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  1. Democratic Legitimacy and the 2000 Election.S. A. - 2002 - Law and Philosophy 21 (2):197-220.
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  2. Democratic Elections Without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National Baha'i Elections.Arash Abizadeh - 2005 - World Order 37 (1):7-49.
    National Baha’i elections, conducted world-wide without nominations, competitive campaigns, or parties, challenge the emerging consensus that the only truly democratic elections are multiparty elections in which each party’s candidates compete freely for votes. National Baha’i electoral institutions are based on three core values: respect for the inherent dignity of each person, the unity and solidarity of persons collectively, and the justice and fairness of institutions. While liberal political philosophy interprets respect for dignity exclusively in terms of equality and freedom, the (...)
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  3. III. Yates on Feyerabend's Democratic Relativism.C. Fred Alford - 1985 - Inquiry : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 28 (1-4):113 – 118.
    Stephen Yates's objections to Feyerabend's political theory (Inquiry 27 [1984], 137?42) are presented in a way that makes them unnecessarily vulnerable to a rhetorical strategy often employed by Feyerabend. Like many other critics, Yates seems to assume that it is the implausibility of Feyerabend's claims that opens them to refutation, whereas it is really this that makes them such slippery targets of criticism. Rather than claim that Feyerabend's ideal would be virtually impossible to realize, I argue that Feyerabend does not (...)
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  4. Ciencia y Democracia ¿Cuál es la relación?Armando Aranda-Anzaldo - 2016 - Ludus Vitalis 24 (46):147-150.
    Los editores de la revista han planteado dos preguntas: ¿Están los ciudadanos en condiciones de incorporar el espíritu científico en sus deliberaciones públicas? ¿Es esto requisito necesario para la democracia? Así, este artículo pretende ofrecer una respuesta que va más allá de tales preguntas.
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  5. Congressional or (Weak) Presidential Government: The Results of the Election Crisis of 2000.Andrew Arato - 2001 - Constellations 8 (3):289-303.
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  6. Defining Democratic Decision Making.Gustaf Arrhenius - unknown
    In his Populist Democracy: A Defence (1993), Torbjörn Tännsjö suggests, roughly, the following necessary and sufficient conditions for a democratic collective choice: If the majority of a given group of voters prefer A to B, then the collective choice is A rather than B; and if the majority of voters had preferred B to A, then the collective choice would have been B rather than A. Moreover, the preference of a voter is equated with the one she is showing by (...)
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  7. Democracy Without Secularism?Raja Bahlul - 2004 - In John Bunzl (ed.), Islam, Judaism, and the Political Role of Religions in the Middle East. University of Florida Press. pp. 99-118.
    The object of this paper is to present and discuss the way democracy is conceived of by some prominent Islamic thinkers. Their position is that democracy, rightly understood, is simply a method of dispensing, sharing, and managing political authority, and as such does not imply secularism or other values and practices that are associated with liberalism. This paper is conceived of within a broader project to theorize the relations (actual and possible) between Islam, democracy, and modernity.
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  8. John Dewey's Instrumentalism, Democratic Ideal and Education.N. C. Bhattacharyya - 1968 - Educational Theory 18 (1):60-72.
  9. Pluralism, Democracy and Political Knowledge: Robert a Dahl and His Critics on Modern Politics.Hans Theodorus Blokland - 2011 - Ashgate.
    Taking his work as the point of reference, this book not only provides an illuminating history of political science, told via Dahl and his critics, it also ...
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  10. The Democratic Potential of Mothering.Patricia Boling - 1991 - Political Theory 19 (4):606-625.
  11. Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government.Corey Brettschneider - 2007 - Princeton University Press.
    When the Supreme Court in 2003 struck down a Texas law prohibiting homosexual sodomy, it cited the right to privacy based on the guarantee of "substantive due process" embodied by the Constitution. But did the court act undemocratically by overriding the rights of the majority of voters in Texas? Scholars often point to such cases as exposing a fundamental tension between the democratic principle of majority rule and the liberal concern to protect individual rights. Democratic Rights challenges this view by (...)
