La crisis es valorada fundamentalmente como una crisis económica, aunque en realidad afecta también a lo político y lo social. Por eso, la primera tarea debe consistir en replantear los axiomas de la economía que han desembocado en la creencia en el Homo economicus y la apología de la competitividad. Frente a ello, convendría desarrollar una política de la cooperación, que aquí recibe el nombre de contrademocracia. Esta cooperación no debería tener miedo del conflicto ni del rol, muchas veces problemático, (...) que debe desempeñar el otro, y ella encuentra su mejor ejemplificación en la concepción de la comunidad desarrollada por Jean-Luc Nancy y Roberto Esposito, lo que aquí llamamos una comunidad de la diferencia. (shrink)

En este artículo se realiza una aproximación a la moralidad desde una perspectiva neurológica que procura resaltar los aspectos prosociales del cerebro aunque también su inherente neuroplasticidad. Con esto se trata de recusar algunas de las frecuentes explicaciones que, de manera consciente o no, acaban por ofrecer un cuadro simplista y muchas veces determinista de la naturaleza humana. Asimismo se apela a un uso responsable y reflexivo de las neurociencias, enfatizando que el estudio del cerebro debe tener un carácter interdisciplinar. (...) La neurología aporta un conocimiento que es muy provechoso para una exploración biológica de la ética, como es el caso de las neuronas espejo, cuya existencia revaloriza la importancia del otro, quizá también como uno de los ingredientes cruciales de la moral. (shrink)

In this paper I examine how Hobbes’ philosophy can be read from an Arendtian perspective. I argue that Arendt provided two different interpretations of Hobbes: one set down in The Origins of Totalitarianism, where Hobbes is depicted as the spokesman of the emerging bourgeoisie; and another that she developed later, scattered among various texts such as The Human Condition and Between Past and Future. I focus on this second interpretation and on her analysis of concepts such as common sense, authority (...) and sovereignty. Firstly, I examine how she changes the meaning of common sense, and how this shift is linked to what Arendt understands by the expression “estrangement from the world.” Secondly, I explain how Hobbes redefined the concept of authority and how his notion of sovereignty deliberately conflated the dual concepts of authority and power. (shrink)

In this paper, I focus on Arendt’s concept of revolution in order to tackle the intricate relationship among past, present and future in the fields of action and politics. For this purpose, I propose to rethink the concept of authority and to show its possible connection with action and revolution. On the basis of her reflections on the American Revolution, I claim that authority and Arendt’s concept of power are not incompatible and can appear together. On the other hand, I (...) hold that if power seeks to found, establish and consolidate a new republic, it requires to be endorsed by authority. Authority can provide a horizon of longevity that is not present within power and can enable the task of foundation to succeed. (shrink)

El propósito de este artículo es profundizar en el pensamiento de Arendt y estudiar su interpretación del mundo griego, en diálogo con el estado actual de la historia de la antigua Grecia, en especial por lo que se refiere a los conceptos de acción, nomos y libertad, así como a la importancia del espacio político del ágora. Además, se tiene el objetivo de rebatir esa amplia recepción que le atribuye una suerte de ingenua grecomanía y de mostrar las limitaciones que (...) ella misma observa en el planteamiento político de la polis. Lo que se descubre es que Arendt no encuentra en la antigua Grecia ninguno de los contrapesos de la acción que considera necesarios para que ésta no caiga en la _hybris_, como son el perdón, la promesa y la autoridad, o que el concepto romano de _lex_, debido a su carácter relacional, resulta mucho más cercano a su comprensión de la política que el griego de _nomos_. (shrink)

