Results for 'demos decisions'

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  1.  36
    Deciding the demos: three conceptions of democratic legitimacy.Ludvig Beckman - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):412-431.
    The prevailing view is that democratic procedures are unable to confer democratic legitimacy to decisions about democratic procedures. This paper examines this claim in detail and uses referendums on the inclusion of previously disenfranchised groups in the demos as a running example. The paper distinguishes between pure, imperfect and quasi-pure models of procedural democratic legitimacy and sub-versions of them. To various extents, each model does have the capacity to confer legitimacy to demos decisions under well-defined circumstances. (...)
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  2.  30
    Deciding the demos: three conceptions of democratic legitimacy.Ludvig Beckman - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):412-431.
    The prevailing view is that democratic procedures are unable to confer democratic legitimacy to decisions about democratic procedures. This paper examines this claim in detail and uses referendums on the inclusion of previously disenfranchised groups in the demos as a running example. The paper distinguishes between pure, imperfect and quasi-pure models of procedural democratic legitimacy and sub-versions of them. To various extents, each model does have the capacity to confer legitimacy to demos decisions under well-defined circumstances. (...)
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  3.  22
    The demos and its critics.Aaron Maltais, Jonas Hultin Rosenberg & Ludvig Beckman - 2019 - The Review of Politics 81 (3):435-457.
    The “demos paradox” is the idea that the composition of a demos could never secure democratic legitimacy because the composition of a demos cannot itself be democratically decided. Those who view this problem as unsolvable argue that this insight allows them to adopt a critical perspective towards common ideas about who has legitimate standing to participate in democratic decision-making. We argue that the opposite is true and that endorsing the demos paradox actually undermines our ability to (...)
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  4.  87
    Defining the demos.Ben Saunders - 2012 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 11 (3):280-301.
    Until relatively recently, few democrats had much to say about the constitution of the ‘demos' that ought to rule. A number of recent writers have, however, argued that all those whose interests are affected must be enfranchised if decision-making is to be fully democratic. This article criticizes this approach, arguing that it misunderstands democracy. Democratic procedures are about the agency of the people so only agents can be enfranchised, yet not all bearers of interests are also agents. If we (...)
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  5.  41
    Parrhesia and the demos tyrannos: Frank speech, flattery and accountability in democratic athens.Matthew Landauer - 2012 - History of Political Thought 33 (2):185-208.
    Parrhesia, or frank speech, is usually understood as a practice intimately connected to Athenian democracy. This paper begins by analysing parrhesia in non-democratic regimes. Building on that analysis, I suggest that most accounts of parrhesia overlook the degree to which its practice at Athens implied a comparison of the demos to an unaccountable ruler -- a tyrant. As a practice, parrhesia was paradigmatically undertaken by speakers addressing an audience with the power to sanction them in the event that their (...)
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  6.  57
    The Problem(s) of Constituting the Demos: A (Set of) Solution.Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen & Andreas Bengtson - 2021 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 24 (4):1021-1031.
    When collective decisions should be made democratically, which people form the relevant demos? Many theorists think this question is an embarrassment to democratic theory: because any decision about who forms the demos must be made democratically by the right demos, which itself must be democratically constituted and so on ad infinitum; and because neither the concept of democracy, nor our reasons for caring about democracy, determine who should form the demos. Having distinguished between these three (...)
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  7.  17
    A Fluid Demos for a Hypermigration Polity.Enrico Biale - 2019 - Res Publica 25 (1):101-117.
    In this paper I will hold that it is desirable to ensure people be included within the borders and the political community both, but I will point out the potential incompatibility of the two. In an open-borders society, members of a polity would not be exclusively individuals who expect to stay in a country for a long time but also people who temporarily work and live there. Among this latter group would be individuals who would continuously migrate—call them hypermigrants. While (...)
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  8.  29
    The Democratic Inclusion of Artificial Intelligence? Exploring the Patiency, Agency and Relational Conditions for Demos Membership.Ludvig Beckman & Jonas Hultin Rosenberg - 2022 - Philosophy and Technology 35 (2):1-24.
