The Scottish independence referendum in 2014 saw the breakthrough of online political campaigning in the UK. Despite the outcome, research and media alike concluded that the main pro-independence campaign, Yes Scotland, outdid the main pro-union campaign, Better Together, in the online battle. This article addresses this discrepancy by exploring how YS and BT used social media affordances in order to legitimize their own and de-legitimize their opponents’ positions. The material consists of multimodal tweets published by YS and BT in the (...) run-up to the referendum. The article employs a model for multimodal legitimation that takes into consideration the construction of authority, moral evaluation and the construction and justifications of means and goals. The findings show that both campaigns made extensive use of de-legitimating strategies, although YS was more balanced. The article also shows that the campaigns’ communicative choices had implications for the construction and justification of goals and means, with YS running a more visionary campaign than BT. (shrink)

This study argues that the bond between ‘secularization’ and ‘de-legitimation’ is not only borne out in debates over grand historical narratives relating to the status of modernity, as argued by Hans Blumenberg, but in debates over the appraisal of specific modern philosophical programs as well. It does this by examining how the category of ‘secularization' is used to delegitimize Martin Heidegger's thought, from both theological and secular perspectives, by two of his former students, Hans Jonas and Karl Löwith. By analysing (...) their interpretation of Heidegger and their understanding of secularization, legitimacy, and the philosophy-theology relationship, this study sheds light on the intellectual projects of these three thinkers – master and two students – and demonstrates the application of secularization as a hermeneutical category of de-legitimization on the basis of ‘insufficiency’ – either insufficiently secular or insufficiently religious. (shrink)

Longtemps ignorée en France, la télévision a été un objet de légitimation académique des Sic. Les recherches d'abord inscrites dans l'interdiscipline mais oeuvrant dans une perspective mono ou transdisciplinaire ont donné naissance à une optique inter-disciplinaire qui a mis à jour toute sa portée heuristique. Favorisée par des mesures institutionnelles, la recherche sur ce média a permis de préciser un positionnement par rapport aux autres disciplines.Even if television remained marginal in France for a long time, it has constituted a subject (...) for the legitimisation of IC studies. It was first analysed by researchers belonging to this interdiscipline but working from a single or transdisciplinary perspective, and then apprehended from an interdisciplinary standpoint which brought to light its full heuristic scope. Research into this medium, which was recently made easier by institutional measures, has enabled those working in this field to define their position regarding other disciplines. (shrink)

Philosophers of science have come to accept that contextual values can play unavoidable and desirable roles in science. This has raised concerns about the need to distinguish legitimate and illegitimate value influences in scientific inquiry. I discuss here four such concerns: epistemic distortion, value imposition, undermining of public trust in science, and the use of objectionable values. I contend that preserving epistemic integrity and avoiding value imposition provide good reasons to attempt to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate influences of values (...) in science. However, the trust and the objectionable values concerns constitute no good reason for demarcation criteria. (shrink)

The debate following Berlin's famous lecture Two Concepts of Liberty circled around the opposition between negative and positive liberty. Berlin delivered his lecture during the period of the Cold War. Therefore it not only provoked a very technical debate within analytic philosophy on the concept of liberty but also contained an important butdebatable political message: those who endorse positive liberty should be conscious of the fact that the logic of positive liberty leads, if not necessarily at least easily to despotism, (...) paternalism and even totalitarianism. It is no unimportant question then to ask whether no conception of political society can be developed which, without denying pluralism and negative liberty, would show that virtue and law are part of freedom, that freedom entails the exercise of certain actions without this leading up to the imposition of one conception of the good. In this article there is shown in what sense the republican or neo-roman vision of civil liberty can fulfil this requirement. The analysis of the different components of the republican conception of freedom shows that republicanism distinguishes itself from liberalism not so much by the defence of different institutions but by a different legitimation of them which ultimately has its origin in taking serious the proper finality of political society, in taking serious, as the Ancients did, the political and not only social nature of man. (shrink)

The Bush doctrine of preventive and pre-emptive strikes triggered a debate in academic and governmental circles about the possible legitimization of those concepts in international politics and possibly international law. This essay gives an overview of the practice of preventive and pre-emptive strikes, both before and after the Cold War. Further, it sketches the above-mentioned debate and the underlying trends explaining it. Finally, it assesses the new doctrine in light of a possible future incorporation of the concepts of preventive (...) and pre-emptive strikes into international law. A distinction will be made between three kind of preventive strikes: counter-terrorist, counter-proliferation, and preventing humanitarian disasters. (shrink)

Loin des traites du gouvernement visant a definir les bornes du pouvoir legitime, le Discours de la servitude volontaire presente la tyrannie comme la negation radicale de toute communaute civile. La ou tout est a un, aucune chose publique ne saurait subsister.Or la racine de cette appropriation tyrannique, c'est, en chacun, l'alienation consentie ou la servitude volontaire. De ce fondement enigmatique et revoltant de toute domination, La Boetie tire une serie de paradoxes qui sont autant d'avertissements constamment adresses a la (...) philosophie politique des Modernes. (shrink)

L'article explore la notion wébérienne de «domination rationnelle» comme outil pour analyser les rapports entre les efforts de gestion des populations indigènes par l'État colonial, et le développement d'une forme spécifique de rationalité scientifique, prenant pour objet ces populations: les savoirs anthropologiques. En s'appuyant sur le cas de l'Afrique coloniale française, on s'efforce de montrer comment les dimensions d'instrumentation (avec la production d'instruments d'identification et de compréhension) et de légitimation sont essentielles dans l'émergence de savoirs sur les sociétés et les (...) cultures indigènes, d'abord au sein des appareils administratifs, mais aussi dans les institutions savantes métropolitaines. L'appui au développement de la science de l'homme se fait dans le cadre de projets de « rationalisation » de la colonisation qui rapprochent des savants et des réformateurs liés à l 'École coloniale, voulant redéfinir la profession d'administrateur colonial comme «spécialiste des indigènes». (shrink)

