A recently emerging view in music cognition holds that music is not only social and participatory in its production, but also in its perception, i.e. that music is in fact perceived as the sonic trace of social rela- tions between a group of real or virtual agents. While this view appears compatible with a number of intriguing music cognitive phenomena, such as the links between beat entrainment and prosocial behaviour or between strong musical emotions and empathy, direct evidence is lacking (...) that listeners are at all able to use the acoustic features of a musical interaction to infer the affiliatory or controlling nature of an underlying social intention. We created a novel experimental situation in which we asked expert music improvisers to communicate 5 types of non-musical social intentions, such as being domineering, dis- dainful or conciliatory, to one another solely using musical interaction. Using a combination of decoding studies, computational and psychoacoustical analyses, we show that both musically-trained and non musically-trained listeners can recognize relational intentions encoded in music, and that this social cognitive ability relies, to a sizeable extent, on the information processing of acoustic cues of temporal and harmonic coordination that are not present in any one of the musicians’ channels, but emerge from the dynamics of their interaction. By manipulating these cues in two-channel audio recordings and testing their impact on the social judgements of non-musician observers, we finally establish a causal relationship between the affiliation dimension of social behaviour and musical harmonic coordination on the one hand, and between the control dimension and musical temporal coordination on the other hand. These results provide novel mechanistic insights not only into the social cognition of musical interactions, but also into that of non-verbal interactions as a whole. (shrink)

What it was called “the anthropology of music” finds its roots in two founding papers: The Anthropology of Music by Alan Merriam and How Musicalis Man? by John Blacking. In these two books, the musical structures are designed as a product of the culture. The methodological consequence is: the ethnomusicological investigation should begin from the study of the cultural context. The consequence of this position, quite widely used in the field, was to emphasize the music environment, rather than analyse its (...) structure, with a few notable exceptions. A fortiori, the research of universals, considered ethnocentric, was regarded in the field as inadmissible. After having proposed a setting up of this situation, the author examines the manner in which the issue of Blacking approaches the link between culture and musical structures, then reconsiders his positions with regard to universals, and possible biological foundations of music. The article ends with a plea for reconciliation, with a view to the ethnomusicology of tomorrow, from the point of view of the anthropology, taking into account the cultural determinations, the comparative study of the musical structures, and the search for universal. (shrink)

In this article, we argue that the usual restriction of critical theory to ‘modern’ norms is subject to problems of coherence, historical accuracy and moral obligation. First, we illustrate how critical theory opposes itself to societies designated as pre-modern, through a summary of Honneth’s recognition theory. We then show how an over-emphasis on modernity’s normative novelty obscures counter-currents in ethical life that threaten the unity of the modern era. Those two steps prepare the main analysis: that the ‘exceptionalist’ modernism of (...) critical theory distorts our view of history and ignores normative dimensions of the past. We show how medieval and early-modern societies in Europe experienced many conflicts and possessed institutions that create illuminating configurations with modern norms. As a result, we articulate several kinds of moral and political link to the past that should lead critical theorists to expand the historical reach of their analyses. (shrink)

As James Coleman and Allan Gibbard have suggested, human morality may be viewed as a feedback control system. Each of the standard normative ethical theories emphasizes only part of this complex system. Social reform requires both new theoretical syntheses and a practical effort to better uphold ideal norms.

The increase in cases of political corruption, the loss of politicians' credibility, the development of social and political forms of pathology, and the role of the State have been at the center of political debates. In one way or another, these problems raise the question of the legitimacy of the established powers. The result is that legitimacy, a key notion of political thought in general, has today become a burning issue. Coicaud examines all these issues and proffers insightful answers to (...) questions such as the connections between morality and politics, how rulers acquire or lose the right to govern, and how one can become the advocate of a theory of political justice that, while establishing limits, respects and even ensures the promotion of plurality within societies. (shrink)

Le thème original des figures de géométrie a l’avantage de favoriser la réflexion épistémologique comme la curiosité, voire l’invention mathématique, mais il peut aussi bien susciter l’envie de puiser dans le riche réservoir de l’histoire des mathématiques.