    Should artificial intelligences ever be included as co-authors of democratic decisions? According to the conventional view in democratic theory, the answer depends on the relationship between the political unit and the entity that is either affected or subjected to its decisions. The relational conditions for inclusion as stipulated by the all-affected and all-subjected principles determine the spatial extension of democratic inclusion. Thus, AI qualifies for democratic inclusion if and only if AI is either affected or subjected to (...) by the political unit in relevant ways. This paper argues that the conventional view is too simple; that it neglects democratic reasons to recognize only agents and/or moral patients as participants in decision-making. The claim defended is that AAP and ASP implicitly affirm requirements for agency and patiency. In ASP, the entity included must be an agent understood either in terms of legal status, capacity to comply with the law or ability to recognize legitimate authority. In AAP, the entity included must be a patient, understood either in terms of capacity for sentience or consciousness. Thus, the idea here is to explore the potential democratic inclusion of artificial intelligences by an updated account of the relevant conditions of agency and patiency that are implicit in democratic theory. Although conceivable that AI is or will be either affected or subjected in relevant ways to decisions made by political units, it is far less clear that AI will ever be agents or patients in the sense required for democratic inclusion. (shrink)
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  9.  20
    The Ethics of Multiple Citizenship.Ana Tanasoca - 2018 - Cambridge University Press.
    Citizenship is no longer an exclusive relationship. Many people today are citizens of multiple countries, whether by birth, naturalization, or even through monetary means, with schemes fast-tracking citizenship applications from foreigners making large investments in the state. Moral problems surround each of those ways of acquiring a second citizenship, while retaining one's original citizenship. Multiple citizenship can also have morally problematic consequences for the coherence of collective decisions, for the constitution of the demos, and for global inequality. The (...)
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  10. Ideas of Europe: Civilization and Constitution.Étienne Balibar - 2009 - Iris. European Journal of Philosophy and Public Debate 1 (1):3-17.
    In this article, the author discusses two aspects of the representation of “Europe” as a historical subject that are bound to prove controversial: its relationship to universality, and the conditions of its becoming democratic as a polity. The paradox of “European identity” is that it conceived of itself as the particular site of the invention of the universal and its revelation to the world. A dialectics of recognition through the confrontation with the Other was always involved (above all in the (...)
     
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  11.  82
    Why the all-affected principle is groundless.Andreas Bengtson & Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen - 2021 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 18 (6):571-596.
    The all-affected principle is a widely accepted solution to the problem of constituting the demos. Despite its popularity, a basic question in relation to the principle has not received much attention: why does the fact that an individual is affected by a certain decision ground a right to inclusion in democratic decision-making about that matter? An answer to this question must include a reason that explains why an affected individual should be included because she is affected. We identify three (...)
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  12.  53
    Reconceiving the democratic boundary problem.David Miller - 2020 - Philosophy Compass 15 (11):1-9.
    The democratic boundary problem arises because it appears that the units within which democratic decision procedures will operate cannot themselves be constituted democratically. The study argues that setting the boundaries of democracy involves attending simultaneously to three variables: domain (where and to whom do decisions apply), constituency (who is entitled to be included in the deciding body) and scope (which issues should be on the decision agenda). Most of the existing literature has focussed narrowly on the constituency question, endorsing (...)
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  13.  19
    European Constitutionalism v. Reformed Constitution for Europe.Vaidotas A. Vaicaitis - 2010 - Jurisprudencija: Mokslo darbu žurnalas 119 (1):69-83.
    The very idea of the draft European Union (EU) Constitutional Treaty was reexamined after the failed French and Dutch referendums and the Treaty of Lisbon (also known as the Reform Treaty) was drafted and entered into force on 1 December 2009 after it’s ratification by all 27 member states. The traditional notion of a Constitution as a national legal document establishing the social contract and a moral minimum for a particular socially unified group still prevails in legal and political thinking. (...)
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  14.  29
    How to Assess the Democratic Qualities of a Multi-stakeholder Initiative from a Habermasian Perspective? Deliberative Democracy and the Equator Principles Framework.Manuel Wörsdörfer, Bastiaan Linden & Wil Martens - 2019 - Journal of Business Ethics 155 (4):1115-1133.
    The paper presents a renewed Habermasian view on transnational multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs) and assesses the institutional characteristics of the Equator Principles Association (EPA) from a deliberative democracy perspective. Habermas’ work has been widely adopted in the academic literature on the political responsibilities of (multinational) corporations (i.e., political corporate social responsibility), and also in assessing the democratic qualities of MSIs. Commentators, however, have noted that Habermas’ approach relies very much on ‘nation-state democracy’ and may not be applicable to democracy in MSIs—in (...)
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  15.  23
    How to Assess the Democratic Qualities of a Multi-stakeholder Initiative from a Habermasian Perspective? Deliberative Democracy and the Equator Principles Framework.Wil Martens, Bastiaan van der Linden & Manuel Wörsdörfer - 2019 - Journal of Business Ethics 155 (4):1115-1133.