Thomas d’Aquin situe l’obéissance parmi les vertus annexes de la justice, comme étant contenue sous chacune des vertus dites de déférence (religion, piété filiale, respect), mais il en dégage aussi la spécificité : vertu des êtres doués de volonté et d’intelligence, donc de liberté, elle se distingue de toute soumission de contrainte, et c’est par un choix intelligent et libre que l’être obéissant est amené à renoncer à sa volonté propre. Toutefois, ce n’est pas ce renoncement qui fournit à Thomas (...) le critère pour reconnaître l’obéissance authentique. Son seul critère de discernement est l’objet spécifique sur lequel porte l’obéissance, à savoir le précepte, émané d’une autorité légitime et que l’on vise à accomplir. Cette notion du précepte délimite strictement le domaine sur lequel une autorité exerce sa supériorité et, par là, protège l’obéissance du subordonné par un « droit » contre toute extension abusive de ce domaine de supériorité. Saint Thomas livre ainsi de précieux repères pour une juste conception et pratique de l’obéissance aussi bien qu’un rempart contre ses défigurations possibles. Il offre même une pensée de la résistance, qui n’est pas désobéissance mais jugement pratique orienté par les exigences de la charité, fin ultime de toute obéissance. La lecture ici proposée de la question 104 de la Secunda Secundae de la Somme de théologie, consacrée à la vertu d’obéissance, s’enrichit, en amont, des prolongements décisifs que Thomas en a donnés dans son traité de la vie religieuse, mais elle est aussi éclairée, en aval, par les fermes déterminations sur l’obéissance politique qu’il avait énoncées dans son traité des lois. (shrink)

Climate change is an existential risk reinforced by ordinary actions in afuent societies—often silently present in comfortable and enjoyable habits. This silence is sometimes broken, presenting itself as a nagging reminder of how our habits fuel a catastrophe. As a case in point, global warming has created a state of urgency among wine makers in Spain, as the alcohol level has risen to a point where it jeopardises wine quality and thereby Spanish viticulture. Eforts are currently being made to solve (...) this problem technologically by developing (non-GMO) strains of yeast that produce less alcohol. If successful, this could help save Spanish viticulture. This kind of technological solution is routinely criticised for ofering simplistic “techno-fx” solutions to solve complex societal problems. However, it is not clear what features are criticised by the notion of techno-fx and hence how to avoid this criticism. In our interpretation, the techno-fx notion is not exclusively used as a dismissive term. The notion points to a general virtue of engineering: to create technological solutions that work silently in the background. This asset of technological solutions might sometimes be problematic and sometimes not. Hence, it needs to be analysed case-by-case by paying attention to the moral relevance of the hidden implications of the technology and of the unrefective actions and habits that they facilitate. Such moral analysis will in turn inform strategies for foregrounding this technology to counteract silencing. We discuss what this means in the case of modifying yeast as a viticultural climate resilience strategy. (shrink)

No texto começa-se por recordar a controvérsia em torno da existência da filosofia portuguesa que se sustenta consubstanciar-se na questão: "há ou não filosofias especificamente nacionais, a cada nação corresponde uma filosofia própria?". Para solucionar o problema, seria indispensável fixar de modo indiscutível as noções de filosofia e nação. Não se aceitando a intuição das essências, que daria de modo directo e imediato as referidas noções, e entendendo-se que conceitos verdadeiros só podem surgir fundados num sistema, tentou-se, apenas, formular definições (...) convencionais de filosofia e nação, para estabelecer relações inegáveis entre elas, o que poderia dar um contributo para a problemática das filosofias nacionais, na hipótese de tais definições serem exactas ou, pelo menos, terem encontrado defensores. Considerou-se filosofia uma concepção do mundo racional, e nação uma certa comunidade de homens ligados pela istória e, porventura, por uma linguagem própria. Se a cada nação correspondesse uma filosofia cair-se-ia no relativismo, que é insustentável. Se se perfilhasse o ponto de vista que a filosofia depende da linguagem, logo da nação, a resposta seria que a linguagem expressa o pensamento, não é o pensamento. Assevera-se que uma concepção racional do mundo é sempre universal e que uma certa comunidade é, a fortiori, particular. A relação entre filosofia e nação será pois a do universal com o particular. Não é lícito absorver a filosofia na nação, como se esta fosse o universal concreto, nem dissolver aquela num universal que, nessa altura, seria abstracto. O universal supera o particular, sem o destruir, estando numa relação dialéctica com ele. O universal é, assim, universalização do particular. Por consequência, a filosofia será nacional mas de um "nacional" que se saiba auto-ultrapassar. O momento nacional é somente um momento da filosofia, não a própria filosofia na sua universalidade. /// Le texte commence par rappeler la controverse autor de l'existence de la philosophie portugaise, dont on affirme qu'elle s'identifie avec la question "y a-t-il, ou non, des philosophies spécifiquement nationales? A chaque nation correspond une philosophie propre?". Pour apporter une solution à ce problème, il serait indispensable de fixer de façon indiscutable les notions de philosophies et de nation. Comme on n'accepte pas l'intuition des essences, qui fournirait de façon directe et immédiate les notions mentionnées et comme on pense que de vrais concepts ne peuveunt surgir que fondés en un système, on a seulement essayé de formuler des définitions conventionnelles de philosophie et de nation en vue d'établir des relations irrécusables entre elles, ce qui pourrait constituer un apport pour la problématique des philosophies nationales, dans l'hypothèse que de telles définitions sont exactes ou ont, pour le moins, rencontré des adeptes. On considère la philosophie comme une conception rationnelle du monde et la nation, une certainne communauté d'hommes liés par l'histoire et, en particulier, pour une langue propre. Si à chaque nation correspondait une philosophie, on tomberait dans le relativisme, ce qui est insoutenable. Si l'on partageait le point de vue d'après lequel la philosophie dépend du langage, par suite, de la nation, la réponse serait que le langage exprime la pensée, n'est pas la pensée. On assure qu'une conception rationnelle du monde est toujours universelle et qu'une communauté donnée est particulière. La relation entre philosophie et nation sera donc celle qui existe entre l'universel et le particulier. Il n'est pas licite d'absorber la philosophie dans la nation, comme si celle-ci était l'universel concret, ni dissoudre celle-là dans un universel qui alors serait abstrait. /// Is there or is there not a specifically national philosophy? To each nation is there a corresponding philosophy? To answer these questions, which are certainly pertinent to the controversy concerning the existence of a Portuguese philosophy, one should state clearly what can be meant by philosophy and nation. By eliminating the approach by which one imagines it possible to have immediate and direct intuitions of these notions and by considering that true concepts are those that can be founded within a system, an attempt has been made here to formulate conventional definitions of philosophy and of nation in the hope that these definitions could be conjugated and made more precise. The idea that there be at the same time a rational world and a particular rationality, belonging to a particular community of men bound together by a common history and language, has been judged illusory. If to every nation there were a corresponding philosophy, an unbearable relativism would prevail. If one were to maintain that philosophy depended on language, and thus a nation, then the response would be that while language expresses thought, language is not thought. It is not legitimate to assimilate philosophy to a nation, as if the latter were a concrete universal; in this sense, it would be simply abstract. The universal overcomes the particular without destroying it, for the relationship is dialectical in nature: the universal is thus the universalization of the particular. Therefore, philosophy in national if one considers national as that which is capable of overcoming itself; the national moment is only a moment of philosophy, and not philosophy as such in its universality. (shrink)