Loin d’être un auteur mineur, thuriféraire d’un naïf “laissez-faire”, Bastiat apparaît comme le précurseur de la plupart des courants libéraux contemporains.Il est frappant de constater que le diagnostic porté par Bastiat sur le fonctionnement de la démocratie demeure d’une brûlante actualité.C’est donc injustement que Hayek a méconnu son devancier : une étude critique de la philosophie juridique et politique du Français lui aurait permis d’éviter quelques inconséquences, telle sa théorie des fonctions non coercitives de l’Etat.Far from being a minor economist, (...) or flattering some naive “laissez-faire”, Bastiat is indeed a precursor of most of the contemporaneous views defending liberalism.It is striking to note how much Bastiat’s diagnosis about the workings of democracy applies with acuity to the current world.Thus, Hayek unduly disregarded his precursor: a critical study of Bastiat’s philosophy and conception of law would have allow Hayek to not fall into some traps, such as his theory on the non-coercitive functions of government. (shrink)

In this paper everyday reasoning is examined fromm the standpoint of natural logic. In natural logic there is the supposition of the concept of schematisation, i.e. the discursive representation of a situation that a speaker A constructs for a listener B and that B must reconstruct for himself.Under these circumstances, in order to prove that a statement s is true A must present it in such a way that B does not call it into question, that he considers it a (...) fact. For this it is necessary to have proofs. Moreover, a fact is never isolated and it may therefore appear inconsistent with other facts. A is thus led to provide reasons in order to substantiate his statements.Some mechanisms of proofs and of reasons are investigated. (shrink)

A part les contraintes imposées aux décisions publiques par 1a mobilité, l’analyse reçue des choix publics postule que le processus politique fonctionne essentiellement de la même façon en régime fédéral qu’en régime unitaire. Il s’avère cependant qu’il existe une dimension du processus politique en régime fédéral qui se prête spécifiquement à l’analyse économique, nommément le fait que, là où les fonctions se recoupent dans un même territoire, il se trouve deux niveaux de gouvernement qui se concurrencent dans l’offre des mêmes (...) services à un même groupe de votants. Si alors on définit les votes comme des inputs dans la production d’outputs politiques, on se trouve en situation de concurrence par deux offreurs ou plus visà- vis d’une même ressource placée en propriété commune. On peut supposer que l’analyse conventionnelle de l’allocation des ressources en régime de propriété commune puisse jeter un éclairage sur l’aboutissement du processus politique fédéral. Dans ces conditions, il y va de l’intérêt de chacun des deux offreurs de chercher à s’attirer les votes et donc d’être le premier à offrir l’output politique en question. En l’absence de droits exclusifs sur le bassin de votes, le chevauchement amène les deux joueurs à vouloir réaliser le profit politique, de crainte de le perdre à l’avantage de l’autre partie. Et pourtant, le profit s’en trouvera ultimement dissipé ex post pour les deux parties après l’avènement du deuxième joueur. On découvre ainsi que les forces mises en branle dans un régime fédéral type sont de deux ordres : une force restrictionniste d’abord, fondée sur la mobilité des ressources entre les entités décentralisées, et une force expansionniste liée à la dynamique politique étudiée dans ces lignes. Ce résultat peut expliquer pourquoi le dossier empirique reste ambigu sur la contribution du fédéralisme au freinage de la croissance du secteur public. Les conséquences de ce processus sont dégagées et les avenues possibles de solution explorées.Except for the mobility constraints imposed on political decisions of lowerlevel governments, public choice analysts assume that the working of the political process under federalism remains the same at all levels of government as under unitary state. This paper argues that one dimension of the political process in a federalist framework lends itself to specific economic analysis, namely the fact that, once constitutional limits break down and functions overlap, two or more levels of government compete for the same voters in the supply of services in a given territory.Viewing votes as inputs in the production of political outputs, the conventional analysis of allocation under cnmmon-property rule should shed light on the outcome of this process. The analysis shows that it is in the interest of both suppliers to seek to gain the votes in being first to implement programs.There are thus two forces operating in a typical federalist system, an expansionist one rooted in the political dynamics analyzed here, and a restrictionist one based on the mobility of resources among decentralized entities. This may explain why the empirical record is rather mixed on the contribution of federalism to containing government growth. The consequences of this process are derived and possible avenues for improvement are explored. (shrink)

After describing the main features of the literary narrative and demonstrating its analogy with music, the author underlines the necessity not to consider a priori a musical production as a narrative. He analyses the intonation of musical contours as a form of proto-narrative which he later explains from the standpoint of Daniel Stern’s developmental psychology. It is then emphasized that music should be considered as a proto-narrative and the authors suggests a criticism of the so-called narratological musicology.