    The paper presents a renewed Habermasian view on transnational multi-stakeholder initiatives and assesses the institutional characteristics of the Equator Principles Association from a deliberative democracy perspective. Habermas’ work has been widely adopted in the academic literature on the political responsibilities of corporations, and also in assessing the democratic qualities of MSIs. Commentators, however, have noted that Habermas’ approach relies very much on ‘nation-state democracy’ and may not be applicable to democracy in MSIs—in which nation-states are virtually absent. We argue that (...)
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  16.  72
    Locating Animals in Political Philosophy.Will Kymlicka & Sue Donaldson - 2016 - Philosophy Compass 11 (11):692-701.
    While animal rights have been a central topic within moral philosophy since the 1970s, it has remained virtually invisible within political philosophy. This article explores two key reasons for the difficulties in locating animals within political philosophy. First, even if animals are seen as having intrinsic moral status, they are often seen as ultimately distant others or strangers, beyond the bounds of human society. Insofar as political philosophy focuses on the governing of a shared social life, animals are seen as (...)
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  17.  34
    The All-Affected Principle Reconsidered.Jonas Hultin Rosenberg - 2020 - Social Theory and Practice 46 (4):847-867.
    The all-affected principle, by which all those affected by the policies of the state ought to be included in the demos governing it, is often considered prima facie attractive but, upon closer examination, implausible. The main alternative, according to which all those and only those affected by possible consequences of possible decisions ought to be included in the demos, is equally implausible. I suggest a reformulated principle: the demos includes all those affected by foreseeable consequences of (...)
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  18. The Democratic Boundary Problem Reconsidered.Gustaf Arrhenius - 2018 - Ethics, Politics and Society: A Journal in Moral and Political Philosophy 2018 (1):89-122.
    Who should have a right to take part in which decisions in democratic decision making? This “boundary problem” is a central issue for democracy and is of both practical and theoretical import. If nothing else, all different notions of democracy have one thing in common: a reference to a community of individuals, “a people”, who takes decision in a democratic fashion. However, that a decision is made with a democratic decision method by a certain group of people doesn’t suffice (...)
     
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  19.  32
    The Democratic Minimum: Is Democracy a Means to Global Justice?James Bohman - 2005 - Ethics and International Affairs 19 (1):101-116.
    I argue that transnational democracy provides the basis for a solution to the problem of the “democratic circle”—that in order for democracy to promote justice, it must already be just—at the international level. Transnational democracy could be a means to global justice. First, I briefly recount my argument for the “democratic minimum.” This minimum is freedom from domination, understood in a very specific sense. Employing Hannah Arendt's conception of freedom as “the capacity to begin,” the form of nondomination sufficient for (...)
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  20.  27
    Exile, Ostracism and the Athenian Democracy.Sara Forsdyke - 2000 - Classical Antiquity 19 (2):232-263.
    This paper addresses the question of the role of ostracism in democratic Athens. I argue that the frequent expulsion of aristocrats by rival aristocrats in the predemocratic polis is the key to understanding the function of ostracism in the democratic polis. I show that aristocratic "politics of exile" was a fundamental political problem in the archaic polis and that democratic political power, symbolized by the institution of ostracism, was the polis' solution to the problem. In the archaic polis, the expulsion (...)
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  21.  32
    Democracy, Elites and Power: John Dewey Reconsidered.Melvin L. Rogers - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (1):68-89.
    This essay demonstrates that the management and contestability of power is central to Dewey's understanding of democracy and provides a middle ground between two opposite poles within democratic theory: Either the masses become the genuine danger to democratic governance (à la Lippmann) or elites are described as bent on controlling the masses (à la Wolin). Yet, the answer to managing the relationship between them and the demos is never forthcoming. I argue that Dewey's response to Lippmann for how we (...)
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  22.  16
    Plato on Recognition of Political Leaders: the Importance of Mirrored Character Traits.Leo Catana - 2020 - Polis 37 (2):265-289.
    This article argues for two inter-related theses keyed to Plato’s Gorgias. Callicles does not represent a constitutional form, but political participation itself, characterised by ambition, competition among political candidates, and the psychological and ethical mechanisms entailed in the process of gaining political recognition. According to Socrates’s understanding, the political leader’s mirroring and internalisation of dominant character traits, held amongst those individuals transferring power, is decisive to the approval bestowed upon the political leader in question. This reading supplements that of Ober, (...)
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  23.  30
    Democracy and legitimacy in plurinational societies.Genevieve Nootens - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (3):276-294.