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  12. The Value Theory of Democracy.Corey Brettschneider - 2006 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (3):259-278.
    Liberal political theorists often argue that justice requires limits on policy outcomes, limits delineated by substantive rights. Distinct from this project is a body of literature dedicated to elaborating on the meaning of democracy in procedural terms. In this article, I offer an alternative to the traditional divide between procedural theories of democracy and substantive theories of justice; I call this the ‘value theory of democracy’. I argue that the democratic ideal is fundamentally about a core set of values (political (...)
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  13. Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory.Thom Brooks - 2006 - Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  14. The Democratic Control of the Scientific Control of Politics.Matthew J. Brown - 2013 - In Vassilios Karakostas & Dennis Dieks (eds.), Epsa11 Perspectives and Foundational Problems in Philosophy of Science. Springer. pp. 479--491.
    I discuss two popular but apparently contradictory theses: -/- T1. The democratic control of science – the aims and activities of science should be subject to public scrutiny via democratic processes of representation and participation. T2. The scientific control of policy, i.e. technocracy – political processes should be problem-solving pursuits determined by the methods and results of science and technology. Many arguments can be given for (T1), both epistemic and moral/political; I will focus on an argument based on the role (...)
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  15. Mark B. Brown.Science in Democracy: Expertise, Institutions, and Representation. Xiii + 354 Pp., Bibls., Index. Cambridge, Mass./London: MIT Press, 2009. $28. [REVIEW]Matthew J. Brown - 2010 - Isis 101 (3):686-687.
  16. The True Democratic Ideal.W. Jethro Brown - 1904 - International Journal of Ethics 14 (2):137-150.
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  17. Pragmatic Pluralism and American Democracy.H. G. Callaway - 2000 - In R. Tapp (ed.), Multiculturalism: Humanist Perspectives.
    This paper approaches "multiculturalism" obliquely via conceptions of social and political pluralism in the pragmatist tradition. As a matter of social analysis, the advent of multiculturalism implies some loss of confidence in our prior conceptions of accommodating ethnic, social, and religious diversity: the conversion of traditional American cultural diversity into a war of political interest groups. This, and the corresponding tendency toward cultural relativism and "anything goes," is fundamentally a product of over-centralization and cultural-political exhaustion in the wake of the (...)
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  18. Teze o Přelití V Participativní Demokracii: Empirická Relevance a Normativní Udržitelnost [The Spillover Thesis in Participatory Democratic Theory: Empirical Relevance and Normative Defensibility].Jan Čambora & Pavel Dufek - 2016 - Czech Political Science Review 22 (2):75–102.
    The paper focuses on the “spillover thesis” which constitutes a pillar of much of contemporary participatory democratic theory; specifically, we assess the claim that workplace democratization leads to a higher degree of political participation amongst labourers. The paper analyses the thesis as formulated by Carole Pateman, including its later revisions triggered by ambiguous results of empirical studies aiming to (dis)prove it. The spillover thesis is then confronted with important methodological and theoretical critiques, the upshot being that in order to be (...)
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  19. Identity, Difference, and the Global : William Connolly's International Theory.David Campbell - 2008 - In David Campbell & Morton Schoolman (eds.), The New Pluralism: William Connolly and the Contemporary Global Condition. Duke University Press. pp. 289.
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  20. The New Pluralism: William Connolly and the Contemporary Global Condition.David Campbell & Morton Schoolman (eds.) - 2008 - Duke University Press.
    William Connolly, one of the best-known and most important political theorists writing today, is a principal architect of the “new pluralism.” In this volume, leading thinkers in contemporary political theory and international relations provide a comprehensive investigation of the new pluralism, Connolly’s contributions to it, and its influence on the fields of political theory and international relations. Together they trace the evolution of Connolly’s ideas, illuminating his challenges to the “old,” conventional pluralist theory that dominated American and British political science (...)
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  21. Review of Thomas Docherty, Aesthetic Democracy[REVIEW]John Carvalho - 2006 - Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2006 (11).
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  22. Democratic Equality.Joshua Cohen - 1989 - Ethics 99 (4):727-751.