O presente artigo tem por objetivo apresentar a relação entre biopolítica e nazismo à luz da obra de Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben. Para Foucault, o nazismo utilizou-se do racismo de Estado para proteger uma raça e legitimar a morte daqueles que representavam uma espécie de perigo biológico. Seguindo a mesma via, Agamben nos convida a refletir sobre os campos de concentração não como um fato histórico superado, mas como uma estrutura de poder que vem sendo cada vez mais utilizada (...) nas democracias contemporâneas, marcada pela vigência do estado de exceção e produção da vida nua.Palavras-chave: Foucault.Agamben.Biopolítica. Campo. AbstractThis article aims to present the relationship between biopolitics and Nazism in the light of the work of Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben. According to Foucault, Nazism used state racism to protect a race and legitimize the death of those who represented a kind of biological danger. Following the same path, Agamben invites us to reflect on the concentration camps not as an outdated historical fact, but as a power structure which has been increasingly used in contemporary democracies, marked by the validity of the state of exception and production of bare life.Keywords: Foucault. Agamben. Biopolitics. Field. ORCID https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1386-955X. (shrink)

A crucial imperative for decolonial praxis in the liberal settler colony is to radically delegitimise the prevailing social order. This is regarded as necessary to achieving genuinely decolonial forms of social transformation rather than merely the ongoing modification of colonial rule. I propose here, however, that such objectives depend not simply on delegitimising the colonial regime as such, but also on finding ways to expose and challenge its resources of legitimating power, that is, the capacity to shape and reshape perceptions (...) of legitimacy in the public sphere, and thus render legitimacy a moving rather than static target for opponents. I explore, here, the potential for a basic democratic grammar of contestation to be utilised in this task. The promise of such a grammar lies in its permanent availability to problematise rule arranging powers in the public sphere, and thus work to expose their unjustified nature. It also carries a threat, however, in that its public activation always arouses a broader array of normative forces, some aspects of which might oppose or undermine decolonial objectives. Whilst the democratic grammar holds promise for challenging liberal legitimating power, then, it must also be treated with caution from a decolonial perspective. (shrink)

La carriere de Maine de Biran, homme public, se poursuit durant toute son existence et s'il se plaint frequemment de ne pas disposer du temps indispensable pour la redaction de ses ouvrages philosophiques, c'est parce qu'il est accapare par ses taches dans la fonction publique ou dans les assemblees representatives. Il surmontera les sept regimes auquel il jura fidelite et en vint, avec la Restauration, au regime politique qui s'accordait avec ses pensees relatives a sa troisieme vie. Pour la premiere (...) fois, on disposera de ces ecrits de philosophie politique qui permettent de constater que le philosophe n'est pas un simple executant au service des gouvernements illegitimes puis legitimes. Penser son existence politique, c'est faire entrer ce large champ public dans le domaine philosophique. (shrink)

La réalisation libre de soi présuppose chez Ricoeur une juste articulation des notions d'autonomie et de dépendance dans les registres multiples d'une existence fragile, vulnérable et mortelle. Pour fonder en raison cette affirmation, je me suis au préalable employé à reconstruire la compréhension particulière de l'être du soi qui préside à la réflexion éthique de Ricoeur. Au cœur même de l'analyse phénoménologico-herméneutique de la conscience, le sujet humain est compris comme un être en devenir libre. La liberté est une création (...) dont l'initiative revient à deux instances : l'altérité de la conscience et l'ipséité, créditée de la capacité de s'approprier l'initiative de l'altérité de la conscience. Seul un être capable, dans son intériorité, du libre jeu de cette double initiative, est aussi capable d'une éthique qui, au plan historique, requiert d'articuler la médiation de l'altérité d'autrui et des institutions justes avec la capacité de reprise du soi. A partir de cette thèse de Ricoeur, cette étude rend compte du remembrement qu'il opère entre l'ontologie de l'acte, l'éthique interpersonnelle et l'éthique de la légitimation du lien social. Autant l'ontologie du soi agissant et souffrant conduit à l'éthique de la vie bonne avec et pour autrui dans des institutions justes, autant une telle éthique présuppose une telle ontologie au niveau basique et l'accomplit au plan historique. (shrink)

Volume 19, Issue 10, October 2019, Page 1-2.