RésuméIl y a desprohibitions morales aussi bien que légales contre les préjugés, mais une sorte au moins de préjugé se ramène à une variété commune d'inférence que l'on emploie fréquemment, et avec profit, sous d'autres noms. Cette inférence estelle fautive, et si oui, de quelle façon? Est-elle rationnellement fautive ou moralement fautive? Je soutiens ici que l'une et l'autre positions sont difficiles à défendre, et que la raison pour laquelle cette forme d'inférence est prohibée est à chercher du côté d'une (...) politique publique dont la seule défense possible repose sur le type méme de considérations qui se trouvent ainsi prohibées dans l'usage privé des individus. (shrink)

RÉSUMÉ: Cet article reconstruit en trois étapes l'evolution de Kant sur les notions fondamentales de possibilité et d'existence depuis la Nova dilucidatio (1755) jusqu' à la Kritik der reinen Vernunft (1781-1787), en passant par le Beweisgrund ( 1763), afin, d'une part, de mettre en évidence ce que Kant doit directement à Leibniz et, d'autre part, de montrer comment et pourquoi seul le tournant critique a su arracher l'un à l'autre sur le chemin de la possibilité à I'existence, à travers une (...) double rupture, à la fois épistémologique (le rôle de l'experience) et ontologique ( l'eclipse de Dieu).ABSTRACT: This article offers a contribution to the study of Leibniz's thought on possibility and existence based on a reconstruction of the evolution of Kant's thought on these notions in Nova dilucidatio (1755), Beweisgrund (1763) and Kritik der reinen Vernunft (1781-1787). Its aim is to shed light on Kant's debt to Leibniz and to show that only the critical turn could make thein diverge on this question through a twofold opposition on epistemology (the role of experience) and ontology (the eclipse of God). (shrink)

Michèle Stanton-Jean | : Le bien commun est un concept fréquemment utilisé pour aborder la question du vivre ensemble. Rarement défini, on l’utilise pour le critiquer comme le fruit d’une vision occidentale et chrétienne non applicable sur le plan universel ou encore pour en proposer une vision moderne affranchie de sa rigidité traditionnelle. Le texte qui suit se base sur une thèse qui a examiné les principes et les valeurs qui pourraient fonder une vision renouvelée du bien commun, susceptible (...) d’être utilisée dans tous les contextes culturels et historiques, en prenant comme exemple l’élaboration de la Déclaration universelle sur la bioéthique et les droits de l’homme adoptée à la conférence générale de l’UNESCO en 2005. | : Common good is frequently mentioned to discuss how we can live together. Rarely defined, it is often described as a concept based on a Western and Christian vision that cannot be applied universally, or as a concept that could be revisited to develop a modern and non-rigid vision of it. The following text is based on a PhD thesis that studied what principles and values could contribute to the development of a renewed vision of common good that could be used in every cultural and historical context, taking as an example the elaboration of the Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights adopted at the General Conference of UNESCO in 2005. (shrink)

Francis Bertin s’est fait connaître dans le milieu des historiens du néoplatonisme latin notamment par quelques traductions: celle de trois petits traités de Nicolas de Cues et celle du Peri physeon de Jean Scot Erigène, dont deux volumes seulement ont paru jusqu’ici. Il nous propose avec le présent volume la traduction de cinq sermons prononcés par Nicolas de Cues: le sermon Dies sanctificatus du 25 décembre 1439, le sermon Verbum caro factum estI du 27 décembre 1453, le sermon homonyme (...) Verbum caro factum est II du 1er janvier 1454, celui qui est intitulé Ubi est qui natus est du 6 janvier 1456 et enfin le Tota pulchra es, amica mea du 8 septembre 1456. (shrink)

Jean-Michel Vienne; IX*—Locke on Real Essence and Internal Constitution1, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Volume 93, Issue 1, 1 June 1993, Pages 139–15.