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar y problematizar la influencia de Rousseau en Robespierre y, desde este ejemplo, examinar la cuestión de las influencias en general. Este artículo se propone rebatir esas interpretaciones en las que Robespierre es descrito básicamente como una especie de mera aplicación o extensión práctica del pensamiento de Rousseau. Para ello, se examinan las diferentes problemáticas relativas a su “gran influencia”: entre otras cosas, las contradicciones de este pensador con lo que se dijo en su (...) nombre, cómo fue reivindicado prácticamente por todos los bandos (incluso contrarrevolucionarios) o cómo hubo otras influencias muy importantes entre los principales actores revolucionarios (como la Antigüedad grecorromana). También se destaca que, aunque fuese de manera elogiosa, Rousseau fue poco citado explícitamente por Robespierre, razón por la que discursos son analizados en detalle, y se combinan este tipo de análisis internalistas con otros externalistas o contextuales. Con todo ello no se pretende negar la influencia, sino matizarla y mostrar cómo la recepción de Rousseau durante la Revolución Francesa fue productiva, compleja, coyuntural, cambiante y públicamente competida. De hecho, a menudo fue más importante la dimensión simbólica que la propiamente discursiva. (shrink)

En este artículo se quiere reflexionar acerca del papel de la tradición, la memoria y la revolución desde la obra de Benjamin y de Arendt. Para ello se aborda para empezar el posicionamiento del primero, en diálogo con Marx y otros revolucionarios del siglo XIX con el fin de ahondar en la importancia de la memoria para el presente y el futuro. Luego se analiza el pensamiento de Arendt para reflexionar sobre la tradición revolucionaria, sobre el uso revolucionario de la (...) tradición clásica durante la Revolución americana y sobre la olvidada república de consejos en la tradición revolucionaria. Ambos pensadores se proponen incorporar las cuestiones de la tradición y de la memoria en el presente, pero de tal modo que no se caiga en actitudes tradicionalistas o fetichistas. (shrink)

En este artículo se propone repensar la cuestión específica de la autoridad y captar cómo se entrelaza con la acción y la performatividad. Primero, se lleva a cabo una exposición de la acción según el pensamiento de Arendt y se muestra su carácter rupturista, natalicio y performativo. Luego, se aborda el problema de la performatividad en Butler y cómo no puede ser explicada exclusivamente desde la perspectiva de los actores. A continuación, se conecta lo anterior con la cuestión de la (...) autoridad y se plantea una reconsideración de ésta que nos puede ayudar a comprender cómo los espectadores pueden tener un rol activo y productivo en el éxito de la acción y en su incidencia en el mundo. (shrink)

La crisis es valorada fundamentalmente como una crisis económica, aunque en realidad afecta también a lo político y lo social. Por eso, la primera tarea debe consistir en replantear los axiomas de la economía que han desembocado en la creencia en el Homo economicus y la apología de la competitividad. Frente a ello, convendría desarrollar una política de la cooperación, que aquí recibe el nombre de contrademocracia. Esta cooperación no debería tener miedo del conflicto ni del rol, muchas veces problemático, (...) que debe desempeñar el otro, y ella encuentra su mejor ejemplificación en la concepción de la comunidad desarrollada por Jean-Luc Nancy y Roberto Esposito, lo que aquí llamamos una comunidad de la diferencia. (shrink)

En este trabajo se explora la comprensión del espacio político en Hannah Arendt. Primero, se estudiará la estrecha relación entre espacio y poder, tomando como ejemplo la apropiación del People’s Park por los estudiantes de Berkeley mencionado en Sobre la Violencia. Acto seguido, se da cuenta de cómo y por qué la reacción de las autoridades se centra en la recuperación y desalojo del parque ocupado, en tanto que espacio de poder, y se intenta reducir a la impotencia a los (...) estudiantes que protestaban. En la tercera parte del texto se conecta lo anterior con lo que esta autora entiende por “desierto” y “oasis” y se explica cómo el mundo se encuentra amenazado por un proceso de desertización que extingue lo político. Finalmente, se explica que los espacios, para ser políticos, dependen de su carácter relacional y que por eso no pueden ser identificados con un solo tipo de espacio determinado. (shrink)