The problem of the nation is articulated as the philosophical problem of the relation between the political and the non-political in the context of modernity. When the political relevance of traditional non-political bonds is removed, a new cohesion needs to be found between free and equal individuals. Three solutions are possible. The liberal-universalistic solution claims that there is no other source of unity than the political process itself; it finds the ingredients of political loyalty in the common rational agreement upon (...) principles of democracy. The nationalistic solution is an attempt to find those ingredients in particularistic allegiances of a non-political, ethnic-cultural nature. Both solutions, present in the old French-German debate on the nation, as well as in recent debates between liberalism and communitarianism, are criticized. Their revival in recent times is explained by the fact that they both represent an erosion of the political sphere that is characteristic for a post-ideological society. The first neglects the specific determinateness of the political, reducing it to the internationality of the market or to the moralism of rights. The second neglects the political nature of democratic legitimation by founding it on the claim to embody a particular culture or „Volk”. — In a discussion with Sandel, it is agreed that the political dimension needs a determinate form of collective identity and a non-contractual form of foundation. This form should not be situated however in the imaginary givenness of an ethnic-cultural context, but in the common undertaking of the moral task of institutionalizing ideals of liberty. These ideals are not an abstract set of principles, but are necessarily mediated by a particular common heritage or a political culture. Finally it is shown that such interpretation of nation or national citizenship is parallel to recent philosophical endorsement of ideals of civic republicanism or constitutional patriotism. (shrink)

Absente des textes fiscaux, la citoyenneté semble pourtant un principe de justification de l'impôt moderne. Depuis le XVIIIe siècle, elle est intégrée dans deux discours complémentaires de légitimation. Le premier fait de la citoyenneté un élément de tempérament de l'absolutisme fiscal. Le second fonde sur cette citoyenneté la souveraineté fiscale de l'État. Ignorée par le droit positif, contestée par des discours concurrents, tel celui de l'impôt-échange, sapée par le recul de l'État-Nation, la citoyenneté reste encore une notion centrale de la (...) philosophie de l'impôt. (shrink)

No one will deny that the history of the last two centuries is incomprehensible without some insight into the meaning of nationalism. In the modern world, references to ‘nation’ and ‘national feelings’ are political forces of the first order that have played a much greater role than have references to other ideas that had raised expectations among political thinkers. Nevertheless, it is not a simple matter to define nation and nationalism; the terms have a weak analytical and explanatory power. We (...) lack a definition that would allow us to determine unequivocally and objectively whether or not we have to do with a nation. Many objective criteria for identification are proffered individually or in combination. None, however, has been consistently satisfactory.A first superficial examination shows that nationalism has a chameleon-like character. It is presented, and we experience it, as a liberating force freeing individuals and peoples from social and political serfdom. Linked to this liberal ‘Risorgimento-nationalism’, which coincided with the political emancipation of the bourgeoisie, was the hope for a better future, for economic prosperity and for the reification of such universal values as human rights, equality, justice and the constitutional democratic rule of law. Yet nationalism has also appeared to include an imperialistic tendency towards domination, belligerent aggression and expansion, racism and exclusion, authoritarianism and rightist radicalism, a blind and infatuated cult of ones’ own. International conflicts were fought and legitimized in the name of nations’ ‘natural’ borders, in terms of return to the homeland, of irredentism.Seen thus, there seems to be two nationalisms: one liberal, liberating nationalism of peoples and another official or state nationalism that proceeds from the nation state and serves its needs. The question is whether this superficial distinction gains any insight. Often, once national liberation has been accomplished and the nation state established, nationalism of peoples is mobilized by and for state nationalism. Nor should we forget that the nationalism of peoples has from the start the establishment of its own nation state as its goal. From this it is evident that our understanding of nationalism is hindered by its seldom being observable in a pure state. It is nearly always linked to other political, social, and religious ideas and values which in turn strengthens its grasp on hearts and minds. (shrink)

This paper intends to redeem, even modestly, the temporality and the narrativity present in the Discourse on the Method, and thus, to situate them in relation to the Cartesian project of legitimizing its conception of science and philosophy – step that marks his metaphysical turn given the condemnation of Galileo in 1633. Complementing and deepening this key of reading of the small essay of Descartes, we will trace a brief analysis of the philosophical meaning of the figure of the Journey (...) – present in an important way in the body of the text. In this spirit, our proposal is to understand how the aesthetic dimension of this Descartes’s work dialogues with its philosophical dimension. (shrink)

ABSTRACT In this research,1 we aim to analyze how misogyny establishes itself in an interaction on X (formerly Twitter) to legitimize hate speech, under the argument of opinion defense. Theoretically, in light of Interactional Sociolinguistics and Pragmatics, we conceive that impoliteness strategies contribute to the construction of linguistic-discursive violence scenarios in online-mediated interactions, as they both reduce interlocutive distance and generate sexist, misogynistic, patriarchal, and antifeminist metapragmatics. Methodologically, we adopted a qualitative approach to analyze an interaction on X based on (...) the inclusion and exclusion criteria proposed in this study, using the netnographic method. Analytically, we observed that interlocutors C, E, and F frequently used impoliteness strategies in constructing opinion-based discourses to attack feminism and legitimize hate speech. (shrink)

Cet article examine la notion de légitimation de l’État constitutionnel démocratique. Après avoir traité la question de la reconstruction de la cohérence entre démocratie et droits de l’homme, l’auteur aborde les critiques adressées à cette conception des droits de l’homme, tant dans le discours de l’Occident sur lui-même que dans le discours que d’autres cultures tiennent sur lui. Ces réflexions présentent cependant le type occidental de légitimation comme une réponse aux défis universels auxquels ne sont plus soumis de nos jours (...) uniquement la civilisation occidentale. (shrink)

Résumé Le système juridique afghan est formé de pratiques coutumières, de principes de la shari’a, de lois promulguées par l'état, et de normes internationales. Cet arsenal législatif a généralement été étudié en prêtant une attention particulière à la coexistence et/ou à la confrontation entre systèmes de référence différents, mais en négligeant le plus souvent les interrelations créées par la fusion de pratiques, de valeurs et de modèles comportementaux socialement reconnus. Dans cet article, j’essaierai de démontrer que les cours de justice (...) de Kaboul comportent un important rôle coutumier, dont l’objectif principal est celui de légitimer le travail des juges. L’analyse de la situation actuelle, éclairée par une recherche ethnographique menée à Kaboul à partir de 2005, s’appuie sur une rétrospective historique qui tient compte des importantes transformations politico-juridiques survenues au cours des 150 dernières années, marquées par de multiples réformes et par des changements tumultueux de régime. (shrink)

