is enacted through a distributive logic that allocates (...) cultural rights to achieve equal individual autonomy. But the dichotomy is also influenced by the ways these groups were incorporated into the state. Their modes of incorporation are different and, thus, they have different requirements to achieve equally autonomous lives. Critics have challenged multiculturalism by questioning this dichotomy. They have suggested that the dichotomy does not adequately capture differences in kinds of minority groups and their entitlements. This paper defends the dichotomy by offering a supplementary principle to liberal egalitarian multiculturalism: the reparative multicultural principle. This principle allocates cultural rights as part of reparative entitlements for historical and ongoing injustices committed against minority groups. Supplementing multiculturalism in this way more accurately captures the idea of the historical mode of incorporation that inspires the dichotomy and can help resolve some the objections to multiculturalism. (shrink)