En este trabajo se explora la comprensión del espacio político en Hannah Arendt. Primero, se estudiará la estrecha relación entre espacio y poder, tomando como ejemplo la apropiación del People’s Park por los estudiantes de Berkeley mencionado en Sobre la Violencia. Acto seguido, se da cuenta de cómo y por qué la reacción de las autoridades se centra en la recuperación y desalojo del parque ocupado, en tanto que espacio de poder, y se intenta reducir a la impotencia a los (...) estudiantes que protestaban. En la tercera parte del texto se conecta lo anterior con lo que esta autora entiende por “desierto” y “oasis” y se explica cómo el mundo se encuentra amenazado por un proceso de desertización que extingue lo político. Finalmente, se explica que los espacios, para ser políticos, dependen de su carácter relacional y que por eso no pueden ser identificados con un solo tipo de espacio determinado. (shrink)

Este escrito reivindica el poco recordado artículo 29.1 de la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos ante todo por dos razones: primero, porque reivindica el deber del individuo hacia la comunidad, tan importante para el cumplimiento real de los mismos derechos; segundo, porque este cumplimiento conduce además a un cuestionamiento constructivo sobre el resto de derechos de la Declaración y podría ser un fundamento para una ulterior revisión y regeneración. El artículo 29.1 interpela al individuo a la acción y lo (...) invita a convertirse en un ciudadano en un sentido pleno, intentando superar cierta retórica de los derechos humanos, muchas veces instrumental y perjudicial, otras un factor de despolitización. (shrink)

This article proposes to reread authority from a traditionally anti-authoritarian perspective such as the anarchist one and, specifically, from Bakunin’s thought. To this end, I analyze some little studied texts of the Russian anarchist and show that, despite his criticisms of authority, he did not want to abolish authority but to rethink and transform it. Bakunin’s proposal consisted in seeking an alternative face to hegemonic authority, which he explores from its most everyday and relational dimension and where it appears as (...) a close, spontaneous and more democratic reality that is based on freedom. Afterwards, the question of authority is examined from its more practical side, where the question of authority connects with the so-called “moral authority” and serves to question the classic hierarchical relationship between theory and action. In his reinterpretation of authority Bakunin finds a kind of power that goes beyond power and traditional authority. (shrink)

Vulnerability is an important concern of moral philosophy, political philosophy and many discussions in applied ethics. Yet the concept itself—what it is and why it is morally salient—is under-theorized. _Vulnerability, Autonomy, and Applied Ethics _brings together theorists working on conceptualizing vulnerability as an action-guiding principle in these discussions, as well as bioethicists, medical ethicists and public policy theorists working on instances of vulnerability in specific contexts. This volume offers new and innovative work by Joel Anderson, Carla Bagnoli, Samia Hurst, Catriona (...) Mackenzie and Christine Straehle, who together provide a discussion of the concept of vulnerability from the perspective of individual autonomy. The exchanges among authors will help show the heuristic value of vulnerability that is being developed in the context of liberal political theory and moral philosophy. The book also illustrates how applying the concept of vulnerability to some of the most pressing moral questions in applied ethics can assist us in making moral judgments. This highly innovative and interdisciplinary approach will help those grappling with questions of vulnerability in medical ethics—both theorists and practitioners—by providing principles along which to decide hard cases. (shrink)

The grounds for global solidarity have been theorized and conceptualized in recent years, and many have argued that we need a global concept of solidarity. But the question remains: what can motivate efforts of the international community and nation-states? Our focus is the grounding of solidarity with respect to global inequities in health. We explore what considerations could motivate acts of global solidarity in the specific context of health migration, and sketch briefly what form this kind of solidarity could take. (...) First, we argue that the only plausible conceptualization of persons highlights their interdependence. We draw upon a conception of persons as ‘ecological subjects’ and from there illustrate what such a conception implies with the example of nurses migrating from low and middle-income countries to more affluent ones. Next, we address potential critics who might counter any such understanding of current international politics with a reference to real-politik and the insights of realist international political theory. We argue that national governments – while not always or even often motivated by moral reasons alone – may nevertheless be motivated to acts of global solidarity by prudential arguments. Solidarity then need not be, as many argue, a function of charitable inclination, or emergent from an acknowledgment of injustice suffered, but may in fact serve national and transnational interests. We conclude on a positive note: global solidarity may be conceptualized to helpfully address global health inequity, to the extent that personal and transnational interdependence are enough to motivate national governments into action. (shrink)