Résumé Le système juridique afghan est formé de pratiques coutumières, de principes de la shari’a, de lois promulguées par l'état, et de normes internationales. Cet arsenal législatif a généralement été étudié en prêtant une attention particulière à la coexistence et/ou à la confrontation entre systèmes de référence différents, mais en négligeant le plus souvent les interrelations créées par la fusion de pratiques, de valeurs et de modèles comportementaux socialement reconnus. Dans cet article, j’essaierai de démontrer que les cours de justice (...) de Kaboul comportent un important rôle coutumier, dont l’objectif principal est celui de légitimer le travail des juges. L’analyse de la situation actuelle, éclairée par une recherche ethnographique menée à Kaboul à partir de 2005, s’appuie sur une rétrospective historique qui tient compte des importantes transformations politico-juridiques survenues au cours des 150 dernières années, marquées par de multiples réformes et par des changements tumultueux de régime. (shrink)

This paper aims to share reflections produced in the core of a research developed in everyday life of a school located in the city of Rio de Janeiro, in order to think the teacher training process and the child's potentiality in it. Through an investigation from the perspective of research with daily life, making use of narratives produced in the field notebook and of impressions and senses created throughout the investigation, brings two scenes experienced in the daily life of the (...) mentioned public school and, with them, discusses concepts of training and child, defending the latter as a legitimate other in teacher education and training as a singular process and at the same time, collective and polyphonic. Finally, from the proposed problematization, the text invites us to think training with childhood in the quality of training as experience: that one which makes us think and think about ourselves, that is a training that moves us and causes us to inquire about our certainties and crystallized truths, invites us to be already others of ourselves, to rethink our ways of being, to be and to live the teaching experience with the children. Therefore, it is an invitation to think about our place and the place of children, in other words, our relationship in education and teacher's training. (shrink)

In a previous issue of Tijdschrift voor Filosofie, Filip Buekens argues that evolutionary psychology (EP), or some interpretations thereof, have a corrosive impact on our ‘manifest self-image’. Buekens wants to defend and protect the global adequacy of this manifest self-image in the face of what he calls evolutionary revisionism. Although we largely agree with Buekens’ central argument, we criticize his analysis on several accounts, making some constructive proposals to strengthen his case. First, Buekens’ argument fails to target EP, because his (...) notion of the ‘constitutive conditions’ of our attitudes is too wide and too extensive. Second, his defense of the global adequacy of our attitudes does not allow for sufficient differentiation to analyze the problem of potential self-refutation with respect to EP. Third, his account of knowledge about constitutive conditions, and its impact on our self-image, is problematic. We provide a more detailed explanation for the pervasiveness of evolutionary revisionism and other misconceptions about EP. Finally, we consider in what sense EP may legitimately affect our self-image, and whether it can truly inspire corrections of our view of human nature. (shrink)

From a doctoral research based on the theoretical and methodological construction of the Feminist Sociology of Religion, the referent text presents a discussion about power and domination of gender in the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God. The study adopts the religion as a sociological problem in order to raise some discussion points from the construction process and articulation of the relationship between power and gender resistance in religion. The doctoral thesis researched three major Pentecostal churches and found that (...) in all of them the official discourse reproduces the view that the physical skills of becoming pregnant makes women physically unable to take positions and power activities in the church than men. This judgment strengthens the association between male domination and religious power because it reinforces the community's own complicity and thus continue tolerating that men benefit from this argument to legitimize their positions of power in the church. From the notion of "innate fragility of women" the church keeps women on the margins of competition for religious status. The founding elements of the "feminine nature ideology" show that men do not want to lose the attention and personal services that are still accustomed to receive from their mothers, wives or sisters. So, weaken this ideology would open the possibility of losing this style of women, because this empowerment process would allow women conquer spaces and rights usually enjoyed only by men. Therefore, this text aims to present some daily practices of resistance and insubordination to social relationships that insist on keeping the Pentecostal women to domestic and family sphere, in other words, distant from the pulpit and church spheres of power. (shrink)

La carriere de Maine de Biran, homme public, se poursuit durant toute son existence et s'il se plaint frequemment de ne pas disposer du temps indispensable pour la redaction de ses ouvrages philosophiques, c'est parce qu'il est accapare par ses taches dans la fonction publique ou dans les assemblees representatives. Il surmontera les sept regimes auquel il jura fidelite et en vint, avec la Restauration, au regime politique qui s'accordait avec ses pensees relatives a sa troisieme vie. Pour la premiere (...) fois, on disposera de ces ecrits de philosophie politique qui permettent de constater que le philosophe n'est pas un simple executant au service des gouvernements illegitimes puis legitimes. Penser son existence politique, c'est faire entrer ce large champ public dans le domaine philosophique. (shrink)

This article uses the Swedish example to illustrate how corporate social responsibility (CSR) is understood and interpreted when it enters a welfare state context where social issues have traditionally been the domains of the state and of politicians. Among the implications one finds a relative scepticism of traditionally strong actors on the labour market, such as the state, trade unions and employers. This relative scepticism is primarily explained by an enduring idea of the role of business in society which stands (...) in contradistinction to the idea expressed in the corporate centred idea of CSR. Still, CSR gains a foothold in the welfare state context, mainly because of the flexibility of the concept which allows for 'escape routes' — an understanding of CSR that focusses on issues at arm's length from the traditional welfare context. CSR also benefits from being codified in soft regulation, thereby becoming a legitimate super-national point of reference for all relevant actors. The possibility of developing new global arenas for espousing ideals partly in conflict with traditional ones also explains why CSR has become an established concept. In Sweden, such arenas have been created through the activities of multinational corporations, NGOs, investors, the media, consultants and other actors. (shrink)