    The paper's aim is to tackle some significant challenges faced by democratic theory in plurinational societies. Claims to recognition challenge the assumption of a ‘people speaking in one voice’ and therefore, some basic tenets of liberal democracy. In a context where one cannot assume anymore a homogeneous demos, it is tempting to believe that there may be an independent, yet democratic, principle that may help us to solve the problem of the ‘constitution of the demos.’ Goodin argues that (...)
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  24.  51
    Rhetoric and anger.Kenneth S. Zagacki & Patrick A. Boleyn-Fitzgerald - 2006 - Philosophy and Rhetoric 39 (4):290-309.
    In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Rhetoric and AngerKenneth S. Zagacki and Patrick A. Boleyn-FitzgeraldSince most believe anger can be either good or bad, rhetors face a moral problem of determining when anger is appropriate and when it is not. They face a corresponding rhetorical problem in deciding when and how to express anger and determining the role that it might play in public discourse, with specific audiences and in particular rhetorical situations. Rhetorical scholars (...)
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  25. Truth, the People, and Climate Change: Toward a Non-Ideal Approach to Democratic Legitimacy.Theophile Penigaud - 2024 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 36 (1):20-44.
    Democracy in Spite of the Demos challenges democratic authority when the people are no longer able to make good decisions in an economic environment generating systemic social delusion. However, the solution offered to overcome the stalemate remains precarious, and the tension between democracy and emancipation is addressed with wrong conceptual tools. This calls for a reflection on the conditions for a democratically legitimate refoundation of democracy, bridging the gap between critical and democratic theory.
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  26.  26
    Appropriate Allocation of Authority in Diverse Democracies.Corsin Bisaz - 2015 - Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 101 (1):60-74.
    By and large, it is argued that political decisions in a democracy derive their legitimacy from the _demos_, the democratic people, through a qualified and fair procedure. However, the _demos_ cannot be seen as a natural given and its legitimate delimitation has recently become an issue of much debate. This essay supports and defends the view that a _demos_ cannot be 'generally legitimate,' but only with regard to a specific issue. In consequence, the appropriate allocation of authority will be (...)
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  27.  11
    Beyond the Self-Legislation Model of Democracy: James Bohman’s Approach to Democratic Theory.Mark E. Warren - 2018 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 48 (2):237-246.
    James Bohman’s work involves a paradigm shift in how we conceive democracy in complex, pluralized, globalized contexts comprised of multiple, overlapping constituencies that often have broad extension in space and time. He breaks with theories that view democracy as comprised of a bounded demos legislating for itself, and which conceptualize democracy as ways of organizing territorial, state-organized political entities. Elements of a progressive democratic theory that travels across borders should be built out of three ideas: a nonutopianism that pays (...)
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  28.  37
    Democracy, Elites and Power: John Dewey Reconsidered.Allen Buchanan - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (1):68-89.
    This essay demonstrates that the management and contestability of power is central to Dewey's understanding of democracy and provides a middle ground between two opposite poles within democratic theory: Either the masses become the genuine danger to democratic governance (à la Lippmann) or elites are described as bent on controlling the masses (à la Wolin). Yet, the answer to managing the relationship between them and the demos is never forthcoming. I argue that Dewey's response to Lippmann for how we (...)
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  29.  26
    Democratizing Global ‘Bodies Politic’: Collective Agency, Political Legitimacy, and the Democratic Boundary Problem.Terry Macdonald - 2017 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric 10 (2).
    This article outlines a new approach to answering the foundational question in democratic theory of how the boundaries of democratic political units should be delineated. Whereas democratic theorists have mostly focused on identifying the appropriate population-group – or demos – for democratic decisionmaking, it is argued here that we should also take account of considerations relating to the appropriate scope of a democratic unit’s institutionalized governance capabilities – or public power. These matter because democratically legitimate governance is produced not (...)
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  30.  30
    Democratizing Global ‘Bodies Politic’: Collective Agency, Political Legitimacy, and the Democratic Boundary Problem.Terry Macdonald - 2018 - Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 10 (2).
    This article outlines a new approach to answering the foundational question in democratic theory of how the boundaries of democratic political units should be delineated. Whereas democratic theorists have mostly focused on identifying the appropriate population-group – or demos – for democratic decisionmaking, it is argued here that we should also take account of considerations relating to the appropriate scope of a democratic unit’s institutionalized governance capabilities – or public power. These matter because democratically legitimate governance is produced not (...)
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  31. Grande Sertão: Veredas by João Guimarães Rosa.Felipe W. Martinez, Nancy Fumero & Ben Segal - 2013 - Continent 3 (1):27-43.