El artículo busca analizar la paradoja que se puede descubrir en Amoris Laetitia entre una espiritualidad desde abajo y una espiritualidad desde arriba. El Papa Francisco busca romper esta tensión entre el ideal y la realidad a través del desarrollo de una espiritualidad familiar que se encuentra con Dios a partir de las flaquezas, de la incapacidad e incluso de los pecados. Ahora bien, cuando se refiere a temas propios de la moral conyugal y familiar, no puede sino articularlo desde (...) arriba, es decir, desde un ideal determinado que muchas veces prescinde del acercamiento fenomenológico, sin embargo, la paradoja encuentra caminos de solución a través de su concepción de la conciencia y el discernimiento. (shrink)

How to assess and deal with the claims of millions of displaced people to find refuge and asylum in safe and prosperous countries is one of the most pressing issues of modern political philosophy. In this timely volume, fresh insights are offered into the political and moral implications of refugee crises and the treatment of asylum seekers. The contributions illustrate the widening of the debate over what is owed to refugees, and why it is assumed that national state actors and (...) the international community owe special consideration and protection. Among the specific issues discussed are refugees' rights and duties, refugee selection, whether repatriation can be encouraged or required, and the ethics of sanctuary policies. (shrink)

Calls to expand temporary work programmes come from two directions. First, as global justice advocates observe, every year thousands of poor migrants cross borders in search of better opportunities, often in the form of improved employment opportunities. As a result, international organizations now lobby in favour of expanding ‘guest-work’ opportunities, that is, opportunities for citizens of poorer countries to migrate temporarily to wealthier countries to fill labour shortages. Second, temporary work programmes permit domestic governments to respond to two internal, contradictory (...) political pressures: (1) to fill labour shortages and (2) to do so without increasing rates of permanent migration. Temporary work programmes permit governments to appear ‘tough’ on migration, while responding to employer pressure to locate workers willing to work in low-skilled, poorly remunerated positions. The coincidence of national self-interest and global justice generates a strong case in favour of expanding guest-work. We evaluate the moral benefits and burdens of expanding guest-work opportunities, and conclude that although there are benefits to be gleaned from the perspective of global wealth redistribution, at present, temporary work programmes are generally unjust. We will argue that just temporary work programmes, in time, permit temporary workers to attain citizenship. This spells the end of traditional temporary work programmes, which require that workers return to their home country in time; instead, what is temporary is the employment obligation that must be fulfilled as a requirement to access citizenship. As long as this requirement is met, we endorse guest-work programmes as a tool to respond to global inequality. (shrink)

Discusses the nature and functions and philosophical foundations of law as well as the central problems of legal method.

The most outstanding feature of this book is that here, for the first time, is made available in a single volume all the important historical essays Edgar Zilsel (1891-1944) published during WWII on the emergence of modern science. This edition also contains one previously unpublished essay and an extended version of an essay published earlier. In these essays, Zilsel developed the now famous thesis, named after him, that science came into being when, in the late Middle Ages, the social (...) barriers between the intellectuals and the artisans were eroded, due to the fact that the rapidly expanding commercial classes of that period had a keen interest in improvements in technology. This class was city-based and stimulated a social environment in which men of learning came to regard the craftsmen and technicians with a new respect, in which they no longer felt any contempt for manual work and in which theory and practice were eventually combined to produce modern science. This critical edition also carries a long introduction in which much new material about Zilsel's life and work is presented. It suggests that a radical new look at Zilsel's project needs to be taken. Zilsel's essays on the history of science look like a standard case study to substantiate a particular position on the origins of modern science, but they were also an attempt to show that lawlike explanation in history and social theory is possible. It is claimed that Zilsel's historical essays were a part of another project he was working on which focused on the idea that social phenomena were open to causal explanation as much as physical phenomena. Hence the volume also contains the essays Zilsel wrote in relation to this other project. Previously there have been published a German and an Italian edition of the Zilsel essays. This edition is the first in English; compared to the other two editions this one is the first that includes unpublished material and the first to undertake a serious effort to research Zilsel's life and work. What is special about this volume is the well-articulated social perspective it takes on the origins of modern science. Audience: Students in early modern social history/history of science as well as professional philosophers, historians, and sociologists of science. (shrink)