  23. Using Public Evocative Objects to Support a Multiethnic Democractic Society in Kosovo (II) Fields of Existence Vs. Fields of Battle.Rory J. Conces - 2011 - Bosnia Daily:9-10.
  24. Using Public Evocative Objects to Support a Multiethnic Democratic Society in Kosovo (I) Friendly and Enemy Images.Rory J. Conces - 2011 - Bosnia Daily.
  25. Uloga Hiperintelektualca U Izgradnji Građanskog Društva I Demokratizacije Na Balkanu (The Role of the Hyperintellectual in Civil Society Building and Democratization in the Balklans).Rory J. Conces - 2010 - Dijalog 1:7-30.
    Riječ “intelektualac” francuskog je porijekla, nastala krajem 19. vijeka. Stvorena tokom afere Dreyfus, uglavnom se odnosi na one mislioce koji su spremni da interveniraju u javnom forumu, čak i ako to znači da sebe izlažu riziku (Le Sueur 2001:2). Teoretičari kao što su Edward Said, Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Paul Sartre i Michael Waltzer dali su doprinos diskusiji o intelektualcima: intelektualca Said vidi kao kritički nastrojenog autsajdera, Ricoeur kao političkog edukatora, Sartre kao čovjeka od akcije, a Waltzer kao brižnog insajdera. Opisati intelektualca (...)
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  26. La dualité démocratique : entre l’État administratif et la société civile.Hugo Cossette-Lefebvre - 2016 - Ithaque 19:169-187.
    Les démocraties s’articulent autour de deux pôles qui ne se réduisent pas l’un à l’autre, mais qui doivent communiquer constamment : la société civile et l’État. Or, l’équilibre à rechercher entre ces deux éléments est mis à mal par la consolidation de l’État administratif qui tend à autonomiser son action par rapport au reste de la société ; la société civile y est d’ordinaire exclue des prises de décisions. Cette exclusion peut toutefois être considérée positivement ou négativement. Comme il sera (...)
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  27. Democratic Values Education Revisited—Moral Realism or Pragmatism?Gary Dann - 1999 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 33 (2):187–199.
  28. Pourquoi délibérer ? Du potentiel épistémique à la justification publique.Marc-Kevin Daoust - 2016 - Philosophiques 43 (1):23-48.
    Cet article a deux objectifs. Le premier est de montrer pourquoi l’argument instrumental en faveur de la démocratie est insuffisant pour justifier la délibération politique. Si notre but est l’optimisation du potentiel épistémique d’un régime politique, et que des approches agrégatives et inférentielles (sans délibération) atteignent cet objectif, alors nous ne pouvons plus justifier la délibération sur cette base. Ce problème peut être contourné en reprenant une distinction de Daniel Andler. Pour ce dernier, le groupe délibératif se distingue du groupe (...)
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  29. Globalization and Democratization in Brazil: An Interpretation of Rawls's Political Liberalism.Nythamar de Oliveira - 2004 - Civitas 4 (1):39-55.
  30. Civic Immortality: The Problem of Civic Honor in Africa and the West.Dan Demetriou - 2015 - The Journal of Ethics 19 (3-4):257-276.
    From Thomas Hobbes to Steven Pinker, it is often remarked that cultures of honor are destabilizing and especially dangerous to liberal institutions. This essay sharpens that criticism into two objections: one saying honor cultures encourage tyranny, and another accusing them of undermining rule of law. Since these concerns manifest differently in established as opposed to fledgling liberal democracies, I appeal to Western and African examples both to motivate and allay these worries. I contend that a culture of civic honor is (...)
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  31. The Democratic Conception in Education.John Dewey - 2007 - In Randall R. Curren (ed.), Philosophy of Education: An Anthology. Blackwell.
  32. Democratisation of Democracy? On the Discontinuity Between Empirical and Normative Theories of Democracy.Pavel Dufek & Jan Holzer - 2013 - Representation 49 (2):117–131.