Explanatory diversity is a salient feature of the sciences of the mind, where different projects focus on neural, psychological, cognitive, social or other explanations. The same happens within embodied cognitive science, where ecological, enactive, dynamical, phenomenological and other approaches differ from each other in their explanations of the embodied mind. As traditionally conceived, explanatory diversity is philosophically problematic, fueling debates about whether the different explanations are competing, compatible, or tangential. In contrast, this paper takes the perspective of embodied cognitive science (...) as its starting point and accordingly approaches explanatory diversity not as a problem to be solved, but as a phenomenon to be understood. Recent work has explored how the view of cognition as embodied motivates reflexively viewing science as a situated embodied cognitive practice. Here I argue that this reflexive turn motivates adopting a pluralistic stance when it comes to questions about theoretical and methodological disagreements. In particular, it motivates moving away from thinking in terms of explanations as disembodied entities that compete with one another, and instead thinking in terms of different explanatory styles as embodied practices of explaining, many of which might be legitimate and warranted independently of whether and how the explanations themselves relate to one another. (shrink)

This article develops a conceptual framework for regulating Artificial Intelligence (AI) that encompasses all stages of modern public policy-making, from the basics to a sustainable governance. Based on a vast systematic review of the literature on Artificial Intelligence Regulation (AIR) published between 2010 and 2020, a dispersed body of knowledge loosely centred around the “framework” concept was organised, described, and pictured for better understanding. The resulting integrative framework encapsulates 21 prior depictions of the policy-making process, aiming to achieve gold-standard societal (...) values, such as fairness, freedom and long-term sustainability. This challenge of integrating the AIR literature was matched by the identification of a structural common ground among different approaches. The AIR framework results from an effort to identify and later analytically deduce synthetic, and generic tool for a country-specific, stakeholder-aware analysis of AIR matters. Theories and principles as diverse as Agile and Ethics were combined in the “AIR framework”, which provides a conceptual lens for societies to think collectively and make informed policy decisions related to what, when, and how the uses and applications of AI should be regulated. Moreover, the AIR framework serves as a theoretically sound starting point for endeavours related to AI regulation, from legislation to research and development. As we know, the (potential) impacts of AI on society are immense, and therefore the discourses, social negotiations, and applications of this technology should be guided by common grounds based on contemporary governance techniques, and social values legitimated via dialogue and scientific research. (shrink)

Following Hegel's remark that art is a “thousand-eyed Argos,” one can formulate the assumption that under contemporary conditions art and surveillance state do not necessarily exclude, but reflect each other. The film minority report as popular art offers a visual self-reflection on this proposition. The central question is whether and to what extend this film performs a legitimization or delegitimization of the normative order. German Hegels Beobachtung von der Kunst als tausendäugigem Argus folgend lässt sich unter zeitgenössischen Bedingungen die (...) These aufstellen, dass Kunst und Überwachungsstaat sich nicht zwingend gegenseitig ausschließen, sondern ineinander spiegeln. Der Film minority report bietet dazu als populäres Kunstwerk anschauliche Selbstreflexion. Die leitende Frage ist, ob und inwiefern dieser Film eine Legitimierung oder Delegitimierung der normativen Ordnung leistet. (shrink)

El actual debate sobre el papel de la "esfera pública" en la política moderna no asume un concepto único de lo "público". La reconstrucción habermasiana de la esfera pública enfatiza la apertura inclusiva de la interacción discursiva a través de la sociedad civil, pero también sus efectos políticos al proveer legitimación reflexiva y una formación racional de la opinión. La esfera pública también se relaciona con el aparecer en común y actuar juntos; o es vinculada con la cultura política, con (...) los códigos sociales de expresión y los modos de presentación entre otros, con la opinión pública y con los múltiples públicos de la sociedad civil moderna. Tocqueville propone una interpretación matizada y multidimensional del espíritu público en la revolución democrática moderna. De ese modo, va más allá de las interpretaciones del espacio público racionalistas e idealizadas (como un ámbito comprehensivo de consenso discursivo); a través de la interpretación de Tocqueville de la sociedad y la cultura pública democráticas, se esboza la posibilidad de una esfera pública descentrada y asimétrica. Current debate over the role of "public sphere" in modern politics does not presuppose a single conception of the "public". Habermas' reconstruction of public sphere stresses the inclusive openness of discursive interaction through civil society, but also its political effects in providing reflexive legitimization and a rational formation of opinion. Public sphere is related also to appearing in common and acting together; or it is linked with public political culture, with social codes of expression and modes of presentation between others, with public opinion and with the multiple publics of modern civil society. Tocqueville proposes a qualified and multidimensional interpretation of the public spirit in modern democratic revolution. So, he goes beyond rationalist and idealized interpretations of public sphere (as a comprehensive realm of discursive consensus); through Tocqueville's interpretation of democratic society and political culture, the possibility of a de-centered and asymmetrical public sphere is outlined. (shrink)

The idea of personalised medicine (PM) has gathered momentum recently, attracting funding and generating hopes as well as scepticism. As PM gives rise to differing interpretations, there have been several attempts to clarify the concept. In an influential paper published in this journal, Schleidgen and colleagues have proposed a precise and narrow definition of PM on the basis of a systematic literature review. Given that their conclusion is at odds with those of other recent attempts to understand PM, we consider (...) whether their systematic review gives them an edge over competing interpretations. We have found some methodological weaknesses and questionable assumptions in Schleidgen and colleagues’ attempt to provide a more specific definition of PM. Our perplexities concern the lack of criteria for assessing the epistemic strength of the definitions that they consider, as well as the logical principles used to extract a more precise definition, the narrowness of the pool from which they have drawn their empirical data, and finally their overlooking the fact that definitions depend on the context of use. We are also worried that their ethical assumption that only patients’ interests are legitimate is too simplistic and drives all other stakeholders’ interests—including those that are justifiable—underground, thus compromising any hope of a transparent and fair negotiation among a plurality of actors and interests. As an alternative to the shortcomings of attempting a semantic disciplining of the concept we propose a pragmatic approach. Rather than considering PM to be a scientific concept in need of precise demarcation, we look at it as an open and negotiable concept used in a variety of contexts including at the level of orienting research goals and policy objectives. We believe that since PM is still more an ideal than an achieved reality, a plurality of visions is to be expected and we need to pay attention to the people, reasons and interests behind these alternative conceptions. In other words, the logic and politics of PM cannot be disentangled and disagreements need to be tackled addressing the normative and strategic conflicts behind them. (shrink)