Time passed after the commission of a wrong can affect how we respond to its agent now. Specifically it can introduce certain forms of complexity or ambivalence into our blaming responses. This paper considers how and why time might matter in this way. I illustrate the phenomenon by looking at a recent real-life example, surveying some responses to the case and identifying the relevant forms of ambivalence. I then consider a recent account of blameworthiness and its development over time that (...) purports to account for this ambivalence. Blameworthiness, on this account, consists in a psychological flaw; time matters because it brings the possibility of change in the agent, and ambivalence arises because it is hard to know to the extent of such change. This account, I argue, mischaracterises responses to the case and misidentifies the source of their ambivalence. Drawing on recent work in the philosophy of emotion, I sketch an alternative approach. Our responses, I suggest, make sense within processes through which we address wrongdoing. Time matters because these processes take time and because time’s having passed raises the question whether and how the wrong has been addressed. Unaddressed wrongs can elicit ambivalence of a specific form. (shrink)

We received several commentaries both challenging and supporting our hypothesis. We thank the commentators for their thoughtful contributions, bringing together alternative hypotheses, complementary explanations, and appropriate corrections to our model. Here, we explain further our hypothesis, using more explicitly the framework of evolutionary social sciences. We first explain what we believe is the ultimate function of fiction in general (i.e., entertainment) and how this hypothesis differs from other evolutionary hypotheses put forward by several commentators. We then turn to the proximate (...) features that make imaginary worlds entertaining and, therefore, culturally successful. We finally explore how these insights may explain the distribution of imaginary worlds across time, space, age, and social classes. (shrink)

Alan Turing is often portrayed as a materialist in secondary literature. In the present article, I suggest that Turing was instead an idealist, inspired by Cambridge scholars, Arthur Eddington, Ernest Hobson, James Jeans and John McTaggart. I outline Turing’s developing thoughts and his legacy in the USA to date. Specifically, I contrast Turing’s two notions of computability (both from 1936) and distinguish between Turing’s “machine intelligence” in the UK and the more well-known “artificial intelligence” in the USA. According to my (...) proposed historical interpretation, Turing did not view computations in the real world to be exhaustively and deterministically characterized by his automatic machines from 1936. (shrink)

In the popular imagination, the relevance of Turing's theoretical ideas to people producing actual machines was significant and appreciated by everybody involved in computing from the moment he published his 1936 paper ‘On Computable Numbers’. Careful historians are aware that this popular conception is deeply misleading. We know from previous work by Campbell-Kelly, Aspray, Akera, Olley, Priestley, Daylight, Mounier-Kuhn, Haigh, and others that several computing pioneers, including Aiken, Eckert, Mauchly, and Zuse, did not depend on Turing's 1936 universal-machine concept. Furthermore, (...) it is not clear whether any substance in von Neumann's celebrated 1945 ‘First Draft Report on the EDVAC’ is influenced in any identifiable way by Turing's work. This raises the questions: When does Turing enter the field? Why did the Association for Computing Machinery honor Turing by associating his name to ACM's most prestigious award, the Turing Award? Previous authors have.. (shrink)

Access to surrogacy is often cast in the language of rights. Here, I examine what form such a right could take. I distinguish between surrogacy as a right to assisted procreation, and surrogacy as a contractual right. I find the first interpretation implausible: it would give rise to claims against the state that no state can fulfil, namely the provision of sufficient surrogates to satisfy the need. Instead, I argue that the right to surrogacy can only be plausibly understood as (...) a contractual right. I then investigate two different sets of harms that are often employed to argue against such a contractual interpretation of the right to surrogacy: harm to women's interests in a gendered society, and harm to the sense of self of the surrogate. I assess both of these through the analytical lens of vulnerability. I find neither of them to be convincing arguments against surrogacy contracts. In conclusion, I agree that surrogacy contracts should be carefully regulated, but I disagree with those who call for prohibition of the right to surrogacy as a contractual right. (shrink)