    INTRODUCTION BY NANCY FUMERO What is a translation that stalls comprehension? That, when read, parsed, obfuscates comprehension through any language – English, Portuguese. It is inevitable that readers expect fidelity from translations. That language mirror with a sort of precision that enables the reader to become of another location, condition, to grasp in English in a similar vein as readers of Portuguese might from João Guimarães Rosa’s GRANDE SERTÃO: VEREDAS. There is the expectation that translations enable mobility. That what was (...)
     
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  32. Lying to oneself.Raphael Demos - 1960 - Journal of Philosophy 57 (18):588-595.
  33. Philosophy of discipline.Raphael Demos - 1959 - In Malcolm Theodore Carron (ed.), Readings in the philosophy of education. [Detroit]: University of Detroit Press.
     
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  34.  28
    Jung's Thought and Influence:The Collected Works of C. G. Jung.Raphael Demos - 1955 - Review of Metaphysics 9 (1):71 - 89.
    Jung has long been a doctor for mental illness; at Zurich and elsewhere the list of his patients---many of them American--is very large. But he has never been merely a practising physician of mental ills; he has all along been a student of the human psyche, both abnormal and normal. The forces impelling him to his investigations are surely complex. Jung, no doubt, is concerned with therapy--a therapy of the ills not only of particular individuals, but of societies too. Indeed, (...)
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  35. The art of communication.Raphael Demos - 1959 - In Malcolm Theodore Carron (ed.), Readings in the philosophy of education. [Detroit]: University of Detroit Press.
     
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  36. The Philosophy of Plato.Raphael Demos - 1939 - Philosophy 14 (55):350-356.
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  37. Proof only.Demos To - 2004 - Thesis Eleven 77:25-43.
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  38.  32
    The Meeting of East and West: An Inquiry Concerning World Understanding.Raphael Demos - 1947 - Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 8 (2):276-280.
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  39.  21
    Some Reflections on Threats and Punishments.Raphael Demos - 1957 - Review of Metaphysics 11 (2):224 - 236.
    Moralists have raised the question as to how punishment may be justified, and their answers to the question generally have been of two sorts: they have appealed to the principle either of retributive justice or to that of beneficial consequences. I will argue that the question itself is illegitimate and that therefore the answers should be dismissed as irrelevant. For punishment is not a separate act or operation calling for justification; rather it is the last act of a play beginning (...)
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  40.  17
    Greek Foundations of Traditional Logic.Raphael Demos - 1943 - Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 4 (1):94-101.
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  41. The philosophy of Plato.Raphael Demos - 1939 - New York,: Octagon Books.
  42.  6
    The Meeting of East and West: An Inquiry Concerning World Understanding.Demos Demos - 1979
    The influence of eastern thought on the culture of the United States and Western Europe is now seen in the spread of Buddhism, meditation, martial arts, yoga, oriental art, and hundreds of other Asian imports. Written during World War II, this classic work correctly anticipated the clash of eastern and western ideologies which has dominated the post-war landscape.
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  43.  4
    An international feminist challenge to theory.Vasilikie P. Demos & Marcia Texler Segal (eds.) - 2001 - New York: JAI.
    This volume offers papers touching on four inter-related themes: a critique of the European Enlightenment as a basis for the production of knowledge; the use of "gender" as a concept; problems in feminist theories of development; and the place of feminism in the production of knowledge.
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  44.  16
    A Note on Plato's Republic.Raphael Demos - 1958 - Review of Metaphysics 12 (2):300 - 307.
    Such a question and such a suggestion may seem preposterous. The scholarly tradition represents Plato as the first historical figure to construct a utopia, and as one who stimulated Th. More, Rousseau and others to similar efforts at construction. While I agree with this tradition, I do not think that its view of Plato's intention can be taken for granted; such a view needs arguing and demonstrating--arguing against important objections. The question is certainly not preposterous, as will be obvious from (...)
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  45. A Note on Sorosyne[gr.] in Plato's Republic.Raphael Demos - 1956 - Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 17:399.
     
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  46.  6
    Dialética da felicidade.Pedro Demo - 2001 - Petrópolis: Editora Vozes.
    v. 1. Olhar sociológico pós-moderno -- v. 2. Insolúvel busca de solução -- v. 3. Felicidade possível.
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  47. La Sustancia según Aristóteles.Raphael Demos - 1946 - Philosophia (Misc.) 7:535.
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  48.  70
    Possibility and becoming.Raphael Demos - 1926 - Journal of Philosophy 23 (9):234-240.
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  49. True Happiness, or the Basis of All Religion.Raphael Demos - 1960 - Journal of the History of Ideas 21 (1/4):481.
     
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  50.  16
    Plato's Progress.Raphael Demos - 1967 - Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 28 (1):123-125.
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