Over the last few decades, our theories of fundamental physics have become increasingly detached from empirical data. Recently, Richard Dawid has argued that the progressive separation of theory from experiment is concomitant with a number of changes in the methodology of the discipline. More precisely, Dawid has argued that the new methods of fundamental physics amount to a form of non-empirical confirmation, and that physical theories may therefore be confirmed even in the absence of empirical data. In this paper, I (...) critically engage with Dawid's views on non-empirical physics. My main target is the excessively central role that, in my view, the notion of non-empirical confirmation plays on Dawid's analysis. I will therefore argue that, while non-empirical methods may legitimately be employed in physics, those are not always deployed with the purpose of confirming scientific theories. Non-empirical arguments may also be used in order to ground pragmatic choices regarding what theories deserve to be further developed—and this is an aspect of the work that non-empirical methods perform that cannot be solely understood in terms of Dawid's notion of non-empirical confirmation. I support these claims by making use of a case-study from the early history of particle physics. The case-study concerns a theory of the strong force that J. J. Sakurai introduced in 1960. As we shall see, both the genesis of Sakurai's theory as well as the arguments that he used to defend it provide direct support for my own views on the role that non-empirical methods play in physics. Finally, I conclude the paper by introducing a notion that I believe is useful in making sense of the manner in which the pragmatic and the epistemic dimensions of non-empirical reasoning relate to each other, namely the notion of a cognitive attitude. -/- . (shrink)

Résumé L’esthétique de Mikel Dufrenne mérite mieux que l’oubli dans lequel elle est aujourd’hui tombée. C’est ce que révèle l’analyse de ses échanges avec Jean-François Lyotard, qui fut son thésard avant de devenir un interlocuteur privilégié de ses réflexions sur l’art et la politique. Avec l’opposition de Dufrenne à l’« esthétique libidinale » de Lyotard, on n’a pas affaire à la vaine réaction du maître contre un disciple devenu plus puissant que lui. Car si, avec Lyotard, Dufrenne se réjouit de (...) l’importance reconnue aux investissements du désir dans l’art, il en appelle contre lui à la vigilance, pour que des mouvements légitimes de subversion ne sombrent pas dans de violentes, inutiles et injustes perversions. (shrink)

Art restorations often give rise to controversy, and the reason does not always seem to be a lack of skill or dedication on the side of the restorer. Rather, in some of the most famous cases, the reason seems to be a lack of agreement on basic principles. In particular, there seems to be a lack of agreement on how the following two questions are to be answered. First, what is art restoration supposed to achieve, in other words, what is (...) the goal of restoration? Second, how can this goal be achieved, in other words, what are the means that a restorer can legitimately make use of? In this paper, I formulate, and defend, a principle that answers these questions. Although the principle may sound platitudinous, it has been contradicted by prominent philosophers and by important organizations concerned with conservation. Moreover, defending the principle turns out to be impossible without touching on such vexed philosophical issues as the ontology and identity of artworks, as well as the nature of perceptual and aesthetic properties (including the nature of artistic value). (shrink)

Resumo Com base na teoria da religião, qual seja, de que a religião ou o trabalho religioso, desenvolvido pelos profissionais especializados e investidos do poder institucional, deve sempre responder às eventuais dificuldades, instabilidades ou ameaças contextuais que se instauram no campo religioso, pretenderemos evidenciar, neste artigo, a natureza particular dos interesses religiosos e a forma legitimadora no estabelecimento de suas funções na elaboração de diretrizes e normalizações da Igreja Católica. No firme propósito de coibir algumas práticas e fazer com que (...) os leigos do Movimento da Renovação Carismática Católica (MRCC) cumpram algumas ações específicas ( habitus religiosus ), os bispos da CNBB elaboram o documento 53, da CNBB. Nesse sentido, buscamos mostrar, in concreto , que a prática sacerdotal e as sistematizações impostas pela Igreja Católica da qual o corpo de profissionais (sacerdotes) são seus representantes legítimos e burocraticamente organizados nos seus deveres administrativos procuram manter o monopólio dos bens de salvação. Assim, ao anunciar que extra ecclesiam nulla salus , em oposição a quaisquer ameaças internas ou externas, busca garantir seu poder de legitimação que uma religião exerce sobre a força material e simbólica. Palavras-chave: Teoria da religião; Igreja Católica; Resistência clerical; Renovação Carismática.Based on the theory of religion, according to which religion or religious work, carried out by specialized professionals invested with institutional power, must always face eventual difficulties, instabilities or contextual threats found in the religious field, this article focuses on the particular nature of religious interests and the legitimizing form in which their religious functions are established for the elaboration of guidelines and norms for the Catholic Church. In order to restrain some practices and to make the MRCC laymen ( Movimento de Renovação Carismática Católica - Movement for the Catholic Charismatic Renewal) carry out some specific actions ( habitus religiosus ), the CNBB bishops ( Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil - National Conference of Brazilian Bishops) elaborated CNBB document 53. In that sense, we try to demonstrate, in concreto, that the priestly practice and systematizations imposed by the Catholic Church, whose body of professionals (priests) are its legitimate representatives bureaucratically organized in their administrative duties, endeavor to keep the monopoly of salvation. Thus, in announcing that extra ecclesiam nulla salus , in opposition to any internal or external threats, they attempt to guarantee the legitimizing power that a religion exerts on the material and symbolic force. Key words: Theory of religion; Catholic Church; lerical resistance; Charismatic Renewal. (shrink)

The increasing use of Artificial Intelligence for making decisions in public affairs has sparked a lively debate on the benefits and potential harms of self-learning technologies, ranging from the hopes of fully informed and objectively taken decisions to fear for the destruction of mankind. To prevent the negative outcomes and to achieve accountable systems, many have argued that we need to open up the “black box” of AI decision-making and make it more transparent. Whereas this debate has primarily focused on (...) how transparency can secure high-quality, fair, and reliable decisions, far less attention has been devoted to the role of transparency when it comes to how the general public come to perceive AI decision-making as legitimate and worthy of acceptance. Since relying on coercion is not only normatively problematic but also costly and highly inefficient, perceived legitimacy is fundamental to the democratic system. This paper discusses how transparency in and about AI decision-making can affect the public’s perception of the legitimacy of decisions and decision-makers and produce a framework for analyzing these questions. We argue that a limited form of transparency that focuses on providing justifications for decisions has the potential to provide sufficient ground for perceived legitimacy without producing the harms full transparency would bring. (shrink)