    The paper considers the gap that exists between between normative and empirical theories of democracy. Empirical theories usually stop in their aspirations where normative theories get off the ground, that is, they take the model of liberal democracy as their normative horizont. This is a confusing situation especially with regard to the possibilities of enhancing the quality of existing liberal democracies. We argue that a simple recalibration of democracy indexes, so as to include normatively more demanding considerations, is impossible, due (...)
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  33. A Case for Global Democracy? Arms Exports and Conflicting Goals in Democracy Promotion.Pavel Dufek & Michal Mochťak - forthcoming - Journal of International Relations and Development.
    Employing the framework of conflicting goals in democracy promotion as departure point, the paper addresses the issue of arms exports to non-democratic countries as an important research topic which points to a reconsideration of certain fundamental conceptual and normative commitments underpinning democracy promotion. Empirically, we remind of the lingering hypocrisy of Western arms exporters, knowing that exports to non-democratic countries often hinder or block democratisation. This is not easily circumvented, because of the many conflicting objectives both internal and external to (...)
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  34. Epistemic Political Egalitarianism, Political Parties, and Conciliatory Democracy.Martin Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):629-656.
    This article presents two interlocking arguments for epistemic political egalitarianism. I argue, first, that coping with multidimensional social complexity requires the integration of expertise. This is the task of political parties as collective epistemic agents who transform abstract value judgments into sufficiently coherent and specific conceptions of justice for their society. Because parties thus severely lower the relevant threshold of comparison of political competence, citizens have reason to regard each other as epistemic equals. Drawing on the virulent “peer disagreement debate,” (...)
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  35. Epistemic Political Egalitarianism and Conciliatory Democracy: A Defense.Martin Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):664-668.
  36. Stanley on Ideology, or How to De-Moralise Democracy.Rossi Enzo - forthcoming - Global Discourse.
    In *How Propaganda Works* Jason Stanley argues that democratic societies require substantial material equality because inequality causes ideologically flawed belief, which, in turn, make demagogic propaganda more effective. And that is problematic for the quality of democracy. In this brief paper I unpack that argument, in order to make two points: (a) the non-moral argument for equality is promising, but weakened by its reliance on a heavily moralised conception of democracy; (b) that problem may be remedied by whole-heartedly embracing a (...)
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  37. Democratic Theory.David Estlund - 2005 - In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press. pp. 208--30.
  38. Critical Theory and Democratic Vision: Herbert Marcuse and Recent Liberation Philosophies.Arnold L. Farr - 2008 - Lexington Books.
    Liberation philosophy and democratic struggles -- The quest for the revolutionary subject : the early Marcuse -- The retrieval of Eros and the quest for a new sensibility -- Marcuse and the problem of intersubjectivity : beyond drive theory -- One-dimensional society and the demise of dialectical thinking -- Spectres of liberation : beyond one-dimensional man -- Liberal democracy and its limits : the challenge of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation -- Marcuse and discourse ethics -- Liberation and the (...)
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  39. On the Integration of Populism into the Democratic Public Sphere.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2017 - Argumentum. Journal of the Seminar of Discursive Logic, Argumentation Theory and Rhetoric 15 (2):87-109.
    The central thesis of this article is that populism is a side effect of liberal democracy and a reliable indicator of the relationship between liberal democracy and its polar opposite ‒ illiberal majoritarianism. As long as liberal democracy prevails over illiberal majoritarianism, populism remains dormant. Populism rises and becomes conspicuous only if certain manifestations of illiberal majoritarianism or illiberal elitism reach a critical point in terms of number and impact. More exactly, populism becomes active when there are too few reasonable (...)
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  40. Sharing Without Knowing: Collective Identity in Feminist and Democratic Theory.Michaele L. Ferguson - 2007 - Hypatia 22 (4):30-45.
    : Many feminist and democratic theorists share the presumption that politics requires a pregiven subject ("women" or "the people") whose identity is grounded in commonality. Drawing on Linda Zerilli's interventions in feminist debates, Ferguson develops an alternative account of collective identity that emerges instead from multiple, overlapping, and discontinuous social practices. This reconceptualization of identity demands a corresponding reconceptualization of democracy, characterized by the ongoing contestation of the very subject ("the people") whose existence it presupposes.