Adoration is the second volume of the Deconstruction of Christianity, following Dis-Enclosure. The first volume attempted to demonstrate why it is necessary to open reason up not to a religious dimension but to one transcending reason as we have been accustomed to understanding it; the term "adoration" attempts to name the gesture of this dis-enclosed reason. -/- Adoration causes us to receive ignorance as truth: not a feigned ignorance, perhaps not even a "nonknowledge," nothing that would attempt to justify the (...) negative again, but the simple, naked truth that there is nothing in the place of God, because there is no place for God. The outside of the world opens us in the midst of the world, and there is no first or final place. Each one of us is at once the first and the last. Each one, each name. And our ignorance is made worse by the fact that we do not know whether we ought to name this common and singular property of all names. We must remain in this suspense, hesitating between and stammering in various possible languages, ultimately learning to speak anew. -/- In this book, Jean-Luc Nancy goes beyond his earlier historical and philosophical thought and tries to think-or at least crack open a little to thinking-a stance or bearing that might be suitable to the retreat of God that results from the self-deconstruction of Christianity. Adoration may be a manner, a style of spirit for our time, a time when the "spiritual" seems to have become so absent, so dry, so adulterated. -/- The book is a major contribution to the important strand of attempts to think a "post-secular" situation of religion. (shrink)

Un temps, Michel Foucault a été lu comme un archéologue du savoir et un homme d'archives, abandonnant par instants sa réserve pour répondre à l'urgence des luttes. La lecture des cours au Collège de France suggère pourtant que sa politique ne peut être réduite au désordre des circonstances. Elle appartient de plein droit à l'histoire de la vérité quand elle rencontre celle du gouvernement de soi-même et des autres. Comment sommes-nous gouvernés? Quel est en nous le ressort caché de la (...) servitude? Pouvons-nous être gouvernés et nous gouverner autrement? Rechercher et dire la vérité peut-il nous altérer et, avec nous, le monde auquel nous appartenons? Pour répondre à ces questions, Foucault se déplace de l'époque moderne à l'Antiquité et privilégie tour à tour les rapports de pouvoir disséminés dans toute la société, les stratégies politiques qui les organisent et le travail éthique qui permet l'" inservitude " volontaire. Au terme de ce voyage que la mort a interrompu, la volonté de vérité devient le courage de se transformer et de transformer le monde, le principe d'une expérience spirituelle dont la politique est la pierre de touche. Ces déplacements dessinent un nouveau paysage politique dont ce livre établit la cartographie, pour que d'autres, après Foucault, puissent reprendre le voyage. (shrink)

Jean Anyon's groundbreaking new book reveals the influence of federal and metropolitan policies and practices on the poverty that plagues schools and communities in American cities and segregated, low-income suburbs. Public policies...such as those regulating the minimum wage, job availability, tax rates, federal transit, and affordable housing...all create conditions in urban areas that no education policy as currently conceived can transcend. In this first book since her best-selling _Ghetto Schooling_, Jean Anyon argues that we must replace these federal (...) and metro-area policies with more equitable ones so that urban school reform can have positive life consequences for students. Anyon provides a much-needed new paradigm for understanding and combating educational injustice. Radical Possibilities reminds us that historically, equitable public policies have been typically created as a result of the political pressure brought to bear by social movements. Basing her analysis on new research in civil rights history and social movement theory, Anyon skillfully explains how the current moment offers serious possibilities for the creation of such a force. The book powerfully describes five social movements already under way in U.S. cities, and offers readers interested in building this new social movement a set of practical and theoretical insights into securing economic and educational justice for the many millions of America's poor families and students. (shrink)

La théorie politique est longtemps restée attachée au dogme selon lequel la république ne peut convenir qu'à de petits États, où la faible différenciation des conditions sociales autorise la formation d'un authentique intérêt commun. Montesquieu adopte une version de cet argument en soutenant que la politique moderne doit être non la recherche de l'intérêt commun, mais l'art de balancer les intérêts les uns contre les autres. Madison a répondu en montrant comment, au contraire, la république n'est possible que dans les (...) grands États, où la diversité des intérêts en présence les contraint à rechercher non pas un compromis - impossible à maintenir quand il faut unir un grand nombre d'intérêts distincts pour former une majorité - mais un dépassement de leurs particularités respectives au profit d'un authentique intérêt commun. (shrink)