In their recent article, Brown et al analyse several ethical aspects around immunity passports and put forward some recommendations for implementing them. Although they offer a comprehensive perspective, they overlook two essential aspects. First, while the authors consider the possibility that immunological passports may appear to discriminate against those who do not possess them, the opposite viewpoint of immune people is underdeveloped. We argue that if a person has been tested positive for and recovered from COVID-19, becoming immune to it, (...) she cannot be considered a hazard to public health and, therefore, the curtailment of her fundamental rights is not legitimate. Second, they omit that vaccine distribution will create similar problems related to immunity-based licenses. Vaccine certificates will de facto generate a sort of immunity passport. In the next phases of the pandemic, different immunity statuses will be at stake, because the need to identify who can spread COVID-19 is unavoidable. If a person does not pose a threat to public health because she cannot spread the infection, then her right to freedom of movement should be respected, regardless of how she acquired that immunity. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:482 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY G. E. Michalson, Jr. TheHistoricalDimensions ofaRattonalFaith. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1977. Pp. 222. $8.65. The primary intentionof this work is to argue that historical or ecclesiastical religion plays a vital role in Kant's religious thought, because it is necessary to provide a sensible content for the purely formal doctrine of Kant's "moral" religion. But Michalson resists that this strategy cannot succeed, because of (...) the technical requirements of Kant's eplstmology, and that we must ultimately encounter an "impasse" in Kant's thought on history and religion (pp. 77, 134, 169). This is an area of Kant's thought that has not until recently received the attention it deserves. A careful consideration of all the related issued helps one to recognize, from perhaps the most beneficial standpoint, how all the various parts of Kant's philosophical scheme fit together. Michalson quite rightly maintains that we must remain within the epistemological framework Kant has established for the Critical Philosophy. But unfortunately he recognizes only the negative aspects of this framework. What he chooses to call "Kant's principle of human limitations" (mentioned thirtynine times) is the essential element in his interpretation. Secondly, Michalson is unwilling to follow the lead of other commentators (e.g., Michel Despland and Ylrmiahu Yovel) in broadening the context still further in order to take into account the full scope of Kant's philosophical project. These two defects persist throughout Michalson's analysis, and ultimately they prevent any fruitful conclusions. The approach employed, in its most simple form, ~sto point out that historical religion belongs to the phenomenal order and that morality (as the basis for Kant's technical rehgious position) belongs to the noumenal order. Kant's recognition of the need to bridge this gap is dealt with in terms of the "schematism of analogy" (pp. 95, 112-13) mentioned in Religion withinthe Ltmits ofReasonAlone. Michalson provides an interpretation of the schematism m Chapter 3 and concludes that "Kant's Religion is not altogether consistent with certain basic teachings of the critical philosophy" (p. 132). His attempt to deal with this problem carries him into a discussion of teleology and the highest good (Chapter 4), and it is only in this concluding chapter that his various interpretive errors crystallze and produce their Inevitable consequences. Rather than emphasizing the negative aspects of Kant's conception of man, Despland offers Kant's positive perspective on man and his destiny----drawing, for example, on the Anthropologyfrom a PragmaticPoint of View. Employing equally good judgment, Yovel provides an interpretation of the highest good which shows it as the culmination (in the indefinite future) of the concrete process through which man's social, political, educational, and religious development takes place. These perspectives permit the historical dimension (both religious and secular) to be gradually transformed by the imposition of moral designs--as men ~lowly and painfully assume responsibility for directing the blind laws of nature into patterns that serve moral ends. Such commentators help us to see more clearly what Kant was attempting to achieve and how the elements of his total philosophical scheme are to be understood as interconnected. Michalson, on the other hand, has only his impasse to offer us. Because history is phenomenal and religion (as morality) is noumenal, he maintainsthat no bridge is possible between the two realms. But this is simply a failure to recognize Kant's strategy. For Kant is very careful to restrict knowledge (in the strict sense) to the phenomenal order. But he is equally clear in asserting that it is legitimate (indeed, necessary) to postulate those conditions which alone make it possible for us to act in conformity with the moral law. Therefore, we must postulate not only God and immortality but the possibility of a worldly order which conforms both to the laws of nature and to the moral law. And for Kant these postulates have the full strength of rational truths, m that--like the postulates of mathematics -reason cannot reject them. Interpreting Kant's phenomenon-noumenon distinction strictly (but misapplying it), Michalson insists that such a projected ideal state of the world is inconsistent with Kant's epistemological commitment. For such... (shrink)

This thesis is a narrative on how different groups struggle for the understanding provided to the Afro-Brazilian religions of the process promoted by the Brazilian State with the objective of a nationality configuration. An ongoing process which has no precise date for its beginning. The end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, when the debate on the construction of a nation ideal, the Brazilian nation, starts to emerge, mark the start of the reflection presented in this (...) thesis, which spans the 20th century, anchoring in the present times. It is therefore a reflection about a historic process according to the social sciences, especially anthropology. An issue spans the entire narrative: under which definition of religion was it possible to embrace such a religious segment in the public space? Instead of “definition”, in the singular form, it would be better to use "definitions", which varies throughout the process insofar as the Afro-Brazilian religions trace their passage from religion to culture, from culture to religion. The passage is a privileged moment of observation in which arguments that legitimize the presence of the Afro-Brazilian religious in the public space, are formulated. Arguments which contradicts, congregates, juxtapose themselves and are expressed in the debate about the Brazilian cultural heritage constitution. Thus, the formulation and execution of the public heritage policy, regarding the Afro-Brazilian religions is emphasized in the narrative, which also focus on the public racial policy, trying to present the articulations of the black movement and Afro-religious movement in the construction of these arguments. Considering the articulations not only in a national ground as well as in a local ground, in this case, the city of Belo Horizonte. (shrink)