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  41. Pluralism Slippery Slopes and Democratic Public Discourse.Maria Paola Ferretti & Enzo Rossi - 2013 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 60 (137):29-47.
    Agonist theorists have argued against deliberative democrats that democratic institutions should not seek to establish a rational consensus, but rather allow political disagreements to be expressed in an adversarial form. But democratic agonism is not antagonism: some restriction of the plurality of admissible expressions is not incompatible with a legitimate public sphere. However, is it generally possible to grant this distinction between antagonism and agonism without accepting normative standards in public discourse that saliently resemble those advocated by (some) deliberative democrats? (...)
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  42. Democracy and the Multitude: Spinoza Against Negri.Sandra Field - 2012 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 59 (131):21-40.
    Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and not in (...)
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  43. Die Grenzen der Demokratie.Annette Förster & Matthias Lemke (eds.) - 2017 - Wiesbaden: Springer.
  44. What Pragmatism Means by Public Reason.Roberto Frega - 2010 - Etica and Politica / Ethics & Politics 12 (1):28-51.
    In this article I examine the main conceptions of public reason in contemporary political philosophy in order to set the frame for appreciating the novelty of the pragmatist understanding of public reason as based upon the notion of consequences and upon a theory of rationality as inquiry. The approach is inspired by Dewey but is free from any concern with history of philosophy. The aim is to propose a different understanding of the nature of public reason aimed at overcoming the (...)
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  45. Antagonism and Democratic Citizenship (Schmitt, Mouffe, Derrida).Matthias Fritsch - 2008 - Research in Phenomenology 38 (2):174-197.
    In the context of the recent proliferation of nationalisms and enemy figures, this paper agrees with the desirability of retaining some of the explanatory and motivational potential of an agonistic account of politics, but gives reasons not to accept too much of Carl Schmitt's account of citizenship. The claim as to the necessarily antagonistic exclusion of concrete others can be supported neither on its own terms nor on Derridian grounds, as Chantal Mouffe, in particular, attempts to do. I then indicate (...)
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  46. Review of Alex Thomson, Deconstruction and Democracy[REVIEW]Matthias Fritsch - 2005 - Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2005 (12).
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  47. Democratic Experiments.Michael Fuerstein - 2016 - Social Theory and Practice 42 (4):793-816.
    I offer an interpretation and defense of John Dewey’s notion of “democratic experiments,” which involve testing moral beliefs through the experience of acting on them on a social scale. Such testing is crucial, I argue, because our social norms and institutions fundamentally shape the relationships through which we develop emotional responses that represent the morally significant concerns of others. Improving those responses therefore depends on deliberate alterations of our social environment. I consider deliberative and activist alternatives and argue that an (...)
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  48. Democratic Consensus as an Essential Byproduct.Michael Fuerstein - 2014 - Journal of Political Philosophy 22 (3):282-301.
    In this paper, I try to show that democratic consensus – one of the more prominent ideals in recent political thought – is an essential byproduct of epistemically warranted beliefs about political action and organization, at least in those cases where the issues under dispute are epistemic in nature. An essential byproduct (to borrow Jon Elster’s term) is a goal that can only be intentionally achieved by aiming at some other objective. In my usage, a political issue is epistemic when (...)
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  49. Del procedimentalismo al experimentalismo. Una concepción pragmatista de la legitimidad política.Luis Leandro García Valiña - forthcoming - Buenos Aires:
    La tesis central de este trabajo es que la tradicional tensión entre substancia y procedimiento socava las estabilidad de la justificación de la concepción liberal más extendida de la legitimidad (la Democracia Deliberativa). Dicha concepciones enfrentan problemas serios a la hora de articular de manera consistente dos dimensiones que parecen ir naturalmente asociadas a la idea de legitimidad: la dimensión procedimental, vinculada a la equidad del procedimiento, y la dimensión epistémica, asociada a la corrección de los resultados. En este trabajo (...)
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  50. Ideologies.Dustin Garlitz - 2014 - In Sherwood Thompson (ed.), Encyclopedia of Diversity and Social Justice. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
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